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WILLIAM  THE  SILENT 


PRINCE  OF  ORANGE 

THE  MODERATE  MAN  OF  THE 
SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

The  story  of  his  life  as  told  from  his  own 
letters  from  those  of  his  friends  and 
enemies  and  from  official  documents 


By 

Ruth  Putnam 


Second  edition 
Volume  II 


G,  P.  Putnam’s  Sons 
New  York  and  London 
The  Knickerbocker  Press 
1398 


i - mm 


. 


. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

PAGE 

First  Fruits.  (1572) 1 

The  tenth  penny — Beggars  of  the  sea — Capture  of  Brill — 
Action  of  the  cities — Medina  Cceli — Recognition  of  the 
prince  as  stadtholder — His  return  to  the  Netherlands — Siege 
of  Mons — The  Massacre — Retreat  of  Louis. 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Beleaguered  Towns.,  (1572-1573) 25 

Naarden — The  prince  enters  Holland— Harlem — Discourage- 
ment— Overtures  from  France — Alkmaar — Orange  joins  Cal- 
vinist communion — Louis  and  Charles  IX. — Epistle  to  King 
of  Spain. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

The  Battle  of  Mook,  (1574) 56 

Middelburg  capitulates — The  Nassau  troops — Mook  Heath — 
Uncertainty  about  the  brothers — Death  of  Louis  and  Henry 
■ — The  mutiny — Peace  negotiations— Leyden — The  prince’s 
illness — The  new  university. 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

New  Bonds.  (1574-1575) 88 

The  prince  and  the  government — Conference  at  Breda — Char- 
lotte of  Bourbon — The  marriage — Criticism  in  Germany — 

The  new  union. 

iii 

0 


IV 


Contents. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

PAGE 

The  Union  of  Delft.  (1575-1576) 114 

Gains  of  the  enemy — Foreign  aid — Death  of  the  Grand  Com- 
mander— The  interregnum — The  union — Zierikzee — The 
mutiny — The  prince’s  efforts. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

The  Pacification  of  Ghent — The  United  Netherlands. 

(1576) 142 

The  states-general — Conference  at  Ghent — The  Spanish  Fury 
— The  Pacification  signed — Family  letters. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Don  John  of  Austria  and  the  Prince  of  Orange.  (1576- 

1577) 163 

The  new  governor — Negotiations  with  the  states — The  prince’s 
objections — The  Perpetual  Edict — The  Union  of  Brussels — 

Don  John  enters  the  capital — International  correspondence. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Gertruidenberg  and  Namur.  (1577) 189 

Don  John’s  overtures  to  Orange — Failure — Margaret  of  Valois 
— The  seizure  of  Namur — The  citadels  demolished — The 
new  governments — Foreign  negotiation. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

Brabant  Revisited — An  Anxious  Family.  (1577-1578)  . 215 

The  prince’s  children — Invitation  to  Brussels — The  outlaw’s 
return — Rupture  with  Don  John — Family  letters — Breda — 
Ruward  of  Brabant — Matthias  and  the  prince  enter  Brussels. 


Contents. 


v 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

PAGE 

Four  Knights.  (1578) 246 

Battle  of  Gembloux — The  states-general  leave  Brussels — The 
family  at  Antwerp— Boldness  of  the  sects — Count  John  and 
Guelderland — John  Casimir — Don  John’s  death — Alexander 
Farnese. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Two  Unions — Disunion.  (1578-1579) 273 

Peace  of  religion — Union  of  Arras — Union  of  Utrecht — A 
Paris  pantomime — Troubles  at  Ghent — The  congress  at 
Cologne — Maestricht — Negotiations  with  France. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

The  Ban.  (1580-1581) 300 

Appeals  to  states-general — The  prince  in  Holland — The  French 
alliance — Count  John — Death  of  Juliana  of  Stolberg — The 
proscription — The  apology — Treaty  of  Bordeaux — The  ab- 
juration. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

The  Hand  of  the  Assassin.  (1582) 333 

The  new  protector — Anjou  made  Duke  of  Brabant — John 
Jaureguy — Excitement  in  Antwerp— The  prince’s  illness — 
Charlotte  of  Bourbon. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

The  French  Protectorate.  (1582-1583)  ....  354 

Orange  and  Anjou  at  Bruges — The  duke’s  discontent — His 
plot — The  French  fury — Cousinly  letters — Louise  Coligny — 
Distrust  of  the  prince — Negotiations  with  Anjou. 


VI 


Contents . 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

PAGE 

Holland’s  Choice.  (1584) 383 

The  countship  of  Holland — Letter  of  acceptance — The  circu- 
lar-letter— The  new  constitution — Delays — The  prince’s 
memoir. 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

The  Ban  Successful.  (1584) 394 

The  family  at  Delft  — Assassins  — Balthazar  Gerard  — The 
prince’s  last  days — July  10th — The  murderer — A mourning 
city — The  funeral — The  prince’s  appearance — Epilogue. 

APPENDICES. 

A.  Genealogy  of  the  PIouse  of  Orange-Nassau  . . 433 

B.  Songs,  PIistorical  and  Political 434 

C.  Act  Declaring  the  Prince’s  Marriage  Legal  . . 444 

D.  Specimen  of  Cipher 446 

E.  Hubert  Languet 447 

F.  Hubert  Dovehouse 448 

G.  The  Principality  of  Orange 450 

H.  Portraits  of  William  the  Silent  ....  453 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  . 
INDEX  . 


. 459 

• 463 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


FACING  PAGE 

WILLIAM  THE  SILENT.  (FROM  AN  ENGRAVING  BY 
J.  H.  TURNER  AFTER  THAT  BY  JOHN  WEIRIX, 
i555_i62°  (?) ) . . . . Frontispiece 

ALLEGORY,  REPRESENTING  THE  BELGIAN  LION 
CRUSHED  BY  SPAIN.  (REDRAWN  FROM  AN  OLD 
PRINT  2 

THE  CAPTURE  OF  BRILL,  APRIL  I,  1572.  (REDRAWN 

FROM  AN  OLD  ENGRAVINC.) 1  2 ....  4 

THE  DUKE  OF  ALVA.  (FROM  AN  OLD  PRINT  OF 

titian’s  painting) IO 

ALLEGORY,  REPRESENTING  THE  COMING  OF  THE 
PRINCE  OF  ORANGE.  (FROM  AN  ENGRAVING 

OF  1572) 14 

MAP  OF  THE  NETHERLANDS,  1550.  (SHOWING  THE 

TERRITORY  UNDER  THE  HOUSE  OF  BURGUNDY)  3 20 

THE  DEFEAT  OF  BOSSU.  (FROM  AN  OLD  COPPER- 
PLATE) 2 38 

DON  LUIS  DE  REQUESENS.  (BASED  ON  AN  OLD  PRINT)4  50 

1 From  Nederlandtsche  Gedenck  Clank.  A.  Valerius,  1626. 

2 Nederlandsche  Historien , P.  C.  Bor. 

3 Redrawn  from  Geschiedenis  van  hot  Nederlandsche  Volk.  P.  G. 
Blok. 

4 From  Bruxelles  a traverslcs  Ages.  By  Louis  Hymans.  Brussels. 

vii 


via 


Illustrations. 


FACING  PAGE 

COUNT  LOUIS  OF  NASSAU.  (FROM  AN  OLD  PRINT)  . 66 

PHILIP  MARNIX,  LORD  OF  ST.  ALDEGONDE.  (FROM 
AN  ENGRAVING  BY  J.  A.  BOLAND  AFTER  THAT 

BY  JOHN  WEIRIX) 76 

COUNT  JOHN  OF  NASSAU.  (REPRODUCED  FROM  AN 

OLD  ENGRAVING)  1 . . . . . . IOO 

THE  THEATRE  AT  ORANGE.  (FROM  A PHOTOGRAPH)  I30 
ALLEGORY,  THE  PACIFICATION  OF  GHENT.  THE 

UNITED  PROVINCES.2 156 

DON  JOHN  OF  AUSTRIA.  (BASED  ON  AN  OLD 

engraving) . 164 

FAC-SIMILES  OF  VARIOUS  LETTERS  AND  AUTOGRAPHS  1 68 
THE  HOTEL  DE  VILLE  IN  BRUSSELS.  (BASED  ON  AN 

OLD  PRINT) 3 .......  184 

WILLIAM  THE  SILENT.  (FROM  A PHOTOGRAPH  OF  A 

PORTRAIT  AT  DELFT) 194 

THE  ENTRY  OF  THE  PRINCE  OF  ORANGE  INTO  BRUS- 
SELS. (FROM  AN  OLD  ENGRAVING)  3 . . 220 

ARCHDUKE  MATTHIAS.  (BASED  ON  AN  OLD  PRINT)  3 230 

ALEXANDER  FARNESE,  PRINCE  OF  PARMA.  (FROM 

AN  ENGRAVING)  3 266 

FRANCOIS  OF  VALOIS,  DUKE  OF  ANJOU.  (FROM  AN 

OLD  PRINT)  324 

PHILIP  II.  (BASED  ON  AN  OLD  PRINT)  3 . . . 328 

ATTEMPTED  ASSASSINATION  OF  THE  PRINCE  OF 

ORANGE,  I5S2.  (FROM  AN  OLD  PRINT')  . . 338 

LOUISE  DE  COLIGNY,  PRINCESS  OF  ORANGE.  (FROM 
AN  ENGRAVING  AFTER  THE  PORTRAIT  BY 
MICHEL  MIEREVELD  (1568-1641)  . . . 368 


1 From  J.  P.  Arend’s  Algem.  Geschiedenis  des  Vader lands . 

5 P'rom  Nederlandtsche  Gedenck  Clank.  A.  Valerius,  1626. 

3 From  Bruxelles  a travers  les  Ages.  By  Louis  Flymans.  Brussels. 


llhflmusvtnNaf-  foawe,Bcn  ickTafidayrfchcbloer,, 
HccV^dcrlant  gc-  erouwe,Blijfict  tot  ‘sLitu  bc-hoct. 


Eco  Prince  vir.O-  riwjraBcnick 


vry  orv-vcreecrt.Dcn  Co-  TOick  via  Hi-  Jpanjcnlckal-  lythcbb’ge-ccrt. 


WILLIAM  THE  SILENT. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

FIRST  FRUITS. 

1572. 

OR  a brief  space  it  seemed  as  though 
resistance  to  Philip  were  at  an  end  in 
the  Netherlands.  At  the  beginning  of 
1572,  there  was  a sluggish  calm  over 
the  land.  The  tax  of  the  tenth  penny 
had  been  allowed  to  rest  in  abeyance 
for  two  years,  so-called  donations  from 
the  states  taking  the  place  of  the  unpopular  impost. 
In  the  course  of  the  year  there  came  a change.  The 
viceroy  determined  to  enforce  the  collection  of  the 
tax,  and  the  first  mention  of  such  intention  roused 
the  quiescent  burghers  to  a state  of  exasperation.1 
Every  petty  merchant  realised  at  once,  that  com- 
merce could  not  exist  with  such  a handicap.  They 

1 See  Cor.  de  Philippe  II.,  Gachard,  ii. , 213,  224;  Strada,  vii., 
70  ; Wagenaar,  xxiii.,  333  ; Hoofd,  vi.,  21 1.  Renon  de  France  makes 
nothing  of  this  question  of  taxation. 

VOL  11. — I 


1 


2 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572 


determined  to  sell  nothing,  to  avoid  giving  the  gov- 
ernment the  lion’s  share  of  their  profits. 

“ If  we  only  had  funds  now,”  wrote  Orange,  Feb. 
17th,  “ we  could,  with  God’s  aid,  accomplish  some- 
thing— even  the  smallest  sums  would  be  of  use.”  1 
Accustomed  to  feel  the  public  pulse,  watching  as  he 
did  from  a distant  vantage-ground,  with  many  eyes 
at  his  service,  the  prince  perceived  that  this  legalised 
attack  on  the  purses  of  a commercial  nation  would 
rouse  a spirit  of  resistance  that  no  other  injustice 
could  do. 

Alva  saw  things  in  a different  light.  He  thought 
a few  summary  measures  would  set  stagnant  com- 
merce again  in  motion.  In  accordance  with  this 
idea,  he  was  about  to  hang  a recusant  tradesman  at 
his  own  shop-door  as  an  encouragement  to  inert 
business  enterprise,  when  events  took  a turn  he 
little  anticipated. 

For  universal  lethargic  submission  to  his  will  was 
at  an  end,  and  the  patient  efforts  of  the  banished 
prince  in  the  lonely  Dillenburg  Castle,  and  other 
remote  shelters,  began  to  show  results,  though  in  an 
unexpected  way. 

The  little  navy  established  under  his  commit,,’  "t 
had  obtained  rather  an  unenviable  reputation,  not  to 
be  wondered  at,  as  these  Beggars  of  the  Sea  indulged 
in  operations  of  a most  piratical  nature.  During  the 
winter  of  1572,  twenty-four  little  vessels  under  de 
Lumey,  Count  de  la  Mark,2  cruised  around  the  Eng- 

1 Groen,  Archives,  iii. , 41 1,  note. 

2 See  Hoofd,  vi.,  213  ; Wagenaar,  xxiii.,  342  et  seq.  ; Strada,  vii., 
72  ; Renon  de  France,  i. , 421, 


ALLEGORY,  REPRESENTING  THE  BELGIAN  LION  CRUSHED  BY  SPAIN.  (Redrawn  from  an  old  print.) 
i.  The  Pope.  2.  Philip  II.  3.  Margaret  of  Parma.  4.  The  Duke  of  Alva.  5.  Don  Frederic.  6.  Car- 
dinal Granvelle.  7.  Vergas,  8.  Delrio  (Spanish  officers).  10.  Brother  Cornelius,  ri.  The  Press  of 
Tyranny.  12.  The  Belgian  Lion.  13.  The  Lion’s  Broken  Crown.  14.  Injured  Liberty,  15.  Violated 

Privileges  of  the  Land, 


1572] 


The  Beggars  of  the  Sea. 


3 


lish  coast.  In  the  spring,  Elizabeth,  owing  to  ami- 
cable negotiations  with  Alva,  forbade  their  staying 
any  longer  in  British  waters,  and  they  returned  to 
the  mouth  of  the  Scheldt.  They  were  not  allowed 
to  carry  supplies  from  the  English  ports,  and  arrived 
off  their  native  shores  almost  in  a state  of  starvation. 

They  determined  to  make  a foray  on  North  Hol- 
land, and  actually  succeeded  in  capturing  two  Spanish 
merchantmen.  The  winds  being  contrary,  they  were 
then  driven  down  toward  Zealand,  entered  the  mouth 
of  the  Meuse  on  Tuesday,  April  1st,  and  appeared 
suddenly  between  the  towns  of  Brill  and  Maasland- 
sluis.  The  Beggars  only  wanted  food,  and  had  no 
intention  of  making  an  offensive  attack.  The  people 
of  Brill  were  greatly  astonished  at  the  sight  of  so 
considerable  a fleet,  and  sent  a ferryman,  one  Peter 
Koppelstock,  to  inquire  the  intruders’  purpose. 

William  de  Blois,  Seignior  de  Treslong,  was  in 
command  of  the  vessel,  Koppelstock  chanced  to 
board,  and  he  suddenly  conceived  the  idea  of  asking 
for  more  than  food.  Having  persuaded  Admiral  de 
la  Mark  to  consent  to  his  project,  he  dispatched 
Koppelstock  back  to  Brill  with  a formal  demand  for 
the  surrender  of  the  town. 

The  message  pleased  the  ferryman,  who  sympa- 
thised with  the  rebels,  and  he  at  once  returned  to  the 
town  hall ' and  told  the  assembled  magistrates  that 
the  admiral  and  Treslong  desired  that  two  commis- 
sioners should  be  sent  to  treat  with  the  patriots, 
whose  only  object  was  to  abolish  the  tenth  penny, 

1 As  guarantee  he  carried  Treslong’s  seal  ring,  “which  was  well- 
known,  as  his  father  came  from  Brill,”  Hoofd,  vi.,  214. 


4 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572 


and  to  free  the  land  from  Alva’s  unjust  domination. 
The  magistrates  asked  what  force  de  la  Mark  pos- 
sessed, and  Koppelstock, — according  to  Hoofd,1 2 — 
answered  carelessly,  “ About  five  thousand  ” — the 
real  number  being  a scant  four  hundred,  and  starved 
men  at  that.  This  information  was  more  convincing 
to  the  magistrates  than  any  assertions  that  the 
intruders  wished  to  aid  them.  They  accepted  an 
interview,  and  then  fled  ignominiously  before  the 
appointed  hour,  followed  by  the  more  prosperous 
portion  of  the  citizens. 

When  the  marines  appeared  at  the  gates,  at  the 
end  of  the  two  hours  they  had  given  for  deliberation, 
they  found  no  one  to  receive  them  but  the  poorer 
inhabitants,  who  admitted  them  after  a short  strug- 
gle. Admiral  de  la  Mark  took  formal  possession 
of  the  town,  in  the  name  of  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
as  lawful  stadtholderd  Thus,  by  means  of  an  unex- 
pected lie,  was  the  first  conquest  made  in  the 
prince’s  name. 

Persons  were  respected,  but  church  property  was 
rudely  confiscated.  After  a short  time  the  runaway 
burghers  returned  and  took  an  oath  of  allegiance  to 
the  Prince  of  Orange  as  lawful  stadtholder. 

“ Den  ersten  dag  van  Avril 
Verloor  Due  d’Alva  zynen  Brill,”  3 

In  April  upon  All-fools’  Day 

Old  Alva’s  specs  were  stole  away, 

1 Hoofd,  vi.,  214. 

2 Luckily  the  admiral  was  not  in  sole  command.  As  Hoofd  says, 
he,  having  “geen  wyder  wit,”  wanted  to  burn  the  town,  but  wiser 
counsels  prevailed. — Ibid.,  215. 

3 Bor,  i.,  366  et  seq. — Brill  is  the  Dutch  word  for  spectacles. 


THE  CAPTURE  OF  BRILL  (APRIL  1,  1572). 
(Redrawn  from  an  old  engraving.) 


1572] 


First  Fruits. 


5 


said  one  of  the  Brussels  street  punsters.  The  rhyme 
was  illustrated  by  a caricature  representing  la  Mark 
stealing  Alva’s  spectacles  from  his  nose,  while  from 
the  duke’s  mouth  came  the  words,  “ no  es  nada  ” — “ It 
is  nothing,”- — his  usual  remark  on  the  reception  of 
any  news. 

But  in  truth  he  did  not  think  it  nothing.  He  was 
angry  at  everybody,  from  Elizabeth,  who  had  driven 
the  Beggars  from  her  shores  in  accordance  with  his 
own  request,  to  the  tradespeople  he  was  about  to 
punish  for  not  trading  and  paying  him  ten  per  cent, 
at  every  change.1 2 

He  promptly  sent  Bossu3  to  recapture  Brill,  but 
the  patriots  cut  a dyke,  let  in  the  sea,  and  made  it 
impossible  for  the  Spaniards  to  reach  the  city  on 
one  side,  while  they  were  quickly  repulsed  on  the 
other.  Many  were  drowned,  and  the  rest  escaped 
in  the  vessels  they  managed  to  reach. 

At  first  Orange  was  scarce  better  pleased  with  this 
transaction  than  was  the  duke.  He  liked  a well  laid 
plan  with  consequent  action,  and  he  thought  this 
premature,  as  indeed  it  was,  but  a disregard  of  the 
unities  is  sometimes  as  telling  in  life  as  in  the  drama, 
and  this  was  one  of  the  occasions.3  This  victory 
caused  many  eyes  to  turn  towards  the  prince.  Rot- 
terdam declared  that  she  was  still  for  Philip’s  for- 
mer stadtholder,  but  the  city  was  promptly  seized  by 
Bossu  and  made  to  feel  her  mistake  in  a cruel  manner. 

Flushing  came  out  boldly.  Her  citizens  re- 

1 Thomas  Brown  to  Lord  Burleigh,  Re/.  Politiqties,  vi.,  403. 

2 Bossu  was  Orange’s  successor  as  royal  stadtholder  of  Holland, 
Zealand,  and  Utrecht. 

’ Bor,  i.,  367. 


6 


William  the  Silent. 


C1572 


nounced  allegiance  to  Alva  and  resumed  the  oath 
given  to  Orange  in  1559.  Enkhuizen,  Leyden,  Har- 
lem, together  with  nearly  all  the  important  towns  in 
Holland,  Zealand,  Friesland,  Overyssel,  Guelderland, 
and  Utrecht  followed  suit  in  this  radical  course.' 

The  people  raised  the  prince’s  standard  and  he 
became  the  personification  of  resistance  to  the  tenth 
penny  and  all  tyranny. 

These  events  were  cheering  news  indeed  for  the 
prince.  He  was  not  carried  away  by  enthusiasm 
at  the  wildcat  capture  of  Brill,  but  when  he  saw  the 
rousing  effect  of  this  chance  success  on  the  sober- 
minded  citizens  of  other  places,  he  wrote  formal 
letters  to  the  corporations,  urging  them  to  give  sub- 
stantial aid  for  their  own  defence.’ 

1 Renon  (i.,  430)  says  : “ Plusieurs  autres  villes  refurent  les  Gueux 
et  franchirent  ie  Rubicon.”  Strada,  vii.,  72.  In  many  places  the  in- 
dependent movement  was  not  unanimous  and  there  were  bloody  con- 
flicts. Where  the  people’s  party  won,  a new  board  of  magistrates  was 
at  once  chosen  by  popular  election,  thus  putting  their  revolt  on  a 
legal  democratic  basis.  Each  new  magistrate  took  an  oath  of  fidelity 
to  Philip  as  sovereign,  and  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  as  his  stadtholder. 

Hoofd  naively  remarks,  that  it  is  difficult  for  a man  of  little  worldly 
knowledge  [een  man  van  kleene  kennis  in  wereldsche  zaken]  to  under- 
stand how  the  king  could  be  resisted  and  served  at  the  same  time. 

All  Holland  declared  for  the  prince  except  Delft,  Amsterdam,  Rot- 
terdam, Woerden,  Schoonhoven,  Naarden,  Muiden,  and  Weesp. — 
Hoofd,  vi.,  229  and  238. 

2 One  letter  to  Middelburg  is  endorsed  thus  : “ Received  May  16th, 
1572,  by  the  hands  of  a Breton  sailor.”  Gachard,  Cor.,  iii.,  47. 

There  is  a memorandum  in  the  handwriting  of  one  Charles  Meyer, 
on  the  rules  to  be  observed  in  all  the  cities  which  submitted  to  the 
prince.  The  style  is  very  racy  and  worthy  of  one  of  the  Hesses. 
It  is  better  to  do  things  properly,  is  the  theme — Fronle  capillata , post 
lergum  occasio  calva  est.  But  it  was  not  possible  to  enforce  all  the 
good  regulations.  Groen,  Archives , iii.,  419. 


1572] 


Louis  of  Nassau. 


1 


Money  now  began  to  come  to  the  prince  from 
various  sources.  Louis  was  at  Blois,  using  every 
effort  to  gain  the  co-operation  of  the  Huguenots. 
Charles  IX.  had  never  been  so  warmly  disposed 
towards  Coligny  as  at  this  time,  while  he  sent 
Orange  a timely  gift  of  200,000  crowns.1 

The  regulations  made  by  the  prince  were  excel- 
lent, but  he  was  still  an  absentee,  and  his  lieutenants 
did  not  act  in  accordance  with  his  theory.  There 
was  much  ill-treatment  of  the  Catholics,  especially  of 
priests,  as  the  idea  of  toleration  was  about  the  last 
to  be  understood  by  the  populace.  There  were  also 
many  dissensions  about  the  booty  captured  from  the 
Spaniards — T’Serraets,  a trusty  adherent  of  Orange, 
especially  showing  a disposition  to  take  the  lion’s 
share,  which  was  not  at  all  pleasing  to  the  others. 

Though  Orange  had  not  been  filled  with  delight 
at  Treslong’s  success,  Louis  was  otherwise  consti- 
tuted. He  was  fired  with  enthusiasm,  and  imme- 
diately turned  his  steps  toward  the  borders  of 
Brabant  with  five  hundred  horse  and  a thousand 
foot-soldiers.  By  the  aid  of  a certain  Antony  Oli- 
ver, a geographer,  who  had  insinuated  himself  into 
Alva’s  confidence  by  means  of  his  clever  maps,  but 
who  was  really  devoted  to  the  Nassaus,  Louis  had 
secured  a number  of  friends  in  the  city  of  Mons,  not 
far  from  the  French  border,  now  in  the  centre  of  the 
Belgian  coal  districts. 

While  the  small  army  waited  in  the  woods,  twelve 
men,  under  the  disguise  of  merchants,  visited  the 
city.  Owing  to  the  information  they  obtained, 


1 Hoofd,  vi.,  231. 


8 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572 


Louis  determined  to  attempt  an  entry  before  sun- 
rise on  the  following  morning,  May  24th.  The 
porter  opened  the  gates  on  the  promise  of  a bonus, 
and  was  immediately  struck  dead  for  his  pains,  while 
Louis  and  fifty  men  rode  triumphantly  into  the  city, 
making  as  much  noise  as  if  they  were  a thousand.1 
No  resistance  was  made,  but  the  rest  of  the  force 
not  arriving,  Louis  became  impatient,  and  rushed 
out  of  the  gates  again,  to  find  his  troops  wandering, 
lost  in  the  woods.  Each  horseman  took  a foot- 
soldier  behind  him,  and  hastened  back  at  full 
speed  to  Mons.  Meanwhile,  the  city  had  awaked, 
and  was  closing  its  gates  as  fast  as  possible  against 
its  would-be  rescuers.  The  entry  was  effected  at  the 
only  drawbridge  not  quite  up.  It  was  pressed  down 
by  the  weight  of  the  first  horseman  upon  it,  and 
Louis  led  his  men  triumphantly  into  the  city. 

The  magistrates  and  citizens  were  assembled  in 
the  market-place,  and  showed  themselves  by  no 
means  ready  to  accede  to  Louis’s  request  that  they 

1 Strada,  vii.,  73.  Hoofd,  vi.,  247  (n.  e.)  et  seq.  Memoires 
Inedits  de  Michel  de  la  Huguerye , Paris,  1877,  vol.  i.,  106  et  seq. 
Michel  de  la  Huguerye  was  bom  about  1545.  He  was  sent  to 
the  College  of  Navarre  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  and  spent  eight 
years  there,  six  as  a pupil,  and  two  as  a teacher.  Then  he  became 
a secretary,  in  which  capacity  he  went  to  Rome  in  the  year  1570. 
He  was  among  the  Huguenots  who  joined  Louis  in  1572,  became 
attached  to  the  count,  accompanied  him  to  Dillenburg,  and  remained 
in  his  service  until  the  fatal  day  of  Moolc  Heath.  He  never  did 
justice  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  thinking  that  he  was  jealous  of  Louis. 
The  historian  de  Thou  accused  la  Huguerye  of  selling  Huguenot 
secrets,  which  has,  however,  as  little  foundation  as  have  la 
Huguerye’s  suspicions  of  Orange.  The  memoirs  were  not  composed 
until  after  1604,  so  that  they  are  not  always  reliable  for  small  points 
of  fact. 


1572] 


The  Duke  of  Medina  Coeli. 


9 


should  officially  declare  Alva  a traitor,  and  acknowl- 
edge Orange  as  Philip’s  proper  representative.  The 
citizens,  however,  aided  Louis  privately.  Thus  he 
was  enabled  to  hold  his  position  for  three  days,  until 
the  arrival  of  three  thousand  infantry  placed  him  in 
security.  Here  the  Catholics  were  well  treated  per- 
sonally, though  ecclesiastical  property  was  confis- 
cated. Alva  was  mad  with  rage  at  hearing  this 
news  close  upon  the  tidings  of  the  capture  of  Brill, 
and  the  independent  declaration  of  the  other  cities. 
He  at  once  sent  off  his  son,  Don  Frederic,  to  re- 
duce Mons. 

On  June  ioth,  the  Duke  of  Medina  Coeli,  whom 
Philip  had  appointed  as  successor  to  Alva,  arrived 
off  Blankenburg  with  forty  vessels  and  two  thousand 
Spaniards  under  J ulian  Romero.1  Some  of  the  smaller 
craft  were  captured  by  the  patriots  at  Flushing. 
Medina  Coeli  was  totally  unprepared  for  the  change 
that  had  come  about  since  he  had  had  news.  He 
escaped  with  difficulty,  and  hurried  privately  into 
the  capital,  instead  of  making  the  stately  entry  that 
he  had  intended.  In  his  wake  came  a rich  fleet  of 
merchantmen.  Their  captains,  also,  entered  the 
mouth  of  the  Scheldt,  unconscious  of  any  change  of 
base  at  Flushing,  and  the  Sea  Beggars  seized  on 
them  all  unwary,  and  gained  possession  of  nearly  all 
the  vessels,  containing  jewels,  spices,  rich  wares,  and 
money  to  the  amount  of  500,000  crowns,  enough  to 
keep  the  war  going  for  many  a month,  and  serving, 
too,  as  a bait  for  further  loans.2  The  citizens  had  a 

1 Thomas  Morgan  to  Lord  Burleigh,  June  16th.  JR  el.  Politiques, 
vi.,  423. 

2 Orange  to  John,  June  19,  1572.  Groen,  Archives , iii.,  441. 


IO 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572 


very  different  feeling  about  adding  to  a good  store 
than  about  wasting  their  guilders  upon  a sinking 
cause. 

Alva  received  Medina  Coeli  with  courtesy,  and 
ordered  that  as  much  outward  respect  should  be 
paid  to  him  as  to  himself,  but  he  did  not  resign  in 
his  favour,  and  there  was  no  love  lost  between  the 
twain. 

Such  were  the  events  on  the  field  of  action,  and 
Orange,  meanwhile,  was  working  to  the  utmost  limit 
of  his  strength  to  collect  an  army.  Supplies  now 
came  in  from  England,  France,  and  from  various 
private  sources,  so  that  he  was  freer  to  act  than  ever 
before.  His  correspondence  was  carried  on  under 
feigned  names.  He  was  George  Certain,  while  Louis 
figured  as  Lambert,  and  the  affairs  under  discussion 
were  treated  as  business  matters.  Ciphers,  too,  were 
employed,  but  the  difficulty  of  reading  them  was 
often  great.  On  June  20th,  Orange,  in  his  capacity 
of  Stadtholder  of  Holland,  formally  entrusted  the 
local  government  to  Count  de  la  Mark.1 2  In  his  in- 
structions he  reiterated  what  he  had  frequently  said 
before  : “ Do  everything  to  win  the  hearts  of  the 
Catholics  as  well  as  of  the  reformers ; above  all,  pro- 
tect both  religions.” 

Burdened  as  he  was  by  past  debts,’  the  prince 
still  found  himself  painfully  short  of  necessary  funds. 
June  24th,  he  went  himself  to  Frankfort  to  see  what 


1 Groen,  Archives , iii. , 444.  Specimens  of  the  ciphers  are  given 
in  the  appendix. 

2 The  two  expeditions  of  1568  and  1572  cost  2,400,000  florins. 
Ibid.,  iii.,  338. 


THE  DUKE  OF  ALVA. 

(From  an  old  print  of  the  painting  by  Titian.) 


% 


1572]  The  States  of  Holland.  1 1 

he  could  do,  whence  he  wrote,  as  George  Certain,  to 
his  brother  Lambert,  speaking  piteously  of  his  need 
of  money.  The  German  princes  had  shown  some 
disposition  to  help  him,  but  had  drawn  back  when 
Maximilian,  now  father-in-law  to  Philip,  issued  an 
angry  proclamation,  forbidding  Orange  to  proceed 
further  in  his  rebellion. 

Orange  answered  this  on  August  27th,  with  one  of 
his  careful  justifications,  rehearsing  again  his  causes 
for  protesting  against  Alva’s  regime  in  the  Nether- 
lands.1 2 

Meantime,  a very  important  event  had  taken 
place  in  Holland.’  In  June,  Orange  summoned  the 
estates  to  convene  at  Dort,  issuing  his  summons  in 
Philip’s  name,  as  his  stadtholder.3  On  July  15th 
they  assembled.  The  spirits  summoned  from  the 
vasty  deep  came,  and  came  willingly,  to  the  intense 
surprise  and  indignation  of  Alva.  On  the  day  of 
convention,  Paul  Buys,  a tried  friend  of  Orange,  was 
elected  Advocate  of  Holland.  A recess  was  then 
taken  till  the  18th,  when  Philip  Marnix,  St.  Alde- 
gonde,  appeared  on  the  scene  with  full  powers  to  act 
in  Orange’s  behalf.  He  made  a long,  eloquent 
speech,  rehearsing  the  wrongs  suffered,  sketching 
briefly  the  dawn  of  a new  era,  and  calling  upon  the 
states  to  seize  opportunity  by  the  forelocks.4 

The  fire  was  ready,  and  this  spark  of  eloquent 

1 Gachard,  Cor.,  iii.,  63. 

2 Hoofd,  vi.,  241  et  seq. 

3 Bor,  i.,  386.  Groen,  Archives,  iii.,  471.  There  were  four  great, 
and  eight  little  cities  represented.  Ibid.  ; Ilandboek  der  Geschiednis 
van  het  Vaderland,  no. 

4 Hoofd,  vi.,  242. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572 


I 2 


passion  kindled  it.  Supplies  were  at  once  voted, 
with  a liberality  that  simply  infuriated  Alva  when  it 
was  reported  to  him,  considering  the  great  difficulty 
he  had  had  in  raising  a little  money  for  his  debonair 
master. 

Some  regular  imposts  were  laid  and  accepted, 
while  the  guilds  and  brotherhoods  also  came  forth 
generously  with  loans,  whose  repayment  was  little 
expected.  Church  ornaments,  too,  were  counted  as 
lawful  funds,  while  citizens  brought  their  private 
plate  to  be  melted  in  one  furnace. 

The  prince  was  formally  recognised  as  lawful 
stadtholder  over  Holland,  Zealand,  Friesland,  and 
Utrecht.  He  pledged  himself  to  take  no  action  with- 
out consulting  the  states,  while  they  promised  to 
urge  the  other  provinces  to  agree  to  his  appointment 
as  protector  of  the  whole  land.  His  principle  of 
toleration  was  likewise  accepted,  and  public  exercise 
of  religion  was  to  be  permitted  to  all  alike.  De  la 
Mark  read  the  commission  he  had  received  from 
Orange,  which  was  duly  ratified. 

After  four  years  of  patient  waiting,  events  had 
marched  more  quickly  than  one  could  have  dreamed. 
Motley1 2  thinks  this  was  an  honour  thrust  upon  the 
prince.  I think  he  had  sought  it  by  all  the  means 
in  his  power,  having  really  assumed  authority  when 
he  issued  letters  of  marque  in  1571. 

On  July  8th,  Orange  writes  as  follows  to  Louis  : 5 

“ My  Brother  : I was  rejoiced  to  get  news  from  you 
and  pray  God  that  He  may  continue  His  favour  towards 


1 Rise  of  Dutch  Republic , ii. , 371, 

2 Groen,  Archives , iii . , 464. 


1572]  The  Prince  of  Orange  to  Count  Louis.  1 3 


you,  to  preserve  you  from  the  snares  of  the  enemy,  of 
which  I beg  you  to  beware  as  much  as  possible,  as  we 
are  sufficiently  sure  that  there  is  no  manoeuvre  too  sinis- 
ter, no  treason  too  evil  for  them  to  put  in  operation  to 
surprise  you.  I have,  indeed,  been  informed  that  the 
Italian  merchants  do  great  service  in  this  line.  At  Ant- 
werp it  is  reported  that  the  Duke  of  Alva  will  shortly 
have  you  in  his  power,  alive  or  dead.  But  the  Eternal, 
who  is  our  safeguard  and  protector,  will  laugh  at  their 
designs  and  make  them  fall  into  the  ditch  they  have  dug. 
As  to  my  news,  I hope  with  the  aid  of  God,  to  cross  the 
Rhine  to-day,  having  my  people  in  the  Meuse  region,  to 
choose  a place  between  the  [pogdie\  and  Guelder.  I 
have,  however,  arranged  as  best  I could  to  be  supplied 
with  funds,  and  hope  that  God  will  give  us  His  benedic- 
tion. For  the  rest,  things  go  pretty  well.  I enclose 
herewith  the  list  of  my  men-at-arms,  besides  which, 
Count  Joost  de  Schauenburg,  who  had  already  taken  his 
oath  to  the  Bishop  of  Cologne  for  the  Duke  of  Alva, 
is  turned  to  my  side,  content  to  serve  me.  I hope  to 
treat  with  him  to-day.  Nearly  all  Holland  has  declared 
for  me.  Dordrecht  has  received  our  garrison,  and  I 
have  entrusted  it  to  Monsieur  de  Boxtel.  Gouda  and 
Gorcum  followed  its  example,  and  we  took  Lovestein  by 
force.  The  old  Turk  who  was  a prisoner  at  Gorcum  is 
still  there,  and  we  have  kept  Quarebbe  and  the  pension- 
ary Carnet  at  Dordrecht.  Yesterday  I heard  that  Schon- 
hove  had  declared  itself  for  us,  and  I sent  them  an 
envoy  at  once,  so  that  I hope  that  the  good  God,  who 
has  commenced,  will  pursue  His  work  to  the  end.  I 
have  also  good  hope  for  the  town  of  Venloo,  having 
written  to  them  to  that  effect.  For  the  rest,  the  bearer 
of  this  will  tell  you  certain  things  from  me,  about  a cer- 
tain man  whom  we  consider  somewhat  suspicious,  beg- 


H 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572 


ging  you  to  take  it  into  consideration  and  let  me  know 
your  opinion,  as  well  as  what  you  think  of  his  master. 
Antony  Oliver  knows  him.  I also  beg  you  to  let  me 
hear  from  you  often,  with  all  the  details  of  what  force 
you  have  within  the  walls,  what  reinforcement  you  ex- 
pect or  have  received,  and  what  ambuscade  is  plotted 
against  you.  In  short,  tell  me  everything  that  hap- 
pens there,  so  that  I can  act  accordingly  here. 

“Written  at  Venloo,  ready  to  depart  further  this  8th 

of  July»  I572-” 

That  same  day  he  crossed  the  Rhine.1  Four  years 
before,  he  had  approached  the  land  of  his  adoption, 
and  scarce  a voice  had  been  lifted  to  welcome  him  ; 
not  a city  gate  opened.  He  had  retired  disheartened, 
but  not  hopeless,  and  had  spun  webs  in  his  poverty- 
stricken  retirement,  which  had  united  that  hill  castle 
of  Dillenburg  to  the  Dutch  cities.  Now  he  returned, 
not  yet  indeed  as  a conqueror,  but  certainly  with 
support  and  recognition. 

Louis,  meanwhile,  was  shut  up  in  Mons  with  Don 
Frederic  lying  outside,  and  prepared  to  stay  as 
long  as  Louis  did.’  In  spite  of  the  closeness  of 
the  investiture,  the  count  had  managed  to  dispatch 
Genlis  to  France  to  bring  back  the  aid  which  he 
counted  on  as  surely  as  on  that  from  his  brother,  for 
was  not  Coligny  in  high  favour  with  the  king  at 


1 Hoofd,  vi.,  251  et  seq.  ; Strada,  vii.,  75.  It  was  about  this  time 
that  the  Wilhelmuslied  or  William’s  Song  was  written,  probably  by 
St.  Aldegonde.  The  first  bar  in  the  old  form  is  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  chapter.  Five  stanzas  are  given  in  the  appendix. 

2 Bor,  i.,  377  et  seq. 


ALLEGORY,  REPRESENTING  THE  COMING  OF  THE  PRINCE  OF  ORANGE.  (Trom  an  engraving  of  1572.) 

The  Netherlands  personified  as  Andromeda.  The  Prince  of  Orange  appears  as  Perseus  to  rescue  her  from  the  monster  who  wears  the  Spanish  arn 

and  others  are  in  the  foreground.  At  the  right  are  the  individual  provinces  with  their  arms. 


1572] 


Need  of  Friends. 


15 


Paris,  and  had  not  Charles  written  personally  to 
Louis  assuring  him  of  his  sympathy? 

On  July  25th,  Orange  wrote  1 to  John  telling  of  his 
capture  of  Roermond,  where  he  fears  his  men  were 
somewhat  unrestrained  towards  the  citizens.  His 
need  of  money  was  nearly  as  great  as  in  1568,  in 
spite  of  the  change  of  will  in  the  land.  He  says  : 

“ It  is  true  that  the  estates  are  assembled  at  Dordrecht, 
but  they  lack  means  to  furnish  me  with  ready  money, 
although  they  hope  to  do  so.  I am  expecting  certain 
deputies  daily,  and  will  let  you  know  of  their  arrival.  . . . 
Of  Louis  I have  heard  nothing  since  my  last  letter,  but 
it  has  been  reported  to  me  that  Genlis  with  4000  arque- 
busiers,  1000  foot,  and  several  hundred  horse  have  come 
to  his  rescue.  It  is  rumoured  that  Genlis  has  been  de- 
feated, but  that  has  been  contradicted.  When  I know  I 
will  tell  you.” 

On  August  5th,  another  letter2  confirms  this  news, 
although  the  disappointment  is  relieved  by  definite 
hopes  of  arrival  of  further  succour  from  France. 
There  is  another  rumour  that  the  French  troops 
are  destined  to  aid  Alva,  instead  of  fighting  him,  but 
this  Orange  cannot  believe,  as  the  intelligence  be- 
tween Charles  and  Louis  is  too  good,  and  the  cap- 
tains, moreover,  are  all  Huguenots. 

For  a whole  month  Orange  was  detained  at  Roer- 
mond by  the  lack  of  funds,  just  when  there  was  the 
greatest  need  of  his  pressing  on.  That  this  was  a 
bitter  disappointment  to  Louis  is  undoubted,  but 


1 Groen,  Archives , iii„  481. 
3 Ibid.,  485. 


i6 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572 


that  Orange  was  actuated  by  any  feelings  of  jealousy 
is  absurd.1 * *  Without  money  a large  body  could  not 
move. 

At  last,  in  August,  the  states  of  Holland  gave  him 
guarantee  of  three  months’  pay,  and  August  27th,  he 
crossed  the  Meuse,  making  his  way  through  Diest, 
Tirlemont,  Sichem,  Louvain,  Mechlin,  Termonde, 
Oudenarde,  and  Nivelles.  Some  of  these  acknowl- 
edged his  authority  and  accepted  his  garrison,  others 
paid  large  sums  to  make  him  go  on.  Mechlin  opened 
its  gates,  and  he  left  a garrison  there,  for  which  the 
poor  town  paid  heavily  afterwards. 

On  August  nth,  Orange  had  again  written  hope- 
fully to  John,  more  hopefully  than  ever  before.5 
The  towns  were  sending  him  money,  and  the  pros- 
pect was  brightening.  He  says: 

“ Moreover  I must  not  fail  to  tell  you  that  to-day 
I had  letters  from  the  admiral,  informing  me  that, 
notwithstanding  the  late  French  defeat,  he  was  levying 
12,000  arquebusiers  and  3000  horse,  intending  to  come 
himself,  something  that  I hope  will  be  a great  aid  to  us. 
The  admiral  advises  me  not  to  enter  lightly  into  an  en- 
gagement with  the  enemy,  until  we  can  join  our  forces 
by  the  grace  of  God.  I shall  follow  his  advice  in  this, 
only  until  I see  an  advantageous  occasion.” 

The  hoped  for  junction  with  Coligny  was  never  to 
be  effected,  for  the  days  of  the  admiral  were  num- 
bered. While  Louis  was  patiently  waiting  in  Mons 
for  reinforcements  from  the  Huguenots,  which  should 

1 Les  Huguenots , etc.,  iii. , p.  68  et  seq.  This  is  suggested  by  sev- 

eral authors  besides  Michel  de  la  Huguerye. 

sGroen,  Archives , iii.,  488. 


1572]  The  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomeiv. 


1 7 


enable  him  to  drive  away  Frederic,  sitting  like  Mor- 
decai  at  the  gates,  while  Orange  was  slowly  ad- 
vancing towards  him,  the  horrible  tragedy  of  the 
century  was  preparing  at  Paris. 

Henry  of  Navarre  was  to  be  married  to  Margaret 
of  Valois,  an  alliance  that  rejoiced  the  Huguenots, 
as  it  seemed  to  promise  them  a stout  ally  at  court. 
It  really  seems  incredible  that  any  human  being 
could  have  acted  with  the  duplicity  shown  by  Charles, 
if,  during  all  those  months  of  affectionate  intercourse 
with  Coligny  and  Louis  of  Nassau,  he  had  contem- 
plated any  universal  massacre  of  the  French  Protes- 
tants, such  as  finally  took  place,  when  this  wedding 
feast  called  the  rejoicing  Huguenots  to  the  capital. 
It  seems  far  more  probable  that  Charles  was  per- 
suaded at  the  last  minute  that  there  was  a plot  on 
foot  to  murder  him,  and  that  his  only  safety  would 
be  in  eradicating  the  reformed  faith,  root  and  branch. 

The  facts  are  too  well  known  to  need  more  than 
a passing  mention.1  The  nuptials  of  Henry  and 
Margaret  were  celebrated  August  17th,  and  on  the 
23d,  the  eve  of  the  Feast  of  St.  Bartholomew,  every 
Huguenot  in  Paris  was  ruthlessly  murdered  in  bed 
or  on  the  street. 

At  least  5000  lost  their  lives,  while  the  dismay 
that  swept  over  the  Protestants  in  neighbouring 
lands  can  be  better  imagined  than  described.  How 
the  news  reached  Louis,  and  what  followed,  I will 
give  from  the  contemporary  account  of  one  of  his 
faithful  followers,  Michel  de  la  Huguerye,  whose 

1 Bor,  ii. , 397  ; Strada,  vii.,  76  ; Renon  de  France,  i.,  443  ; Rel. 
Politiques , vi.,  500,  507,  510,  5x1. 

VOL  11. — 2 


i8 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572 


memoirs  are  the  main  source  for  the  history  of  those 
summer  months.1 

The  defeat  of  Genlis  had  indeed  been  a crushing 
disappointment  to  Louis,  though  la  Huguerye  de- 
clared that  nothing  was  to  have  been  expected  from 
that  officer,  as  he  had  no  spirit,  and  never  had  accom- 
plished anything  of  value. 

The  besieged  were  very  indignant  that  Genlis  had 
the  assurance  to  send  to  them  for  aid  in  raising  his 
ransom,  but  Louis  was  so  soft-hearted  that  he  in- 
sisted on  lending  an  ear  to  the  prisoner’s  prayers, 
though  against  all  advice.  The  narrator  continues  : 

“ I,  too,  did  my  best  to  avoid  putting  my  hand  in  my 
purse,  but  the  said  count  was  so  good,  that  at  his  orders 
I sent  two  hundred  crowns,  to  my  great  regret,  but  I do 
not  remember  troubling  myself  further  about  his  de- 
liverance. 

“ Just  as  we  began  to  forget  this  disaster,  one  night,  it 
was  the  28th  of  August,  we  heard  a heavy  cannonading 
which  made  us  suspect  that  some  enterprise  was  on  foot 
against  the  city. 

“ On  the  morrow  we  found  some  poor  fugitives  from 
Genlis’s  army,  hidden  near  the  gates  by  the  Spaniards, 
for  the  express  purpose  of  bringing  us  the  news  of  the 
death  of  the  admiral,  which  happened  five  days  ago  on 
St.  Bartholomew’s  Day.  They  said  that  a great  number 
of  poor  Christians  were  also  slain,  so  that  we  could  no 
longer  expect  succour,  and  had  better  capitulate.” 

The  poor  patriots  utterly  refused,  at  first,  to 
credit  this  tale,  but  two  reformed  ministers, 

1 Vol.  i.,  128  et  seq.  ; also  Renon  de  France,  i.,  439  ; and  Rel. 
Politiques , vi.,  443. 


1572]  Indignation  Against  the  French. 


l9 


d’Amours  and  de  la  Porte,  arrived  a few  days  later 
and  told  the  whole  story  of  the  tragedy,  which  by 
that  date  was  “ notorious  to  the  whole  world.” 

Poor  Louis  “ conceived  such  bitter  sorrow  over 
the  deed  of  Paris,  that  he  was  ill  for  three  months.”  1 2 
He  had  spent  much  time  in  France  during  the  past 
year,  and  had  been  on  intimate  terms,  not  only  with 
Coligny  and  his  Protestant  friends,  but  with  the 
king  and  the  very  Catholic  nobles  who  had  now 
dealt  this  cruel  and  treacherous  blow.  To  a warm, 
trusting  nature  like  that  of  Louis,  it  was  a bitter 
disappointment  indeed,  to  find  that  his  confidence 
had  been  misplaced.  After  consulting  de  la  Noue, 
in  la  Huguerye’s  presence,  the  count  drew  up  a dis- 
patch to  the  prince,  urging  him  to  come  on  as 
quickly  as  possible,  to  force  the  besiegers  back,  and 
cut  off  the  supplies  expected  by  Alva.  “ And  since 
the  King  of  France  is  so  out  of  humour  as  to  refuse 
a fine  tidbit 3 (and  in  truth  never  did  French  king 
have  a better  chance),  perhaps  the  Queen  of  Eng- 
land will  have  a sounder  appetite.” 

Louis  thought  that  indignation  against  the  Catho- 
lics might  be  used  as  a lever  to  rouse  Protestants 
everywhere,  and  was  convinced  that  Elizabeth  was 
just  ready  to  come  forth  as  a champion. 

Alva,  according  to  la  Huguerye,  professed  great 
horror  at  the  deed  of  St.  Bartholomew  ; said  he  would 
rather  have  cut  off  his  right  hand  than  have  struck 
such  a blow,  and  at  once  offered  fair  terms  to  Louis. 
Above  all  things  the  count  dreaded  lest  the  prince 


1 Bor,  i.,  408. 

2 "Marcel." 


20 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572 


should  now  be  discouraged, — hence  his  dispatch.  The 
soldiers  within  Mons  began  to  lose  heart,  but  prom- 
ised not  to  abandon  Louis,  “who  had  a gift  of 
speech,  and,  moreover,  was  so  well  fashioned  in 
France  under  the  admiral’s  tuition,  that,  by  asking, 
he  could  obtain  his  desire.” 

After  taking  Roermond,  Orange  pressed  on 
towards  Mons,  anxious  to  relieve  Louis.1  He  was 
somewhat  encouraged  by  the  successes  on  the  way, 
as  Mechlin,  Termonde,  Oudenarde,  and  other  places 
opened  their  gates  more  or  less  willingly.  Where 
he  was  when  the  news  of  St.  Bartholomew  reached 
him  I do  not  know.  He  wrote  to  John  later2  that 
not  only  he,  but  everyone  in  Europe  had  been 
completely  unprepared  for  such  an  event ; it  had 
struck  him  like  a thunderbolt.  “ Usually,”  he  adds, 
“wiseacres  declare  that  they  knew  what  was  in  the 
wind,  but  who  would  dare  say  that  now?”  Not 
only  is  hope  of  aid  from  France  crushed  forever,  but 
Charles  has  furnished  Alva  with  funds.  Most  of 
this  letter  is  in  cipher.  It  was  not  a time  to  trust 
to  any  man’s  honesty. 

By  early  September,  Orange  arrived  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Mons,  and  finally  pitched  his  camp  at 
Hermigny,  within  half  a league  of  the  city,  while 
Don  Frederic,  with  the  besieging  army,  was  at  the 
village  of  Saint  Florian,  close  up  to  one  of  the  gates 
of  Mons. 

On  the  night  of  September  I ith,  Julian  Romero  led 
a small  force  of  six  hundred  men  to  Hermigny.  The 


1 Hoofd,  vii.,  253  et  seq. 

5 Groen,  Archives , iii. , 501. 


V3INinVS»  7.7  S' ATP  7 


THE  NETHERLANDS 

AND  REGIONS  ADJACENT  — 
C.  1550 


1572]  Fall  of  Mons.  21 

night  was  dark,  and  they  had  put  their  shirts  outside 
of  their  armour  to  distinguish  each  other  in  the  ob- 
scurity. Silently  as  snow  they  succeeded  in  surpris- 
ing the  sentinels,  cutting  them  down  like  grass,  and 
thus  gained  a way  into  the  sleeping  camp.  Orange 
heard  no  noise,  and  slept  quietly  on  until  aroused 
by  a little  spaniel  that  was  sleeping  at  his  feet.1  Not 
content  with  barking,  the  little  creature  licked  his 
master’s  face.  The  prince  sprang  out  of  bed,  seized 
a horse  that  was  ready  saddled,  and  rode  off  in  the 
darkness.3  His  men  were  less  fortunate.  Six  hun- 
dred perished,  many  who  escaped  the  sword  being 
driven  back  into  a neighbouring  stream.  The  Span- 
ish loss  was  small,  Mondoucet  putting  it  at  sixty. 

According  to  la  Huguerye,  St.  Aldegonde  man- 
aged to  make  his  way  into  Mons  to  tell  Louis  of  the 
repulse  and  the  prince’s  resolve  to  fall  back  to  Mech- 
lin to  refresh  his  men.  Louis  saw  little  hope  of  re- 
lief after  this,  and  finally  consented  to  a parley  with 
Don  Frederic.  Noircarmes  was  one  of  the  Spanish 
envoys.  After  some  consultation  the  capitulation 
was  arranged  on  the  following  terms: 

The  count  and  his  adherents  should  be  escorted 
by  four  companies  to  Roermond.  The  Nassau  troops 
could  retain  their  arms,  but  were  to  march  out  with- 
out colours  flying  or  drums  beating.  Four  hostages 
should  accompany  Louis  to  Roermond  for  protec- 
tion to  his  person,  and  to  insure  the  completion  of 
the  treaty.  His  French  allies  might  stay  with  him 

1 The  prince  is  frequently  represented  with  a little  dog  at  his  feet, 
in  commemoration  of  this  incident. 

5 Hoofd,  vii.,  254. 


22 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572 


or  be  conducted  into  France  as  far  as  the  tree  of 
Guise.1 2  The  treaty  was  signed  by  the  Duke  of  Alva, 
Don  Frederic,  Noircarmes,  and  other  deputies  on 
both  sides. 

The  count  was  so  affected  at  leaving  the  beautiful 
place  that  his  illness  became  more  serious,  and  he 
was  obliged  to  submit  to  bleeding.’  Nevertheless 
he  gave  orders  to  depart  immediately.  He  was  par- 
ticularly anxious  about  the  fate  of  the  French,  as  he 
felt  that  he  and  the  prince  were  under  great  obliga- 
tions to  them.  France  was  still  red  with  blood,  so 
that  to  return  thither  was  to  enter  the  slaughter- 
house, and  he  advised  them  to  have  a little  patience 
and  stay  with  him.  The  prince  would  support  the 
regiment  of  artillery,  1200  strong,  and  four  compa- 
nies of  cavalry,  at  reasonable  pay,  while  the  gentle- 
men who  did  not  wish  to  join  the  companies  should 
be  treated  according  to  their  rank.  The  majority, 
however,  refused  these  offers,  accepted  the  escort  to 
the  tree  of  Guise,  and  attempted  to  save  themselves. 
It  was  an  ill  choice.  Troops  lay  in  wait  on  the  bor- 
der and  cut  them  to  pieces.  One  portion  saved 
themselves  by  means  of  their  friends,  aided  by  the 
fact  that  the  Duke  de  Longueville,  Governor  of 
Picardy,  was  not  very  rigorous. 

“ I have  not  mentioned  the  word  that  Count  Louis 
received  from  the  prince  by  T’Serraets,  Governor  of 
Flushing,  to  say  that  the  maritime  provinces  of  Zea- 
land, Holland,  and  Friesland  had  resolved  to  follow  the 
example  of  Flushing,  and  nothing  else  ill  had  happened 
except  the  arrival  of  the  English,  who  wanted  to  be 

1 Situated  on  the  French  frontier  near  Avesnes. 

2 Bor,  i.,  408. 


1572] 


Retreat  of  Count  Louis. 


23 


masters,  jealous  at  seeing  so  many  French  sent  by  the 
admiral. 

“ On  Sept.  2 1 st  all  was  ready.  At  an  early  hour  our 
troops  were  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle,  in  the  middle  of 
the  square  before  the  town  house.  The  count,  who  had 
been  bled  in  the  morning,  entered  a chariot  with  Cap- 
tain Alain,  a Provencal  gentleman  of  his  household,  who 
was  also  ill,  and  ordered  me  not  to  abandon  his  chariot, 
and  to  send  my  man  and  luggage  with  his  household. 
The  gates  were  already  held  by  the  duke,  who  had  put 
Noircarmes  in  charge.  The  latter  came  to  advise  the 
count  respectfully,  that  he  might  depart  when  he  pleased, 
both  escort  and  hostages  being  ready,  and  that  the  Duke 
of  Alva  was  so  anxious  to  keep  his  promise  that  he  would 
trust  no  other  nation  but  the  Spaniards  themselves, 
whom  in  truth  we  found,  as  we  went  out,  on  both  sides 
of  the  road,  doing  us  much  honour  and  sharing  their 
powder  and  ‘ meche  ’ with  our  men  who  were  out  of  both. 

“ They  displayed  indeed  such  zeal,  that  when  a rascal 
in  their  ranks  dared  to  take  the  hat  off  of  one  of  our 
soldiers,  Noircarmes,  who  chanced  to  be  near  him,  ran 
his  sword  through  his  heart  and  threw  the  dead  body 
into  the  fields. 

“ As  we  drew  near  our  hostages  and  escort,  Don  Fred- 
eric of  Toledo,  Alva’s  son,  sent  by  his  father  to  greet  the 
count,  appeared.  He  sent  forward  a gentleman  with  his 
greeting  and  assurances  in  his  father’s  name  that  all  the 
promises  should  be  fulfilled,  and  begging  him  to  do  his 
part.  The  count,  accordingly,  sent  me  to  return  his 
salutations,  and  to  say  that  he  had  never  doubted  that 
promises  were  made  in  good  faith,  and  begged  him  to 
believe  that  he  would  fail  in  nothing  on  his  part.  The 
French  allies  took  their  way  to  France,  while  the  others 
went  towards  Maestricht  and  Roermond,  fairly  well  ac- 
companied, but  with  few  French. 


24 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572 


“ At  six  leagues  from  Mons,  Louis’s  troops  stopped  at 
a pretty  village,  but  when  we  aided  the  count  to  descend 
from  his  chariot  to  take  him  to  his  room,  he  was  so  weak 
that  he  fainted  in  our  arms,  was  restored  by  remedies, 
and  went  to  bed.  . . . 

“ When  we  reached  Roermond  the  escort  and  hostages 
took  their  leave  and  returned.  It  is  worthy  of  remark 
that  in  a retreat  of  eight  days  we  did  not  receive  a single 
insult,  so  well  was  order  maintained  on  both  sides.  . . . 

“ Soon  after  our  arrival,  the  prince  disbanded  his  army, 
and,  after  consulting  with  Louis,  decided  to  cross  the 
Rhine  at  Emmerich  with  the  small  force  he  had  retained, 
and  to  return  to  Holland,  while  the  count  should  go  to 
Germany  for  rest  and  take  me  with  him.  So  they  bade 
each  other  farewell  after  spending  four  days  together, 
and  we  went  to  Cologne.  . . . 

“ Nothing  astonished  me  more  in  the  count’s  retreat 
than  the  fact  that,  when  we  reached  Cologne,  the  magis- 
trates were  so  ill  advised  that  they  would  not  let  us  use 
the  Nassau  house,  a fine  mansion  in  the  town.  In  spite 
of  his  wretched  state  of  health,  the  count  was  kept  wait- 
ing for  some  time,  and  was  then  obliged  to  lodge  in 
Deutz,  outside  the  city,  in  the  Jews’  quarter.  This 
action  on  the  part  of  these  timid  gentlemen  will  cost 
them  dear  for  a long  time  to  come.  They  ought  to  have 
been  wise  enough  to  depend  on  their  neutrality,  and  not 
turn  with  every  wind,  especially  when  they  had  just  seen 
the  count  honourably  treated  by  his  enemies. 

“ The  count  arrived  at  Dillenburg  towards  the  end  of 
October.  After  a little  rest  and  careful  nursing  from  his 
mother,  who  loved  him  tenderly,  Louis  was  soon  able  to 
attend  to  business,  in  which  Count  John,  of  Nassau,  liv- 
ing in  the  castle,  was  quite  unskilled  and  unable  to  do 
anything  without  the  assistance  of  the  said  count.” 


CHAPTER  XX. 

BELEAGUERED  TOWNS. 


1572-1573. 


HE  shadow  of  success  gained  by  the 
people  who  dared  resist  his  authority, 
exasperated  Alva  beyond  measure. 
Other  events  had  not  sweetened  his 
temper,  and  perhaps  the  arrival  of 
Medina  Coeli  to  supersede  him  in  his 
thankless  task,  whetted  his  determina- 
tion to  show  his  power.1 

He  had  behaved  well  towards  Louis,  but  made  up 
for  that  restraint  by  treating  Mons  with  the  utmost 
cruelty,  while  he  punished  Mechlin  almost  to  annihi- 
lation, and  made  a desperate  effort  to  re-establish 
Philip’s  authority  throughout  Zealand. 

By  a brilliant  manoeuvre,  the  Spaniards,  who 
showed  as  much  courage  as  though  they  were  fight- 
ing for  a personal  cause,  succeeded  in  wresting  the 


'Alva  relinquished  no  authority  to  Medina  Coeli.  In  November, 
1 573.  the  latter  finally  departed  without  taking  his  leave. 


25 


26 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572- 


town  of  Ter  Goes  from  T’Serraets,  commanding  for 
the  prince  in  Zealand. 1 * 

From  Mechlin,  Alva  and  his  son,  Don  Frederic, 
turned  towards  the  north,  and  succeeded  in  regaining 
the  towns  of  Zutphen  and  Naarden,  which  both  held 
out  bravely  for  themselves,  in  the  prince’s  name.  The 
cruelty  with  which  the  inhabitants  of  these  unfor- 
tunate places  were  treated,  seems  as  incredible  as  it 
was  disgusting.’ 

When  Naarden  formally  capitulated,  Julian 
Romero,  commissioned  to  treat  in  Don  Frederic’s 
name,  solemnly  assured  the  deputies  that  the  lives 
and  property  of  all  inhabitants  should  be  respected.3 
The  keys  were  accordingly  delivered,  and  the  com- 
missioners escorted  Romero  with  five  or  six  hundred 
musketeers  back  into  the  city.  One  Senator  Gerrit, 
entertained  the  officers,  while  the  rest  of  the  invaders 
were  hospitably  feasted  by  the  burghers,  willing  to 
propitiate  their  conquerors.  When  the  banquets 
were  concluded,  Romero  and  his  host,  Gerrit,  walked 
out  together  to  the  Gast  Huis  church,  whither  all 
the  people  had  been  summoned  by  the  ringing  of  the 
great  bell.  Five  hundred  folk  were  quietly  waiting 
together,  when  a priest  entered  the  building,  and 
bade  all  prepare  for  death.  The  warning,  prepara- 
tion, and  death  were  simultaneous.  In  rushed  the 
Spaniards  with  shot  and  sword,  and  the  defenceless 

1 The  Spanish  troops  under  Mondragon  and  a Flemish  royalist 

captain,  marched  three  and  a half  leagues  at  low  tide,  October  20th, 
from  one  island  of  Zealand  to  another,  to  relieve  the  city  of  Ter  Goes. 
The  patriot  soldiers  fled  in  fear  on  seeing  their  foe  rise  up  out  of  the 
sea. 

3 Hoofd,  vii.,  266. 

3 Ibid. , 256  et.  seq , 


1573] 


Orange  Returns  to  Holland. 


2 7 


crowd  were  slaughtered,  one  and  all,  like  mice  in  a 
trap.  Senator  Gerrit,  standing  at  the  side  of  his 
Spanish  guest,  perished  with  the  rest.  In  a few  min- 
utes the  church  was  set  on  fire,  so  whether  the 
wounds  were  mortal  or  not,  it  was  all  one  to  the  suf- 
ferers. Out  of  doors  the  carnage  was  even  more 
frightful,  as  the  victims  were  ill-treated,  mutilated, 
tortured,’  in  every  way  suggested  by  the  imagination 
of  the  soldiers,  rendered  almost  maniacs  by  their 
own  deeds,  so  that  horrors  were  born  from  horrors. 
According  to  Hoofd,  hardly  a man,  woman,  or  child 
survived,  the  fortifications  were  dismantled,  and 
Naarden  became  a geographical  expression.  This 
took  place  about  the  last  week  in  November,  and 
then  Don  Frederic  moved  on  towards  Harlem.  The 
people  had  revolted  from  legalised  murder  with  pre- 
tence of  the  law’s  formalities,  and  they  met  the  dire 
results  of  unequal  conflict.1 2 3 

After  saying  farewell  to  Louis,  the  prince  decided 
to  return  to  Holland.  He  was  in  sorry  case.  His 
soldiers  lost  all  heart  after  the  fall  of  Mons,  and  their 
disappointment  at  receiving  no  pay  grew  into  furor. 
Finally  they  turned  savagely  against  the  prince  and 
threatened  to  deliver  him  over  to  Alva.3 

1 Hoofd  was  Protestant  and  partisan,  but  his  details  are  supported 
by  the  Catholic  Renon. 

2 November  7th,  the  prince  wrote  to  Julian  Romero,  who  had  sent 
him  “ three  or  four  letters  full  of  courtesies,”  that  he  was  glad  to  be 
remembered,  would  certainly  approve  of  war  being  less  cruel,  but 
that  he  must  decline  an  interview. 

3 Theodore  Juste  says  that  when  Orange  was  about  to  cross  the 
Rhine  at  Orsay,  a German  adventurer  named  Heist  crept  into  his 
camp,  intending  to  murder  him  under  Alva’s  orders.  This  danger  he 
luckily  escaped. — Guillaume  le  Taciturne , p.  137, 


28 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572- 


Orange  was  forced  to  sell  his  remaining  ammuni- 
tion and  artillery  to  satisfy  their  demands,  and  then 
he  let  his  army  scatter,  retaining  only  sixty  men. 
After  putting  Zutphen  in  a state  of  defence,  he 
turned  with  his  little  escort  towards  Kampen. 

On  October  18th  he  wrote1 2  from  Zwolle  to  John  : 

“ Owing  to  the  fall  of  Mons  and  the  dismissal  of  my 
German  mercenaries,  cities  on  all  sides  have  lost  heart, 
and  I perceive  a great  change  everywhere,  even  the 
warmest  sympathisers  are  discouraged,  not  because  they 
have  less  affection  for  the  cause  than  formerly,  but 
because  they  are  terrified  to  death,  and  I fear  that  in  the 
end  I shall  find  myself  alone,  abandoned  by  every  one, 
unless  God  perform  a miracle.  . . . One  place 

after  another  has  ceased  resisting  the  Spaniards.  No 
sooner  was  I out  of  Roermond  than  the  soldiers 
abandoned  it.” 

After  enumerating  the  cities  whose  inhabitants  had 
weakly  succumbed,  he  adds : “ In  short,  there  are 
more  than  forty  companies  of  foot,  according  to 
Henry’s  reckoning,  who  have  fled  ignominiously 
without  knowing  why,  and  before  they  had  received 
any  news  of  the  enemy’s  approach.  If  this  continue, 
I see  no  way  of  holding  out.”  How  little  availed  the 
garrison  left  at  Zutphen a has  already  been  men- 
tioned, and  that  had  been  the  one  town  the  prince 
thought  he  left  secure. 

1 Groen,  Archives,  iv.,  2. 

2 Nuenar  wrote  to  Count  Louis  : “ It  is  rumoured  that  last  Sunday 
a frightful  outcry  and  sound  of  slaughter  was  heard  from  Zutphen, 
but,  as  yet,  no  one  knows  what  it  means.” — Ibid.,  28. 


1573] 


The  Prince  al  Dordrecht. 


29 


Two  days  after  writing  the  above  letter,  the  prince 
arrived  at  Kampen,  with  his  own  retinue  and  about 
sixty  horse.  Some  galleys  were  sent  over  from 
Enkhuizen,  and  finally  he  succeeded  in  making  that 
port,  in  the  face  of  pressing  dangers.' 

Bor  goes  on  to  say  that  his  arrival  in  Holland  was 
exceedingly  necessary  to  encourage  the  reformers 
who  had  lost  heart,  so  that  even  the  most  zealous 
were  almost  ready  to  relinquish  the  unequal  contest, 
or  to  flee  the  land  forever.  His  presence,  too,  was 
greatly  needed  to  check  the  lawless  ravages  of  his 
own  marines,  who,  as  Beggars  of  the  Sea,  were  strik- 
ing terror  into  the  hearts  of  friends  as  well  as  foe. 
After  landing  at  Enkhuizen,  the  prince  made  his 
way  down  through  Holland  and  arrived  at  Dor- 
drecht, some  time  in  November. 

There  are  almost  no  letters  from  his  hand,  written 
during  these  dreary,  hopeless  autumn  months,  when 
everything  seemed  slipping  from  his  grasp.  Gradu- 
ally Guelderland,  Overyssel,  and  Friesland  were 
reclaimed  by  the  Spaniards,  and  made  to  pay  a harsh 
penalty  for  having  faltered  in  their  allegiance. 

From  Naarden,  Don  Frederic  turned  towards 
Harlem.  This  was  only  five  miles  from  Amsterdam, 
which,  alone  of  the  northern  towns,  had  never  de- 

1 Den  20  is  hy  met  syn  Hofgesin  en  omtrent  60  peerden  tot  Cam- 
penge  komen  : die  van  Enkhuyzen  daer  van  veradverteert  zynde,  so 
hebben  sy  eenige  galeyen  gesonden  . . . om  hem  te  halen  en  is 

zonder  eenige  tegenspoet  tot  Enkhuyzen  gekomen,  en  met  grooter 
vreuchd  ontvangen. — Groen,  Archives , iv.,  6. 

At  Enkhuizen  he  ordered  a rampart  erected,  which  the  citizens 
completed  in  so  short  a time  that  it  was  called  the  “ Willigenberg" — 
Good-Will  Rampart. 


30 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572- 


clared  for  the  prince,  and  was  now  Alva’s  chief 
vantage-ground. 

Harlem  was  not  in  the  least  taken  by  surprise. 
During  the  autumn  she  had  made  brave  preparations 
for  sustaining  the  siege  that  was  inevitable.  On  his 
way  from  Enkhuizen,  the  prince  stopped  at  the  city 
and  gave  the  burghers  all  the  encouragement  in  his 
power. 

While  there,  he  wrote  on  Nov.  1st,  to  the  burgo- 
masters and  citizens  of  Amsterdam,1  begging  them 
to  second  his  efforts  to  oppose  Alva,  and  signifying 
his  willingness  to  come  to  them  if  they  wished  him, 
but  his  advances  met  with  no  response  from  that 
quarter.  A timidity,  natural  enough  to  a commercial 
people,  made  them  hesitate  in  the  face  of  the  terrible 
unsuccess  they  had  seen. 

Nor  was  this  faint-heartedness  confined  to  Amster- 
dam. The  Harlem  magistrates  were  infected  by 
their  fear,  and  actually  sent  three  of  their  number  to 
enter  into  secret  negotiations  with  Alva,  but  their 
intentions  were  frustrated  by  Ripperda,  the  patriot 
commander  of  the  garrison.2  Two  of  the  magistrates 
were  executed  by  the  populace,  after  a pretence  of  a 
trial,  and  St.  Aldegonde,  under  the  direction  of  the 
prince,  appointed  a complete  new  corporation. 

1 Kronijk  van  het  hislorische  gezelschap  te  Utrecht , 1854,  p.  160. 
According  to  Motley  (ii. , 413),  the  prince  appeared  before  an  assembly 
of  the  states  at  Harlem,  which  had  met  at  his  request,  and  unfolded 
his  plans,  under  injunctions  of  such  absolute  secrecy  that  no  records 
of  the  session  exist.  It  is  probable  that  he  entered  more  fully  into  the 
state  of  his  negotiations  with  England  and  into  the  possible  resumption 
by  Count  Louis  of  his  private  intercourse  with  the  French  court,  than 
it  was  safe  to  divulge  at  that  date. 

2 Hoofd,  vii.,  272  el  seq. 


1573]  Harlem . 3 1 

Don  Frederic  rested  a little  at  Amsterdam  after 
his  labours,  and  then  proceeded  towards  Harlem.  On 
December  nth,  he  regularly  invested  the  city,  and 
under  cover  of  the  mist  succeeded  in  placing  30,000 
men  around  it.  A mist  is  naturally  as  friendly  to 
one  party  as  another,  and  under  the  same  shelter  the 
Harlem  folk  succeeded  in  bringing  supplies  into  their 
threatened  town  from  Harlem  Lake,1  where  Orange 
had  managed  to  erect  several  forts.  On  the  18th, 
the  mist  lifted,  permitting  the  citizens  to  see  the 
line  of  investiture,  which  the  Spaniards  had  made 
entirely  around  the  town.  No  more  supplies  could 
be  brought  in,  and  the  citizens  knew  that  they  were 
henceforth  dependent  on  their  stores.  More  than 
stores,  they  had  courage  to  a wonderful  extent.  The 
story  of  this  siege  is  well  known.  Mr.  Motley  re- 
lates it  in  such  detail,  that  it  would  be  needless  to 
repeat  it  from  the  same  sources  and  without  his 
pen. 

The  faint-hearted  magistrates  disposed  of,  every 
man,  woman,  and  child  identified  themselves  heart 
and  soul  with  the  cause.  One  and  all  were  deter- 
mined to  keep  the  Spaniards  at  bay  as  long  as  possi- 
ble. A body  of  three  hundred  women  were  organised 
as  one  company,  and  did  valiant  service  under 
Kenauw  Simon  Hasselaar,  a widow  forty-seven  years 
old.2  All  sorts  of  irregular  weapons  were  used,  with- 
out regard  to  military  tactics.  Every  missile  that 
could  inflict  damage  was  hurled  at  the  besiegers,  and 
burning  tar  and  boiling  oil  were  poured  down  on 


1 The  great  lake  is  now  completely  drained. 

2 Eene  noodige  mannin,  Iioofd,  vii.,  275. 


32 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572- 


their  luckless  heads.  Don  Frederic  bombarded  the 
walls  for  three  days,  but  the  people  worked  day  and 
night  to  repair  the  breaches  and  with  good  result.1 2 
Orange  was  often  at  Sassenheim,  at  the  east  end  of 
Harlem  Lake,  and  watched  every  opportunity  of 
aiding  and  encouraging  the  besieged,  sending  fre- 
quent letters  by  carrier  pigeons.  His  whole  force, 
collected  through  Holland,  amounted  to  between 
3000  and  4000  men,3  and  these  he  sent,  about  the 
middle  of  December,  toward  the  city  under  com- 
mand of  la  Mark,  who,  unfortunately,  accepted  an 
encounter  in  which  he  gained  nothing  and  lost  a 
thousand  men. 

Savage  cruelties  were  permitted  in  his  camps 
which  the  Spaniards  repaid  in  kind,  and  it  seemed 
indeed  as  though  the  spirit  of  humanity  had  fled  to 
brutish  beasts  and  men  had  lost  their  reason. 

On  January  18th,  Orange  wrote3  a short  note  to 
Ripperda,  begging  him  to  hold  out,  and  assuring 
him  that  their  friends  were  trying  to  succour  them. 
He  was  indeed  leaving  no  stone  unturned  to  find 
aid.  Boisot  and  other  messengers  had  crossed  the 
North  Sea  to  Elizabeth,  who  accorded  them  only 
vague  and  uncertain  answers.4 

Charles  IX.  and  his  mother  sent  one  Fregose  to 
Dillenburg  to  confer  with  Louis,  and  make  secret 


1 In  January  he  succeeded  in  making  a breach  in  the  walls,  and 
discovered  that  the  citizens  had  built  up  a wall  within,  to  be  ready 
for  such  an  event. 

2 The  Spanish  force  numbered  about  30,000. — Hoofd,  vii.,  275. 

3 Groen,  Archives , iv.,  48.  This  was  sent  into  Harlem,  cut  in 
small  pieces,  and  carried  by  pigeons. 

4 Hoofd,  vii.,  277. 


1573] 


Offers  from  Charles  IX. 


33 


offers  of  assistance.  La  Huguerye  describes1  quaint- 
ly how  they  feared  to  receive  this  messenger,  whom 
he,  as  well  as  Louis,  had  known  well  in  days 
when  they  had  all  been  trustful  in  Paris.  At  first 
he  was  denied  audience  by  Louis,  who  was  still  an 
invalid.  Finally,  the  count,  attired  in  a long  dress- 
ing-gown — possibly  the  same  one  in  which  he  left 
Mons, — came  out  in  a gallery  and  received  the 
Frenchman,  though  with  distrust;  the  conversation 
was  cold  and  Fregose  departed,  not  encouraged  by 
his  mission. 

Louis  and  John  were  sufficiently  discouraged  to 
give  heed  to  the  advice  of  their  German  friends,  who 
assured  them  that  their  cause  was  lost,  that  depen- 
dence on  France  was  in  vain,  and  that  reconciliation 
with  Spain  was  the  only  course  open  to  them.2 *  The 
emperor  offered  to  act  as  mediator,  and  negotia- 
tions were  actually  begun. 

On  February  5th,  Orange  wrote8  from  Delft  to 
his  brothers,  thanking  them  as  usual  for  their  warm 
interest  and  aid,  and  specifying  the  terms  on  which 
he  would  make  peace  : Liberty  of  conscience  and  of 
worship — restoration  of  ancient  privileges, — and  ex- 
pulsion of  the  Spanish  garrisons.  Likewise  he 
thought  that  the  king  ought  to  pay  his  (Orange’s) 
soldiers — which  was  certainly  a futile  hope, — and 
then  Philip  would  see  that  the  public  peace  was  his 
aim  and 

“ that  I am  not  opinionated  against  what  is  reasonable. 

‘Vol.  i.,  153.  The  whole  family  urged  the  Count  to  send  away 
Fregose  without  even  looking  at  his  credentials.  “ His  nation  can 
never  more  be  trusted,”  they  said. 

2Groen,  Archives , iv,,  49. 

VOL.  II. — 3 


5 Ibid. 


34 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572- 


But  the  difficulty  lies  in  this  point,  whether  from  our 
past  experience  we  can  trust  their  assurances,  when 
we  know  that  they  have  vowed  to  consider  such  con- 
tracts as  null  and  void.  They  persuade  themselves  that 
promises  to  heretics  can  be  absolved  by  the  pope,  so 
they  do  not  consider  themselves  bound.  Such  being 
the  case,  I wish  the  princes  would  consult  among  them- 
selves, and  make  suggestions  on  what  we  should  con- 
sider reliable.  As  for  me,  I confess  I could  not  depend 
on  my  assurances,  at  least  on  anything  the  king  would 
be  likely  to  accept.  So  do  discuss  it,  and  if  you  hit  on 
some  advisable  course,  let  me  know.  I will  not  fail  to 
agree  on  my  part,  and  influence  the  estates  as  much  as  I 
can. 

“ As  regards  your  coming  here,  I do  not  consider  it 
expedient  or  suitable  for  your  person,  or  worth  while  for 
the  cause,  to  risk  it,  but  I should  think  it  better  to  go  to 
Emden  and  take  the  sea  with  two  or  three  well-equipped 
boats.” 

He  ends  with  saying  that  it  is  vain  to  count  on  aid 
from  England.' 

In  March,  Orange  wrote  5 as  follows  to  Louis  : 

“ In  your  last  letter  you  speak  of  my  shortly  receiving 
good  news.  Not  knowing  what  that  may  be,  suspecting 
that  it  may  concern  the  treaty  of  peace,  I beg  you  to  let 

' The  prince  expected  nothing  from  Elizabeth's  wavering  policy, 
but  he  hoped  for  some  assistance  from  the  reformed  churches  in 
England,  and  in  this  he  was  not  disappointed. 

It  chanced  about  this  time  that  a new  decree  of  Philip,  upon  the 
inquisition,  fell  into  the  hands  of  one  of  the  few  existing  Huguenots 
in  France,  which  was  promptly  forwarded  to  Orange  in  hopes  that 
some  use  of  it  might  be  made  to  rouse  the  people. 

2 Groen,  Archives,  iv.,  72. 


1573] 


Stress  in  Harlem. 


35 


me  know  the  truth  by  the  earliest  convenience,  so  that  I 
can  know  how  to  act.  For  my  part,  it  seems  very  im- 
portant to  consider  whether  in  proposing  conditions  and 
articles  on  which  to  base  an  accord,  we  may  not  be  lay- 
ing ourselves  open  to  the  accusation  that  we  wish  to  dic- 
tate laws  to  our  superiors.  Even  the  form  the  admiral 
used  does  not  seem  to  me  permissible  from  a subject  or 
vassal  towards  his  liege.1  Would  it  not  be  better  to  sug- 
gest that  they  propose  the  conditions,  and  that  we  then 
decide  whether  we  can  accept  or  not  ? Thus,  besides  the 
fact  that  we  would  then  remain  entirely  within  our  rights 
( en  not  re  entier)  we  would  earn  praise  for  our  modesty. 
I beg  you  to  ponder  this.  As  to  affairs  here,  the  Har- 
lemers  hold  on  valiantly,  although  there  is  a dearth  of 
provisions,  and  the  people  are  so  weary  of  war  that  they 
are  lax  in  their  duty,  and  you  can  judge  how  difficult  it 
will  be  to  prolong  the  effort.  For  my  part,  I see  no  pos- 
sibility of  raising  the  siege,  so  I beg  you  to  see  what  you 
can  suggest,  either  by  a grand  levy,  or  by  rousing  the 
princes  to  act  in  unison.  It  would  be  a shame  to  let 
worthy  people  perish  so.  If  they  fall  after  such  a 
staunch  resistance,  it  will  be  easy  to  predict  the  effect 
on  other  towns.  . . . Use  your  discretion  and  take 

care  of  your  person.  All  the  country  is  longing  for  you 
like  the  angel  Gabriel." 

It  is  strange  that  anyone  should  have  had  faith  in 
a negotiation  which  was  so  fruitless  on  the  face 
of  it,  but  the  efforts  to  further  it  were  made  in  all 
sincerity.  In  May,  John  of  Nassau  went  to  Cologne,2 

1 This  paragraph  is  in  German. 

2 The  mainspring  of  Philip’s  attempts  at  reconciliation  was  his  de- 
sire to  be  successor  to  the  emperor.  He  was  ready  to  promise  the 
German  princes  that,  if  they  would  confer  the  crown  upon  him,  he 


36 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572- 


expressly  on  this  mission  of  peace,  while  the  Land- 
grave of  Hesse  professed  his  readiness  to  act  as 
mediator,  thinking  that  a peace  between  Philip  and 
his  subjects  might  be  established  on  the  model  of 
the  Peace  of  Augsburg  in  1555. 

Some  time  in  May,  Orange  wrote *  1 to  Louis  that 
he  was  afraid  of  the  emperor’s  intervention. 

“ And  as  to  the  other  and  chief  part  of  your  letter 
touching  the  mission  of  Fregose,  I must  frankly  tell  you 
of  the  deep-rooted  distrust  that  the  states,  individually 
and  collectively,  entertain  towards  the  king,  on  account 
of  his  late  enormity.  If  we  are  to  be  under  any  tyrant, 
it  is  surely  better  to  be  tyrannised  over  by  one’s  natural 
prince  than  by  a stranger.  This  opinion  is  deeply  rooted 
in  the  heart  of  every  one,  as  is  reasonable.” 

There  was  another  difficulty  that  Orange  had  to 
contend  with  at  this  time,  similar  to  one  that  beset 
Washington  in  the  early  years  of  the  Revolution. 

would  withdraw  the  Spaniards  from  the  Netherlands,  would  reunite 
the  provinces  to  the  imperial  circle,  would  restore  the  Prince  of 
Orange  and  all  his  accomplices  to  their  former  possessions  and  dig- 
nities, and  would  permit  the  same  religious  observances  as  were 
allowed  in  the  rest  of  Germany.  Thus  powerful  was  ambition  in 
changing  his  view.  But  he  was  disappointed,  and  the  conditions  he 
then  interposed  as  a peace  basis  rendered  the  negotiations  nugatory. 
— Groen,  Archives , iv.,  19. 

In  March,  Philip  made  a new  treaty  with  Elizabeth,  who  was  also 
in  constant  correspondence  with  Orange.  On  April  loth,  Louis  of 
Nassau  wrote  to  the  queen  begging  her  to  marry  Alenjon. — Rel. 
Politiques,  vi.,  675  et  scq. 

1 Groen,  Archives , iv.,  113.  May  15th  the  prince  made  a treaty 
with  English  merchants,  allowing  them  to  enter  the  Scheldt,  having 
left  their  artillery  in  Zealand,  in  return  for  which  they  were  to  supply 
him  with  means  to  buy  ammunition  in  England. — Ibid.,  94. 


1573] 


Fall  of  Harlem. 


37 


This  was  that  he  had  not  sufficient  despotic 
power,  but  was  compelled  to  lend  an  ear  to  many 
advisers. 

Public  opinion  clamoured  for  a further  attempt  to 
rescue  Harlem.1 2  A volunteer  force  of  about  4000 
men  was  collected,  determined  to  make  one  desperate 
effort  at  relief.  The  prince  proposed  to  lead  this 
forlorn  hope  himself,  but  the  states  refused  to  allow 
this,  and  it  was  entrusted  to  one  Batenburg,  who 
hoped  to  be  reinforced  by  German  troops  in  the 
woods.  The  expedition  was  as  foolhardy  as  it  was 
generous,  for  what  could  this  untrained  band  do 
against  Spanish  veterans? 

It  was  sympathy  against  judgment,  and  nothing 
short  of  a miracle  could  have  prevented  failure.  No 
miracle  came.  The  plucky  volunteers  were  cut  to 
pieces.  This  was  the  last  hope  for  Harlem.3  Further 

1 Groen,  Archives , iv.,  169  ; Hoofd,  vii.,  279. 

2 “ And  I let  pass  nothing  which  might  contribute  to  this  result,  and 
at  the  very  last,  at  the  instance  of  the  states  and  the  people,  tried  to 
re-victual  it,  although  the  enterprise  was  very  hazardous  and  against 
my  judgment.” — Orange  to  Louis,  August  10th.  Groen,  Archives , 
iv.,  175- 

As  Orange  wrote  in  the  above  letter  : “ The  Spanish  troops  were 
greatly  disappointed  in  the  booty  they  expected  from  Harlem,  as 
Don  Frederic  had  taken  it  all,  and  they  mutinied  to  the  number  of 
forty  companies,  seizing  the  city,  and  chasing  out  colonels,  captains, 
and  all  the  other  officers — even  Julian  Romero,  who  saved  himself  by 
flight.”  The  mutiny  was  regularly  organised,  and  a chief  was  elected 
with  whom  Alva  was  forced  to  make  terms.  Hoofd  says  (viii. , 304), 
though  without  vouching  for  the  truth  of  this  statement,  that  a party 
of  twelve  mutineers,  disguised  as  merchants,  visited  the  prince  at 
Delft,  were  admitted  to  his  bedroom,  and  offered  to  deliver  over 
Harlem  for  40,000  guilders.  Lack  of  funds  alone  prevented  him 
from  accepting  this  offer — “ niet  wetende  zoo  viel  by  een  te 
schraapen.” 


38 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572- 


resistance  at  such  odds  was  useless,  and  the  city 
yielded.  The  articles  of  capitulation  were  signed 
July  1 2th,  and  two  days  later  the  Spaniards  entered 
the  city  and  commenced  a regular  massacre;  1735 
persons  were  hung,  beheaded,  and  drowned.1 2 3 4 * 

The  profound  discouragement  caused  by  this  sur- 
render after  seven  months’  resistance  against  the 
greatest  odds,  can  be  better  imagined  than  described. 
Alva  makes  a statement  in  a letter  to  Philip,  that  at 
Delft  the  people  were  so  indignant  at  the  prince  for 
his  failure  to  relieve  the  besieged,  that  they  threat- 
ened to  sack  his  housed 

Don  Frederic  lost  no  time  after  the  sack  of  Harlem 
in  turning  to  the  north,  and  on  July  16th  he  reached 
Alkmaar.9  This  was  a pretty  little  city,  the  strong- 
est in  the  narrow  sandy  strip  of  North  Holland, 
lying  halfway  between  the  North  Sea  and  the  Zui- 
der-Zee.* 

Strange  that  the  good  people  there  should  have 
dared  to  resist,  but  they  were  ready  for  the  attack, 
and  held  out  firmly  for  six  weeks,  though  they  had 
a garrison  of  but  eight  hundred  men.  At  the  end  of 
that  period  (October  8th)  Don  Frederic  raised  the 
siege  and  turned  southwards.6 *  For  the  first  time 

1 Spanish  authorities  make  this  number  3000. 

2 Juliana  of  Nassau  wrote  to  Louis,  July  21st,  that  she  is  pained  for 
the  prince  to  hear  of  Harlem’s  sad  fate,  but  as  her  news  came  from 
a Papist  city,  she  can  only  hope  that  it  is  false. — Groen,  Archives, 
iv.,  173. 

3 Strada,  vii. , 81. 

4 Between  the  North  and  South  Seas,  though  theZuider-Zee  is  not 

translated  in  the  English  name. 

6 Dispatches  from  Orange,  ordering  General  Sonoy,  who  had  re- 

placed la  Mark  in  Holland,  to  open  the  dykes  and  bring  in  the 


THE  DEFEAT  OF  BOSSU. 
(From  an  old  copperplate.) 


1573] 


The  Prince  Joins  the  Calvinists. 


39 


since  Orange  had  crossed  the  Zuider-Zee,  the 
advances  of  the  Spaniards  were  checked.* 1 

There  were  two  or  three  other  slight  gains.  The 
patriots  succeeded  in  resisting  an  effort  to  retake 
Zealand  ; Gertruidenberg,  a town  belonging  to 
Orange  in  Brabant,  was  wrested  from  the  Spaniards  ; 
the  Spanish  fleet  was  defeated  near  Enkhuizen,  and 
Bossu,2  the  commander,  was  taken  prisoner.  On  the 
other  hand,  Philip  Marnix  had  been  surprised  at 
Maaslandsluis,  and  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
Spaniards.3  Lucky  it  was  for  the  safety  of  his  per- 
son that  Bossu  lost  his  liberty  at  about  the  same  time, 
as  the  prince  immediately  declared  that  Bossu  should 
receive  exactly  the  same  treatment  as  Marnix. 

In  the  month  of  October,  the  prince  took  a step 
that  separated  him  for  ever  from  “our  true  and 
ancient  religion,”  as  well  as  from  the  Confession  of 
Augsburg. 

On  October  23d,  a certain  Bartholdus  Wilhelmi, 
a minister  living  at  Dordrecht,  wrote  4 to  one  of  the 
London  churches : 

“ Brothers  : I must  hasten  to  inform  you  that  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  our  pious  stadtholder,  has  joined  the 

sea,  and  thus  force  the  Spaniards  away  from  their  position,  fell  into 
Don  Frederic’s  hands.  He  concluded  that  discretion  was  the  better 
part  of  valour,  and  promptly  decamped.  The  ground  was  already 
moist  and  fit  only  for  frogs — none  could  have  stayed  but  fishes. — 
Hoofd,  vii.,  311. 

1 In  the  summer  of  1892,  Allcmaar  had  a population  of  14,000, 
6000  of  whom  were  Catholics. 

2 Bossu  was  royalist  Governor  of  Holland,  and  did  not,  of  course, 
recognise  any  divided  authority  with  the  prince. 

3 Orange  to  Louis. — Groen,  Archives , iv.,  231. 

i Ibid. , 226. 


40 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572- 


congregation,  broken  the  Master’s  bread  with  the  people, 
and  submitted  to  discipline.” 

There  are  no  private  letters  about  this  very  im- 
portant event  in  the  story  of  the  prince’s  character. 
It  was  evidently  necessary  that  he  should  identify 
himself  with  some  communion,  and  it  must  be  re- 
membered that  Louis  was  a whole-souled,  ardent 
Calvinist.  He  had  felt  the  influence  of  Geneva,  and 
he  was  not  of  a nature  to  be  troubled  by  hair-splitting 
doubts.  To  him  the  truth  was  the  truth,  and  there 
were  no  two  sides.  His  brother  was  different  in 
every  fibre. 

In  1567,  he  had  said  to  the  differing  congregations  : 
“ Het  geschil  is  te  kleen  orn  gesplijt  te  blijven."  1 2 Un- 
doubtedly that  was  still  his  personal  opinion.11  But 
it  was  now  plain  that  he  was  to  be  the  political 
head  of  the  people.  It  seemed,  therefore,  better  to 
identify  himself  with  the  strongest  sect,  and  from 
that  vantage-ground  to  protect  the  others.  Expe- 
diency was  the  mainspring  of  his  action,  but  it  was 
a very  honest  expediency.  How  difficult  toleration 
was  to  comprehend,  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  even 
the  Calvinists  did  not  trust  him  wholly,  looking  with 
suspicion  on  his  kindness  towards  those  out  of  their 
communion. 

1 “ The  difference  is  too  slight  for  you  to  remain  separated.” — 
Hoofd,  iv.,  132. 

2 In  October,  he  took  another  step,  which  showed  that  he  still  re- 
garded Catholics  as  fellow  human  beings.  His  captain,  la  Mark, 
who  had  done  valiant  service  on  the  sea  and  cruel  misdeeds  on  the 
land,  passed  the  limits  of  endurance  in  his  persecution  of  the 
Catholics,  and  the  prince  arrested  him  and  kept  him  in  prison  until 
the  end  of  1574. 


1573] 


The  Throne  of  Poland. 


4i 


The  activity  of  the  prince  at  this  time  was  pro- 
digious. No  possibility  in  any  direction  did  he 
leave  untouched.  No  chance  of  obtaining  aid,  or  of 
rousing  public  sympathy,  did  he  neglect.  His  letters 
to  his  brothers  are  incessant,  long,  and  detailed.  To 
them  he  left  the  affairs  with  the  German  princes. 
For  himself  he  had  some  faith  in  France.1 2  Not  be- 
cause he  trusted  either  Charles  IX.  or  Catherine, 
but  he  saw  reasons  why  the  latter  should  be  interested 
in  effacing  the  impression  of  St.  Bartholomew,  and 
he  thought  that  interested  motives  were  safer  to  rely 
upon  than  sympathy. 

He  had  said  to  his  brothers,  and  said  truly,  that  a 
change  from  one  tyrant  to  another  was  both  futile 
and  useless,  but  with  the  struggle  his  opinion 
changed.  Catherine  had  voluntarily  turned  towards 
the  German  Protestants,  because  the  elective  throne 
of  Poland  had  become  vacant  in  July,  1 572,®  and  she 
wished  to  seat  her  third  son,  the  Duke  of  Anjou, 
upon  it.  In  this  ambition  she  was  gratified.  In  the 
autumn  of  1573,  she  accompanied  the  king-elect  to 
the  boundaries,  on  his  way  to  his  new  kingdom.3 

1 Michelet  (x.,  4),  in  commenting  on  the  history  of  the  Protestant 

negotiations  with  Catholic  France,  still  reeking  with  the  blood  of  St. 
Bartholomew,  says  : “ Nous  entrons  dans  un  pays  etrange  et  nouveau, 
la  terra  incognita , comme  disent  les  anciens  geographes.  Dans  cette 
terre  inconnue  ne  nous  etonnons  pas  si  nous  voyons  surgir  les  mon- 
stres.  . . . Un  Dieu  blafard  a masque  bleme,  trone  & la  place  de 

la  religion,  Politique. 

2 De  Thou,  liii. , 448. 

3 La  Huguerye,  i.,  188.  There  was  even  a suggestion  that  the 
Prince  of  Orange  should  be  raised  to  this  dignity,  as  the  Protestant 
party  in  Poland  was  in  the  ascendant. 

The  new  king  was  hospitably  entertained  by  the  German  princes 


42 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572- 


Since  Fregose’s  mission  to  Louis  in  1 572,  there 
had  been  several  attempts  at  negotiation,  when 
Charles  had  made  veiled  offers  of  support  and  assist- 
ance. What  Orange  then  thought  on  the  subject  has 
already  been  quoted.  The  way  of  the  negotiator 
was  hard,  as  distrust  and  suspicion  met  him  at  every 
turn. 

Louis’s  messenger  to  Catherine  ventured  to  take 
high  ground.  On  one  occasion,  Catherine,  some- 
what chagrined  at  his  persistence  in  demanding 
vouchers  for  all  promises,  asked  proudly,  “ Is  not  the 
word  of  a king  sufficient  ? ” “ By  St.  Bartholomew, 

it  is  not,  madame ! ” answered  the  gentleman,  rather 
impudently.  The  one  desire  of  both  Catherine  and 
her  sons  was  now  to  convince  the  German  princes, 
whose  support  was  necessary  for  the  Polish  king, 
that  the  massacre  of  1572  had  been  unpremeditated.1 
Anjou  wrote  to  Schomberg,  the  confidential  agent 
of  the  French  court : 


through  whose  estates  he  passed,  but  the  sore  subject  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew marred  the  pleasure  of  these  feasts.  The  Landgrave  of 
Hesse  went  to  his  chateau  of  Rotherham  near  Carlsbad  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  receiving  the  royal  traveller.  “ The  landgrave, 
who  was  no  mean  scholar,  spoke  very  strongly  about  the  deed 
of  Paris,  and  the  King  of  Poland  defended  the  slaughter  with 
arguments  from  Machiavelli.  Whereupon  the  landgrave  turned 
on  him  so  roughly  that  his  voice  could  he  heard  on  the  street, 
saying  that  a Christian  had  no  business  to  follow  Machiavellian 
precepts.  Then  seeing  the  king  at  a loss  for  another  word,  he  cooled 
down  and  turned  the  subject  to  the  affairs  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.” 
— La  Huguerye,  i.,  200. 

1 Groen,  Archives , iv.,  266.  Michelet  says  that  in  this  Polish 
scheme  Catherine  was  aided  by  the  singular  alliance  of  the  Turks, 
the  pope,  and  the  German  Lutherans. 


1573] 


French.  Policy. 


43 


“You  may  assure  the  princes  that  all  we  have  written 
about  affairs  in  this  realm  is  true  ; events  happened  unex- 
pectedly, and  with  no  premeditation.  The  king  and  I 
have  never  had  any  understanding  with  the  King  of 
Spain  against  those  of  the  religion,  and  that  it  is  nothing 
but  lies  that  are  daily  repeated  to  the  princes,  as  you 
will  hear  further  from  the  Count  de  Retz.” 

This  was  in  November,  1572,  and  the  same  argu- 
ment was  repeated  in  all  the  letters  and  interviews 
which  followed  between  the  Nassau  brothers  and  the 
French  envoys  during  the  following  year.  How 
much  credit  was  really  given  to  the  words,  no  one 
can  tell.  For  myself,  I think  the  prince  gave  none, 
but  that,  as  above  mentioned,  he  understood 
Catherine’s  motives  perfectly. 

A letter  from  Louis  to  Charles  IX.,1  written  in 
June,  shows  that  he,  too,  had  a fair  knowledge  of 
the  character  with  whom  he  was  dealing.  It  is  fairly 
plain  speaking  from  man  to  man.  After  the  usual 
generalities,  Louis  said  he  had  noticed  a fear  on  the 
king’s  part  lest  he  might  dictate  to  him  on  his  affairs. 
That  was  something  the  count  had  no  intention  of 
doing,  but  at  the  same  time  he  would  like  to  make  a 
suggestion  to  the  king.  It  was  well  known  that 
Charles’s  reputation  had  suffered  grievously,  as  could 
be  seen  by  caricatures,  libellous  pamphlets,  and  all 


1 Groen,  Archives , iv.,  81.  Michelet  says  (x.,  28)  : “History  has 
preserved  nothing  more  bitter  than  this  cry  of  Louis  of  Nassau  before 
the  fall  of  Harlem.  . . . This  terrible  piece  of  frankness  sweeps 
away  at  a blow  all  the  diplomacy  of  the  period.  . . .”  Again  (p. 

45) : “ The  bold  words  of  Louis  of  Nassau  proved  to  be  from  a man 
on  the  eve  of  death  to  a dying  man.” 


44 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572- 


kinds  of  publications.  An  alliance  with  the  Protes- 
tant princes  alone  could  clear  him.  In  1572,  the 
French  king  had  been  respected  everywhere,  and 
had  almost  been  elected  King  of  the  Romans.  Now 
everything  was  different.  No  one  trusted  him,  and 
his  kingdom  was  nearly  ruined.  If  he  continued  to 
oppress  his  faithful  subjects  of  the  reformed  faith, 
his  fair  words  would  produce  no  effect  elsewhere. 

“There  is  so  much  dissimulation  in  your  Majesty’s 
words  and  letters,  that  no  one  can  trust  him  in  the  least. 
How  did  your  Majesty  act  with  the  admiral — pretending 
to  be  alarmed  about  his  wounds,  and  promising 
vengeance  on  his  assailants  two  days  before  your 
Majesty  took  vengeance  indeed,  but  in  rather  ill- 
fashion  ! 

“ Finally,  I wish  your  Majesty  to  recognise  this  fact, 
that  although  you  have  retaken  all  the  cities  held  by  the 
Protestants,  you  have  not  exterminated  religion.  The 
late  Emperor  Charles  not  only  gained  the  cities,  but  ob- 
tained possession  of  the  persons  of  all  who  opposed  his 
designs,  but  affection  for  religion  is  too  deep-seated  to  be 
eradicated.” 

He  ends  by  saying  that  if  Charles  will  only  take 
what  he  has  said  in  good  part,  and  not  let  himself  be 
flattered  by  bad  physicians,  but  follow  his  advice, 
everything  will  go  just  to  his  desire. 

This  letter  shows  that  Louis  placed  himself  on  a 
fairly  well  defined  basis  towards  Charles.  That  mon- 
arch did  not  apparently  resent  this  plain  speaking,  as 
he  continued  to  furnish  secret  aid  all  through  the  sum- 
mer. The  following  letter  from  Louis  gives  a picture 


1573] 


Interview  at  Blamont. 


45 


of  his  interview  at  Blamont  with  the  French,  and  his 
many  projects  for  gaining  allies  for  his  brother.1 

“I  do  not  doubt  you  have  longed  for  news,  but  when 
you  know  the  reason  for  my  silence,  you  will  be  satisfied. 
It  was,  that  hearing  from  France  that  the  new  governor 2 
was  to  pass  by  on  his  way  to  the  Netherlands,  carrying  a 
packet  full  of  trumperies,  under  a pretence  of  peace,  I 
was  advised  by  the  Elector  Palatine  and  others  to  try  and 
capture  him  on  the  way,  and  having  given  orders  to  this 
effect,  I hastened  to  Heidelberg,  where  I heard  that  the 
said  governor  had  passed  by  at  full  speed,  and  reached 
Thionville  with  only  a hundred  horse,  as  his  suspicions 
were  aroused  about  the  safety  of  this  region.  Dis- 
appointed in  this  enterprise,  the  elector  begged  me  to  go 
to  the  French  frontier  to  meet  the  queen-mother  and  the 
King  of  Poland,  who  had  just  arrived  there  on  his  way 
to  his  kingdom  (we  escorted  him  as  far  as  Hanau, 
whence  he  departed  to-day),  to  see  if  something  good 
could  not  be  concluded  to  aid  both  the  said  elector  and 
the  Netherlands.  I could  not  refuse  him,  considering 
the  footing  he  is  on  in  everything  that  concerns  you. 

. . In  short,  the  King  of  France  proposed  to  espouse 

the  cause  of  the  said  Netherlands,  just  as  the  Protestant 
princes  espouse  it,  in  whatever  way  this  may  be,  openly 
or  otherwise,  and  without  counting  the  money  he  has  al- 
ready given  us.  The  Doctor  and  Zuleger  are  here  with 
me,  and  intend  to  go  together  to  the  landgrave,  to  urge 
him  to  promise  a similar  course  to  that  to  which  the  King 
of  Poland  consented,  both  in  his  own  name  and  as 
deputy  of  his  brother,  the  French  king.  We  hope  to  find 
John  Casimir  back  there,  to  tell  us  in  what  disposition  he 


1 Louis  to  Orange. — Groen,  Archives , iv.,  278. 

2 Requesens. 


46 


William  the  Silent. 


[1572- 


left  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  of  whom  we  have  better  hope 
daily. 

“You  may  be  assured,  Monsieur,  that  your  affairs  go 
better  in  Germany  than  they  ever  did  before,  and  that 
my  brothers  and  I will  not  lose  a single  minute  in  ad- 
vancing them  as  well  as  we  can.  As  to  the  Bishop  of 
Cologne,  he  is  in  good  train,  thank  God.  My  brother, 
Count  John,  is  coming  to  meet  him  here,  in  accordance 
with  the  letters  he  has  had  from  him.  We  have  arranged 
that  the  King  of  France  shall  give  him  16,000  livres  pen- 
sion, and  that  he  shall  have  one  year’s  income  of  6000 
crowns  in  advance,  on  consideration  that  he  breaks  free 
from  the  Spanish  entirely,  from  this  time  on.  The 
princes  have  resolved  to  support  him  as  married  bishop, 
though  he  married  in  opposition  to  his  chapter.  . . 

Concerning  the  money  you  want,  we  shall  take  pains  to 
send  it  to  you  as  secretly  as  possible,  to  avoid  all  incon- 
veniences, and,  if  it  please  God,  we  shall  find  means  of 
doing  so  by  a shorter  and  safer  way  than  by  Bremen  or 
Emden.  We  may  be  disappointed  in  our  hopes  of  re- 
inforcement from  France,  but  we  hope  to  aid  you  even 
without  the  assistance  of  a single  French  soldier.  We 
have  agreed  that  all  the  cities  taken  by  aid  of  the  King 
of  France  and  the  German  princes,  shall  be  put  under 
protection  of  the  empire  so  as  to  win  all  the  princes  to 
your  side,  and  prevent  the  enemy  from  raising  forces  in 
Germany.  As  soon  as  this  journey  be  over,  Monsieur,  I 
shall  hasten  as  quickly  as  possible  to  see  you,  with  either 
a large  or  a small  company.  I had  an  interview  with  the 
Duke  of  Alengon,  who,  pressing  my  hand,  whispered  in 
my  ear,  that  if  he  had  the  government  there,  as  his 
brother  that  of  Poland,  he  would  second  you  to  the  ut- 
most. I know  how  to  use  his  fidelity,  which  would  be  no 
small  service  to  us.  If  God  grant  that  France  and 


1573] 


French  Aid. 


47 


Poland  work  together  as  they  promise,  I think  our  affairs 
will  be  marvellously  furthered.” 

The  events  which  were  taking  place  in  the  Nether- 
lands must  be  told  before  Louis’s  story  be  continued. 

The  prince’s  position  was  terribly  hard  and  terribly 
lonely.  He  had  thought  it  unwise  for  Louis  to  ex- 
pose his  person  by  coming  to  Holland,  though  the 
people  did  long  for  him  like  “ the  Angel  Gabriel.” 
At  the  same  time  he  wrote  1 in  August : 

“ Our  affairs  in  Zealand  and  Holland  would  go  pretty 
well  if  I only  had  some  assistance,  but  it  is  wellnigh  im- 
possible for  me  to  endure  alone  the  entire  burden  of  the 
important  affairs  which  come  upon  me  from  hour  to  hour, 
financial,  military,  political.  There  is  no  one  to  help 
me,  not  a man,  and  I leave  you  to  imagine  my  plight.” 

Aldegonde,  the  only  person  who  in  the  least  filled 
Louis’s  place,  was  in  The  Hague,  in  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.  Nor  was  loneliness  the  prince’s  only  private 
burden.  His  own  life  was  exposed  hourly  to  many 
more  dangers  than  the  casualties  of  war.  Granvelle 
had  advised  that  both  the  prince  and  his  brother 
should  be  disposed  of  “ like  Turks,”  and  Philip  was 
not  loath,  in  spite  of  his  negotiations  in  Germany, 
to  adopt  this  agreeable  advice. 

Juan  de  Albornoz,  private  secretary  to  the  Duke 
of  Alva,  wrote 3 on  Feb.  12, 1573,  to  Philip’s  chief  sec- 
retary : 


1 Groen,  Archives,  iv.,  191. 

5 Gachard,  Cor.,  vi.,  1.  Groen,  Supplement,  129. 


48 


William  the  Silent. 


11573 


“ He  who  brought  Coligny’s  head,  has  offered  to 
strike  off  the  head  of  another,  who  has  done  as  much 
harm  to  Christianity  as  the  scamp  now  in  hell.  He 
and  two  others  are  there,  God  help  them.” 

Gabriel  de  Cayas  showed  this  letter  to  Philip,  who 
wrote  on  the  margin  : 

“ I do  not  understand  that,  because  I do  not  know 
where  the  admiral’s  head  was  taken,  or  whose  this 
other  head  is,  although  it  seems  to  be  that  of  Orange. 
Certainly  they  have  shown  little  pluck  in  not  killing 
him,  for  that  would  be  the  best  remedy.” 

It  is  said  that  Alva  hired  an  Albanian  captain  to 
assassinate  the  prince,  but  the  gentleman  was  forced 
to  give  up  the  project.  He  was  entirely  ignorant  of 
Flemish,  and  could  not  make  his  way  into  the  prince’s 
presence.  St.  Goard,  French  ambassador  at  Madrid, 
wrote  to  Charles  IX.  that  Alva  and  Don  Frederic 
had  various  trusty  people  who  intended  to  murder 
the  prince.  Orange,  however,  was  well  equipped  for 
meeting  such  treachery.  He  had  spies  in  every  di- 
rection, even  in  Philip’s  own  cabinet.  A clerk  of 
this  same  Cayas  was  in  his  employ,  and  never  neg- 
lected to  transcribe  all  Philip’s  letters  that  were  im- 
portant to  the  prince.  Forewarned  was  forearmed, 
and  many  of  those  “ trusty  people  ” of  Alva  met  a 
summary  death,  as  they  were  making  their  way  to 
the  prince’s  person. 

In  September  Alva  summoned  the  estates  of  all 
the  Netherland  provinces — for  he  was  still  acting  as 
though  he  were  the  sole  head  in  the  land,  and  the 
little  court  at  Delft  was  entirely  ignored — to  meet 
at  Brussels,  and  vote  supplies  for  suppressing  their 


1573] 


Epistle  to  the  King  of  Spain. 


49 


freedom  of  action.  Orange  seized  this  opportunity 
of  making  an  appeal  to  the  assembled  estates,  in  his 
name  and  in  that  of  Holland  and  Zealand.  The 
document  is  only  given  in  Bor.1  It  was  simply  an 
energetic  call  to  rouse  themselves  to  combined  action. 
Did  not  Alva  obtain  all  the  means  to  oppress  the 
people  from  their  own  pockets — why  should  they 
calmly  go  on  furnishing  the  sinews  of  war  to  be 
directed  against  themselves  ? Their  former  princes 
lived  on  the  soil  and  never  had  a stiver  that  was  not 
granted  them.  Why  should  this  foreigner  usurp 
what  no  native  prince  had  dared  ask  for?  Holland 
was  making  what  stand  she  could,  though  Amster- 
dam was  not  with  her;  if  the  Netherlands  were  but 
united,  what  could  they  not  do  ? 

This  paper,  in  the  name  of  the  states,  was  followed 
by  an  epistle  to  the  King  of  Spain,  which  was  scat- 
tered broadcast  over  Europe.2  A picture  of  the 
misery  in  the  land  was  drawn  with  no  sparing  pencil 
— the  pardon  offered  by  Philip  was  characterised  in 
scathing  terms,  and  then  the  writer  declared  roundly 
that  the  arms  taken  against  Alva  would  not  be  laid 
down  while  there  was  a hand  to  wield  a sword.  This 
was  open  warfare  with  a vengeance  ! 

Alva’s  career  in  the  Netherlands  now  came  to  a 
close.  Medina  Coeli  had  returned  as  he  came,3  but 
Alva  really  was  ready  to  go,  and  the  apppointment 
of  Don  Luis  de  Requesens  y Cufiiga  as  Governor- 
General  of  the  Netherlands,  who  arrived  in  Brussels 

1 Bor,  i.,  459  et  seq. 

J Ibid. , 464. 

3 Hoofd,  viii. , 314. 
vor  11. — 4 


50 


William  the  Silent. 


[1573 


November  17th,  was  welcome  to  him.  His  hand  was 
against  every  man,  and  every  man’s  hand  was  against 
him.  Old  Viglius,  once  so  faithful  to  Spanish  inter- 
ests, distrusted  him  so  cordially  that  co-operation 
was  impossible.  Alva  wrote  to  Philip'  that  he  really 
could  not  do  anything  with  “this  ancient  set  of  dog- 
matisers.  Till  they  are  gone,  together  with  Viglius, 
who  teaches  them  their  lesson,  nothing  will  go  right. 
One  or  two  Spaniards,  is  only  like  pouring  a flask 
of  good  wine  into  a hogshead  of  vinegar — it  soon 
changes  to  vinegar.” 

During  his  stay  in  Amsterdam,  the  duke  had  con- 
tracted enormous  debts.  In  November,  he  sent  a 
trumpet  through  the  city,  to  proclaim  that  everyone 
might  bring  their  claims  on  a specified  day.  The 
night  before  the  appointed  day,  he  and  his  followers 
departed  silently  in  the  darkness,  and  his  trusting 
creditors  had  to  continue  to  trust.1 2 

Not  much  was  hoped  from  the  advent  of  the  new 
regent.  Requesens  3 was  a man  of  mediocre  abili- 
ties, who,  according  to  Motley,  possessed  a reputa- 
tion for  sagacity  and  moderation  far  beyond  his 
deserts.  He  had  not  kept  faith  with  the  Moors  in 
Granada,  and  had  been  very  unpopular  in  Milan. 

1 Cor.  dc  Philippe  II.,  ii. , 359. 

2 Alva’s  later  career  was  not  distinguished.  An  adventure  of  Don 
Frederic  threw  both  father  and  son  into  disgrace  with  Philip.  Alva 
made  one  more  campaign  in  Portugal,  and  then  fell  into  a lingering 
fever,  and  was  so  reduced  that  life  could  only  be  supported  by  milk 
from  a woman’s  breast.  He  died  December  12,  1582.  See  also 
Motley,  ii.,  497. 

3 Louis's  plan  for  capturing  Requesens  on  his  way  has  already  been 
shown  in  his  letter. 


DON  LUIS  DE  REQUESENS. 
(Based  on  an  old  print.) 


15731 


y ulian  Romero. 


5* 


Then,  too,  the  people  resented  the  fact,  and  felt  it  to 
be  an  insult,  that  the  new  ruler  was  only  a simple 
gentleman,  and  not  a scion  of  the  royal  house. 

The  military  situation  at  the  end  of  the  year  1573 
was  as  follows.  When  Don  Frederic  was  forced  to 
abandon  Alkmaar  by  the  advancing  water,  he  rested 
for  a time  at  Amsterdam,  and  then  marched  to  Ley- 
den, which  he  duly  invested  in  October.  The  citi- 
zens had  not  prepared  for  this  event,  although  it 
might  seem  as  if  wisdom  could  have  been  learned  by 
this  time.1 *  Harlem  and  Amsterdam  were  the  only 
towns  of  Holland  still  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy, 
while  in  Zealand,  Middelburg  alone  held  for  Philip, 
and  that  was  closely  besieged  by  the  patriots. 
The  news  from  Germany  was  so  hopeful,  that  the 
prince  thought  the  spring  would  see  him  relieved 
and  enabled  to  treat  with  the  new  commander  from 
a good  vantage-ground.  New  opportunities  were 
given  him  to  come  to  an  accommodation  with  Philip 
without  the  mediation  of  the  emperor.  Julian 
Romero  did  not  leave  the  Netherlands,  and,  in 
November,  he  again  began  to  make  polite  overtures 
towards  the  prince.  “ I have  received  three  or  four 
letters  from  Julian  Romero,”  wrote  Orange  to  his 
brothers,  “ full  of  courteous  and  polite  offers,  to 
which  I responded  in  the  same  way.”  3 The  Span- 
iard suggested  a friendly  meeting,  which  Orange 
politely  declined,  and  limited  his  intercourse  to  mes- 
sages, with  safe  conduct  for  the  messengers.  There 

1 When  Don  Frederic  departed  for  Spain  with  his  father,  de 

Valdez  succeeded  him  as  commander  in  the  Leyden  siege. 

3 Groen,  Archives , iv.,  236, 


52 


William  the  Silent. 


[1573 


had  been  too  much  treachery  1 for  him  to  jump  at 
plausible  propositions.  Romero  offered  to  exchange 
St.  Aldegonde  for  Count  Bossu,  which  proposal 
Orange  entirely  declined,  anxious  as  he  was  for 
Marnix.  But  he  could  not  overlook  the  inequality 
of  the  two  officers. 

The  long  imprisonment  told  sadly  on  the  spirits  of 
the  poor  young  enthusiast.  In  November  he  wrote 
to  urge  the  prince  to  abandon  the  struggle  and  make 
peace  with  Philip  2 : 

“ For  my  part,  since  I see  that  religion  by  which  we 
trust  wholly  to  God’s  word,  is  so  hated  and  cried  down 
that  it  is  impossible  for  it  to  find  any  repose  in  this  world 
without  crosses  and  persecutions,  ...  I think  it 
would  be  far  better  to  forsake  all  conveniences  of  father- 
land,  all  this  world’s  goods,  and  live  in  a strange  country, 
possessing  one’s  soul  in  patience,  than  to  go  on  in  a con- 
tinued war,  which  can  result  in  nothing  but  impiety  and 
miseries,  and  provoke  divine  wrath.” 

He  goes  on  to  urge  that  if  the  prince  withdraws 
now,  it  will  show  that  he  never  wanted  anything  for 
himself,  and  finally  he  says  : 

“ Also,  I am  persuaded  that  this  would  be  a means  of 
saving  your  Excellency  from  hardships,  clearing  your 
reputation  from  blame,  and  freeing  the  country  from 
great  misery.  Consider,  too,  that  Alva  is  retiring,  and 
that  there  is  hope  that  the  king  may  exercise  his  natural 

1 In  one  case,  prisoners  had  been  exchanged,  who  died  immediately 
after  their  return,  from  the  effect  of  poison  administered  in  their  last 
meal  at  the  enemy’s  cost. 

2 Gachard,  Cor.,  iii. , 75. 


1573] 


Shall  there  be  Peace  ? 


53 


clemency.  If  he  does  not,  at  least  a rigorous  government 
would  be  more  endurable  than  the  fardel  of  this  war,  if  it 
last  much  longer.  I would  like  to  have  three  words  with 
your  Excellency,  and  you  would  understand  how  this  pro- 
ceeds from  my  heart.  Your  Excellency  can  have  the 
opportunity  if  he  wishes,  of  speaking  to  the  master  of 
this  camp,  who  sets  out  for  Spain  on  Monday,  and  who 
has  expressed  to  me  his  desire  for  a meeting  with  you.” 

Orange  had  seen  more  years  than  Marnix,  and 
was  by  no  means  so  ready  to  trust  people,  nor  so 
ready  to  give  up  under  discouragement.  He  an- 
swered as  follows.1  After  hoping  the  exchange 
would  be  effected  shortly,  he  says  : 

“ Now  as  to  the  other  point  by  which  you  suggest  that 
I accept  a treaty,  which  I fear  would  bring  ruin  to  the 
land,  ...  I will  not  conceal  from  you  that  I have 
communicated  your  letter  to  the  estates  of  these  coun- 
tries, and  to  other  people  of  wealth  and  standing,  to 
have  their  opinion  on  your  proposition.  In  accordance 
with  the  oath  and  obligation  I owe  them,  I can  take  no 
steps  without  their  knowledge.  . . . 

“ After  the  estates  and  citizens  had  deliberated  ripely 
on  the  situation  and  weighed  all  the  circumstances,  they 
have  unanimously  declared  that  they  know  as  well  as  I 
do,  that  mankind,  and  especially  Christians,  are  com- 
manded by  God  to  keep  peace.  Besides  their  duty  to 
Him,  their  natural  inclination  would  lead  them  to  desire 
quiet  and  repose. 

“ . . . But  still  we  see  there  is  no  use,  for  the 

sake  of  a little  respite,  in  making  an  accord  which  would 
be  instantly  broken.  Indeed  we  have  seen  the  worst  ills 


1 Gachard,  Cor.,  iii. , 88. 


54 


William  the  Silent. 


tl  573 


of  our  time  result  from  such  accords.  You  can  remem- 
ber the  one  made  so  solemnly  in  ’66,  which  resulted  in 
nothing  but  the  extirpation  of  the  true  religion,  and  the 
murder  of  thousands  of  the  children  of  God.  People 
who  trusted  to  so-called  pardons  and  treaties,  were 
miserably  deceived  and  their  confidence  was  repaid  by 
banishment  or  death. 

“Then,  too,  the  French  massacre,  notwithstanding  the 
peace  so  solemnly  sworn,  cannot  be  effaced  from  our 
hearts,  and  we  thus  learn  how  safely  we  can  trust — 
especially  as  that  massacre  came  a good  time  after  the 
war — in  time  of  peace,  and  in  the  midst  of  marriage  fes- 
tivities. What  dare  we  expect  with  the  land  full  of  sol- 
diers, and  especially  Spaniards  ? For  brevity,  I will  not 
mention  examples  in  Germany  and  elsewhere  which 
Noircarmes  knows  better  than  any  one  else  in  the  world, 
and  especially  the  case  of  the  late  landgrave,  and  the 
words  ewig  and  einig — or  that  of  Albert  of  Brandenburg  ; 
or  the  instance  of  the  Council  of  Constance,  where  faith 
was  not  considered  essential  with  heretics.  Everyone 
knows  whose  hand  was  in  the  French  massacre.1  There 
are  innumerable  other  instances  of  bad  faith  on  the  part 
of  those  who  forced  us  to  assume  arms — [recapitulation 
of  Spanish  enormities].  . . . 

“ We  say  all  this  to  partially  answer  your  letter,  and 
also  that  it  may  be  clearly  known  that  we  see  no  means 
of  concluding  any  peace  agreement.  . . . Monsieur 

de  Noircarmes,  and  any  other  sensible  man  must  see  this. 
If,  on  the  other  hand,  his  Majesty  will  only  really  put 
down  the  present  evils,  he  will  earn  a reputation  for 
ever.” 


1 Gachard  says  the  prince  means  here  that  Alva  instigated  St.  Bar- 
tholomew, but  it  is  an  accusation  without  foundation. 


1573] 


Zierikzee. 


55 


This  letter  was  followed  by  others  at  intervals, 
showing  the  only  basis  on  which  a good  peace  could 
be  made,  and  the  slight  hope  of  that.  Noircarmes 
opened  a correspondence  with  the  prince,  urging  him 
to  the  same  course,  to  which  Orange  answered  in 
a very  cool  and  dignified  manner,  and  finally  he 
showed  him  some  confiscated  letters  which  proved 
to  him  conclusively  that  there  was  nothing  to  hope 
from  Spanish  change  of  heart.  From  Germany  the 
Landgrave  William  wrote  to  the  same  purpose  1 : 
“ It  is  a losing  game  you  are  playing,  give  it  up 
while  you  have  anything  to  save.”  Louis,  alone  of 
Orange’s  friends  was  full  of  hope.  At  least  100,000 
crowns  had  been  given  him  at  Blamont,  and  with 
that  money  he  was  confident  of  buying  success.  He 
wrote  glowingly  of  the  preparations  for  his  expedi- 
tion, in  which  Duke  Casimir  was  to  help  him. 

In  December  the  prince  went  to  Zealand,  and 
made  his  headquarters  for  a time  at  Zierikzee  to 
watch  the  siege  of  Middelburg,  where  the  royalists 
and  Spaniards  within  the  beleaguered  city  subsisted 
as  bravely  on  rats  and  cats  as  their  rebel  brothers  of 
Harlem  had  done,  and  showed  no  signs  of  yielding.’ 

1 Groen,  Archives , iv.,  286. 

3 See  letter  of  Klunder.  Ibid,,  306. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

THE  BATTLE  OF  MOOK. 

1574- 

EN  the  new  year  opened,  it  became 
evident  that  Mondragon’s  garrison 
were  weakening  in  their  brave  de- 
fence of  Middelburg,  and  there  was 
fair  prospect  that  the  besieging  pa- 
triots might  gain  the  city.  The 
prince  waited  results,  patiently,  at 
Zierikzee.  Every  line  that  he  wrote  during  the 
winter  shows  the  loneliness  that  he  was  suffering. 
His  brothers  wrote  continually  to  him,  but  commu- 
nication between  Dillenburg  and  Zealand  was  un- 
certain, and  only  a small  portion  of  the  affectionate, 
brotherly  letters  ever  reached  their  destination. 
January  6th,  the  prince  wrote1  from  Flushing  to 
John,  Louis,  and  Henry: 

“ Messieurs,  my  Brothers. 

“ My  letter  from  Zierikzee  of  the  22nd  ultimo,  the  du- 
plicate of  which  I enclose,  will  show  you  what  trouble  I 

1 Groen,  Archives , iv. , 320,  somewhat  condensed. 

56 


1574] 


Assistance  Needed. 


57 


have  been  in,  at  receiving  no  word  from  you  since  No- 
vember 6th.  Pray  relieve  my  anxiety,  and  let  me  know 
how  affairs  go  with  you.  . . . Tell  me  whether  I 

can  count  on  aid  from  you,  tell  me  everything  without 
concealment,  that  I may  make  my  arrangements  accord- 
ingly, so  that  the  story  of  Harlem  may  not  be  repeated 
here.  After  their  brave  defence,  the  people  were 
obliged  to  yield  at  last,  and  were  treated  so  inhumanly, 
that  the  memory  of  the  cruelties  can  never  be  oblit- 
erated. . . . 

“ I do  not  dwell  on  this  because  I doubt  your  zeal, 
but  because  various  measures  which  you  have  suggested 
are  so  long  delayed,  . . . and  effective  assistance 

now  would  be  telling,  as  the  enemy’s  forces  are  discour- 
aged, alienated,  and  scattered  in  various  directions.  Let 
me  hear  from  you  through  several  different  channels.” 

Before  this  was  dispatched,  letters  of  November 
2 ist  arrived,  and  brought  the  news  of  the  interview 
between  Louis  and  Anjou,  and  the  promise  of 
French  assistance.  Orange  continues  his  letter: 

“ As  to  your  difficulty  in  reading  my  cipher,  I hope 
by  this  time  you  have  received  the  duplicates,  and  know 
my  plans.  . . . Middelburg  is  so  reduced  that  we 

hope  the  city  will  soon  fall  into  our  hands.  The  enemy 
are  making  every  effort  to  relieve  it,  but  our  men  are  on 
the  alert.” 

On  January  29th,  a pitched  naval  battle  took 
place,1  in  which  Boisot,  the  prince’s  admiral,  won  a 
splendid  victory,  although  he  lost  an  eye.  The 

1 Avila  and  Romero  had  not  left  with  Alva,  and  the  latter  com- 
manded in  this  battle,  although  he  knew  nothing  of  naval  warfare. 


58 


William  the  Silent. 


[1574 


ships  were  locked  together,  and  a hand-to-hand  con- 
flict ensued.  Twelve  hundred  royalists  were  slain,1 
and  five  Spanish  ships  were  captured,  and  the  enemy 
retreated  to  Bergen.  Romero  joined  the  grand 
commander,  who  was  watching  the  defeat  of  his 
troops  from  the  top  of  a dyke,  in  the  midst  of  a 
drenching  winter  rain,  and  said2  nonchalantly:  “I 

told  your  Excellency  I was  a land  fighter,  and  no 
sailor.  I doubt  if  I could  have  done  better  had  I 
had  a hundred  ships.”  With  this  philosophy,  Re- 
quesens  and  Romero  retired  to  Brussels,  leaving 
Mondragon  to  hold  out  as  best  he  could.  Longer 
resistance  was  impossible.  In  the  middle  of  Febru- 
ary he  submitted,  and  on  February  18th,  the  Prince 
of  Orange  signed  five  articles,  providing  for  an 
honourable  surrender  of  the  Spanish  officer. 

This  was  an  epoch-making  event.  The  northern 
cities  had  renounced  the  authority  of  Philip’s  lieu- 
tenants, and  accepted  that  of  their  ancient  stadt- 
holder.  In  their  opinion  the  prince  was  at  the  head 
of  a legitimate  revolt  against  illegal  measures.  The 
King  of  Spain  and  his  lieutenants,  on  the  other 
hand,  had  hitherto  counted  him  as  a rebel,  as  a 
leader  of  a turbulent  mob  who  were  to  be  crushed, 
but  on  no  account  to  be  recognised  as  a belligerent 
power.  The  troubles  were  a rebellion,  not  a revolu- 
tion. When  Mondragon  consented  to  a parley,  the 
prince  was  placed  on  a different  footing,  from  which 
he  never  retreated. 

The  articles  stipulated  that  Orange  was  to  be 

1 Spanish  authorities  say  seven  thousand. — Hoofd,  ix.,  323. 

2 Ibid. , 322. 


15741 


Surrender  of  Zierikzee. 


59 


stacltholder  for  his  Majesty,1 2  and  that  the  citizens 
should  swear  fidelity  to  him,  and  pay  a subsidy  of 
300,000  florins.  Mondragon  promised  to  obtain  the 
release  of  St.  Aldegonde  and  four  other  prisoners  of 
rank.  If  he  failed  in  this,  he  pledged  himself  to 
return  in  two  months,  and  deliver  himself  up  as 
prisoner  of  war  to  the  prince.  On  February  21st, 
Mondragon,  and  all  who  wished,  left  the  city.  A 
few  days  later  Orange  made  his  entry,  reorganised 
the  magistracy,  received  an  oath  of  allegiance  from 
the  citizens,  and,  on  his  part,  swore  to  observe  the 
ancient  privileges.  In  consideration  of  the  hard- 
ships the  place  had  suffered,  he  forgave  the  payment 
of  two  thirds  of  the  required  indemnity. 

In  Germany  the  prospect  was  bright  and  there  was 
every  chance  that  some  of  Louis’s  plans  for  effectually 
aiding  his  brother,  would  now  be  crowned  with  suc- 
cess. Charles  IX.  gave  him  a sum  of  ready  money, 
and  with  that  aid  the  levies  progressed  finely.3  Dur- 
ing this  last  winter  of  his  bright  youth,  Louis  was 
full  of  schemes  of  every  kind.3  The  parleyings  with 
France  grew  gradually  warmer,  though  each  step 
was  taken  with  caution,  and  carefully  guarded. 

Count  Louis  undertook  the  task  of  visiting  the 
Rhenish  bishops  to  try  and  win  them  as  allies.4  He 
further  endeavoured  to  persuade  them  to  take  wives, 

1 Hoofd,  ix.,  324. 

2 Ibid.,  328. 

3 Another  scheme  that  Louis  thought  of  was  to  send  a few  vessels 
to  the  Azores,  to  capture  Spanish  galleons  on  their  way  home  from 
Peru.  See  letter  of  one  L.  von  Embbe  to  Louis. — Groen,  Archives, 
iv.,  67. 

4 La  Huguerye,  i.,  202  el  seq. 


6o 


William  the  Silent. 


[1574 


and  seize  on  their  bishoprics  as  perpetual  holdings. 
“ He  gained  over  the  Bishop  of  Spire,”  says  la  Hu- 
guerye,  “who  had  his  wife  already  found.  Of  him 
of  Mayence,  they  have  good  hopes,  but  of  him  of 
Treves  they  do  not  make  much  account  except  for 
the  sake  of  spoil.”  The  great  trouble  was  with  the 
two  bishops  of  Cologne  and  Liege;  Louis  finally  suc- 
ceeded in  winning  the  confidence  of  a favourite  of 
the  Bishop  of  Liege.  Through  this  man,  Louis  sug- 
gested that  the  bishop  might  marry  Charlotte  of 
Bourbon1 2  who  was  at  Heidelberg.  He  should  then 
restore  the  castle  of  Bouillon  to  her  brother-in-law, 
Duke  of  Bouillon,  who,  in  compensation  for  receiving 
his  paternal  inheritance,  should  give  a dowry  to  the 
bishop’s  wife.  Another  gentleman  offered  his  daugh- 
ter to  the  Bishop  of  Cologne,  pledging  himself  to  see 
that  the  bishopric  should  be  kept  in  the  family. 
Louis  could  not  make  the  bishops  follow  all  his 
advice,  but  he  obtained  permission  to  use  Cologne 
as  headquarters,  which  was  a great  convenience. 

He  was  fortunate  in  securing,  intact,  a body  of 
mercenaries  who  had  escorted  Anjou  to  the  bounda- 
ries of  his  new  realm,  and  were  open  for  an  engage- 
ment. Money,  money,  money,  was  the  cry  in  every 
letter.  Count  John,  meanwhile,  tried  to  gain  over 
the  Archbishop  of  Cologne.  This  alliance  was  espe- 
cially distrusted  by  the  canny  Landgrave  of  Hesse, 
who  had  inherited  much  of  his  father’s  shrewdness 
and  vigour  of  expression.8 

1 This  was  Charlotte,  the  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Montpensier, 
whose  story  will  be  given  later. 

2 Groen,  Archives , iv.,  336. 


1574] 


The  Nassau  Brothers. 


61 


“ I doubt  him.  That  he,  who  was  of  a very  contrary 
opinion  a year  ago,  should  suddenly  turn  round,  without 
any  such  miracle  as  converted  Paul,  does  not  quite  go 
down  with  us.  So  I do  not  like  to  see  your  Excellency 
in  such  friendly  trust.  Beware  and  remember  the  pro- 
verb— Ex  ungue  leonem .” 

Towards  the  end  of  February,  John,  Louis,  and 
Henry  finally  set  out  for  the  Netherlands  with  about 
3000  cavalry,  and  6000  foot,  to  join  the  prince.  They 
hoped  to  take  Maestricht  en  route , which  Orange  sug- 
gested, as  the  most  advantageous  way  of  opening  the 
campaign.  He  wrote  1 2 in  November,  1573  : “ I think, 
that  leaving  the  enterprises  of  Friesland  and  Gronin- 
gen until  March,  you  would  do  well  to  turn  your 
energies  towards  Maestricht,  and  this  with  all  dili- 
gence, before  I am  entirely  shut  in,  so  that  courage 
be  not  lost  on  every  side.” 

Duke  Christopher,  son  of  the  Elector  Palatine, 
accompanied  the  Nassaus,  and  was,  in  fact,  the  most 
important  person  of  the  expedition.  By  the  end  of 
the  month  they  reached  the  Meuse,  and  camped  near 
Maestricht,  on  the  German  side  of  the  river.  Reque- 
sens  had  levied  new  mercenaries  in  Germany,1  and 
brought  the  Spanish  garrisons  from  as  many  towns 
as  he  dared,  even  withdrawing  troops  from  before 
Leyden,  which  was  in  a state  of  siege.  The  com- 
mand was  entrusted  to  Avila,  who  took  the  field, 
instructed  to  keep  Louis  from  making  a junction 
with  his  brother. 


1 Groen,  Archives , iv. , 244. 

2 Hoofd,  ix.,  329. 


62 


William  the  Silent. 


[1574 


The  Nassau  brothers  started  out  prosperously,  but 
unfortunately,  more  than  a thousand  men  deserted 
before  they  came  in  sight  of  the  Netherlands.  Louis 
hoped  to  cross  the  Meuse  at  once,  but  the  ice  was 
too  broken  to  give  a foothold,  and  too  thick  to  allow 
boats  to  pass.  He  was  therefore  obliged  to  keep  on 
the  right  bank,  and  camped  four  miles  above  Mae- 
stricht.1  Meanwhile,  the  prince  had  gathered  about 
6000  men  in  the  Isle  of  Bommel,  a large  ait  formed 
by  the  Waal  and  the  Meuse,  where  he  waited  for  his 
brothers’  approach,  hoping  that  they  could  reduce 
Maestricht  as  planned.  But  the  condition  of  the  ice 
baulked  this  project,  and  Louis  was  forced  to  lie  idle 
with  the  river  between  him  and  the  wished-for  city. 
Had  he  effected  his  crossing  at  once,  all  would  have 
gone  well,  as  Avila  was  unprepared,  but  the  delay 
enabled  the  Spanish  forces  to  gather  at  Maestricht. 
On  March  18th,  Mendoza  managed  to  cross  the  river 
in  the  night,  and  engage  the  patriots  in  a disastrous 
skirmish,  in  which  Louis  lost  700  men.  All  prospect 
of  an  attack  on  Maestricht  was  at  an  end.  Louis’s 
only  hope  was  to  join  his  brother.  Three  days  later 
he  broke  camp,  and  marched  down  stream.  Avila 
followed  him  on  the  other  bank  of  the  river,  and, 
by  April  8th,  he  was  reinforced  by  Braccamonte, 
Mondragon,  and  others,  bringing  in  all  forty-one 
companies  of  foot,  and  three  of  cavalry. 

On  April  8th,  Louis  took  his  way  farther  down 
stream,  and  by  the  13th,  he  reached  the  village  of 
Mook,  near  the  border  of  Cleves.  No  sooner  had 
he  pitched  camp  than  his  scouts  brought  him  word 


Hoofd,  ix.,  329. 


1574] 


Battle  of  Mook. 


63 


that  Avila  had  marched  his  whole  army  over  the 
river,  on  a hastily  constructed  bridge  of  boats,  and 
lay  directly  in  his  path  on  the  same  side  of  the 
Meuse.  The  patriots  were  shut  in  a narrow  space 
between  the  Meuse  and  the  Waal.  They  managed 
to  dig  a trench  before  Mook,1  but  that  was  their  only 
defence,  and  a slight  one. 

Avila  chose  the  position  in  which  he  meant  to 
force  a battle.  Louis’s  strength  lay  in  his  cavalry, 
and  here  he  could  not  use  horse  to  any  advantage. 
Could  he  have  avoided  a battle,  he  would  have  done 
so,  but  it  was  impossible.  At  the  break  of  day,  on 
April  14th,  the  skirmishing  began.2  Louis  stationed 
ten  companies  at  the  village.  Next  came  the  bulk 
of  his  infantry,  disposed  in  a single  square.  On 
their  right  was  his  cavalry,  arranged  in  four  squad- 
rons, as  well  as  the  narrow  limits  of  the  field  would 
allow.  A small  portion  of  these  were,  for  want  of 
space,  stationed  on  the  rising  ground. 


1 T is  een  dorp  van  kleene  waarde  maar  vermaart — door  den  ramp 
die  der  Nassausche  partye  daar  oover  quam.”  “ A little  village 
. . . noteworthy  from  the  Nassaus’  defeat.”  Hoofd,  ix.(  331  ; 

Motley,  ii.,  521. 

The  accounts  of  this  battle  do  not  agree  in  all  particulars.  In  an 
old  poem,  the  date  of  the  skirmish  in  which  “ nine  hundred  and  ten 
men”  were  slain,  is  given  as  April  8th.  This  was  evidently  written 
before  Louis’s  death  was  known,  from  the  lines  : 

“ Maar  ik  hop  het  sal  ten  besten  verkeeren  ; 

Als  Graf  Lodewijch  weder  te  velde  komt 
Dan  sullen  sy  wel  laten  haer  triumpheeren.” 

’ Motley,  ii.,  535,  from  Mendoza  (xi.,  239  et  set/),  who  was  an  eye- 
witness. 


64 


William  the  Silent. 


[1574 


Avila’s  forces  were  arranged  in  somewhat  similar 
manner,  facing  the  patriots.  The  river  was  on  their 
right.  At  that  spot  the  plain  between  the  river  and 
the  hills  was  wider,  so  they  had  more  space.  Twenty- 
five  companies  of  Spaniards  were  arranged  in  four 
bodies  of  pikemen  and  musketeers.  They  served  as 
a breastwork  to  the  cavalry  who  were  stationed  on 
their  left,  in  the  form  of  a half-moon,  the  horns  gar- 
nished by  two  small  bodies  of  sharpshooters.  In  the 
front  rank  of  cavalry  were  the  mounted  carabineers 
of  Schenk,  behind  the  Spanish  lancers.  Mook  thus 
lay  between  the  two  forces.  Several  hours  passed 
in  light  skirmishing.  At  ten  o’clock  Louis  grew  im- 
patient, and  ordered  his  trumpeters  to  blow  a chal- 
lenge. Just  then  de  Hierges  and  Baron  Chevreaux 
arrived  at  the  rear  of  the  royal  army,  bringing  more 
than  iooo  men,  with  the  word  that  Valdez  was  not 
far  behind,  with  a reinforcement  of  5000  men.  This 
was  hopeful  news  for  the  Spaniards,  but  made  them 
desirous  of  putting  off  the  crucial  test  of  a pitched 
battle  until  the  following  morning.  There  was  a 
lively  discussion  among  the  generals.  Aremberg 
had  not  waited  for  reinforcements  at  Heiliger  Lee, 
and  had  paid  a heavy  penalty  for  his  rashness.  On 
the  other  hand,  Louis  was  ingenious  and  quick.  He 
did  not  wish  a battle,  and  if  they  held  off,  he  might 
easily  manage  to  slip  by  them  in  the  night,  and  if 
he  once  joined  his  brother  on  the  Isle  of  Bommel, 
the  cause  of  the  patriots  would  be  greatly  strength- 
ened. 

This  argument  prevailed,  and  the  skirmishing  over 
the  trench  grew  fiercer.  Finally  the  Spaniards  tri- 


1574] 


The  Last  Charge. 


65 


umphed,  and  their  opponents  were  utterly  routed. 
Louis  then  made  a cavalry  charge  upon  the  Spanish 
horse,  which  had  remained  quiescent  till  now.  At 
the  first  shock  they  gave,  and  those  who  ran  away 
carried  the  news  to  Grave  that  complete  victory  was 
with  the  patriots.  Their  comrades  who  held  their 
ground  made  history  instead  of  telling  it,  and,  unfor- 
tunately for  Orange,  the  tales  did  not  tally.  Before 
the  patriots’  cavalry  had  time  to  reload  their  pieces 
after  the  first  discharge,  the  Spanish  lancers  and 
German  troopers,  who  were  still  fresh,  set  on  them, 
and  a short,  bloody  action  followed.  Louis,  Henry 
of  Nassau,  and  Duke  Christopher  rallied  a few 
troopers  around  them,  and  made  one  more  charge. 
It  was  their  last.  No  one  ever  knew  what  became 
of  any  one  of  the  three.  For  a long  time  it  was 
hoped  they  were  either  in  captivity  or  hiding,  and 
the  Elector  Palatine  offered  large  sums  in  ransom.1 
John  of  Nassau  had,  luckily,  left  for  Cologne  about 
April  nth,  and  thus  one  brother  remained  to  the 
poor  prince. 

1 Hoofd,  ix.,  333.  Fogaja  to  Requesens,  Rel.  Politiques , vi.,  118. 
Renon  de  France  (i.,  497)  gives  the  following  account  of  Mook  : 

“ What  happened  on  April  14th,  the  third  day  of  Easter,  1574,  the 
Catholics  have  imputed  not  only  to  the  valour  of  his  Majesty’s  forces, 
but  chiefly  to  a just,  divine  punishment  exercised  against  these  Ger- 
man leaders,  because  on  the  previous  Good  Friday,  in  great  derision 
of  divine  things  and  of  the  Holy  Sacrament  of  the  Eucharist,  they 
fell  to  making  good  cheer,  and  to  drinking  from  the  chalices  of  a 
neighbouring  monastery,  putting  the  consecrated  Host,  prepared  for 
Easter  Communion,  in  these  holy  vases  with  the  wine.”  This  is 
somewhat  curious,  as  Louis  had  hoped  to  find  the  Spanish  Catholics 
so  overcome  with  their  Easter  celebrations  that  they  would  fall  an 
easy  prey  to  the  more  sober  Protestants. 

VOL  11. — 5 


66 


William  the  Silent. 


[1574 


Louis  of  Nassau  was  born  in  1538,  and  was  accord- 
ingly in  his  thirty-sixth  year  when  he  met  his  death 
at  Mook  Heath.  He  seemed  much  younger  than 
that.  The  troubles  which  aged  the  prince  prema- 
turely sat  more  lightly  on  the  shoulders  of  the 
younger  brother.  His  was  a nature  in  which  youth 
seems  predominant,  for  its  sunshine  remains  even 
when  sober  judgment  comes.  But  Louis’s  judgment 
never  was  sober.  The  scheme  made  in  the  last 
months  of  his  life,  to  capture  Requesens,  showed 
the  same  nature  as  when  he  pasted  papers  on  the 
walls  of  Antwerp,  or  when  he  pretended  to  be  ill  in 
La  Rochelle,  to  obtain  a visit  and  private  audience 
from  the  queen. 

His  early  education  was  in  Dillenburg,  later  he 
went  to  Geneva,  where  he  felt  the  direct  influence  of 
Calvin  and  Theodore  de  Bhze.  He  became  an  in- 
tensely partisan  Calvinist,  and  was  henceforth  far 
more  at  home  with  the  French  Huguenots  than  with 
his  Lutheran  fellow-countrymen.  In  his  twentieth 
year  he  was  present  at  St.  Quentin,  and  from  that 
time  was  more  or  less  closely  attached  to  his  brother. 
His  Calvinism  was  more  ardent  than  dreary,  and 
never  prevented  his  enjoyment  of  any  madcap  freak 
which  Brederode  or  any  other  comrade  proposed. 
Many  of  his  impulsive  acts  menaced  the  success  of 
important  measures.  Often  the  more  prudent  prince 
preferred  not  to  know  all  Louis’s  projects.  But 
his  aim  was  always  the  furtherance  of  the  Protes- 
tant cause,  which  was  dear  to  him  because  it 
was  his  religion,  and  not  from  any  principle  of  uni- 
versal toleration.  During  a part  of  the  time  that  he 


COUNT  LOUIS  OF  NASSAU, 
(From  an  old  print.) 


1574] 


Louis  a?id  Henry  of  Nassau. 


67 


spent  in  France  he  was  governor  of  the  principality 
of  Orange, where  here-organised  the  university  upon 
a Protestant  basis.1  After  failing  in  his  suit  of  the 
Rytberg  heiress,  he  seems  never  to  have  made  any 
other  marriage  plans,  and  died  a bachelor.  His  story 
has  been  sketched  in  these  pages  in  so  far  as  he  came 
into  the  prince’s  life,  and  his  disappearance  casts  a 
cloud  over  the  remainder  of  the  tale.  Wherever  he 
was  he  was  personally  loved.2  The  French  Hugue- 
nots wanted  him  for  their  own  leader  ; the  Holland- 
ers longed  for  him  like  the  “ Angel  Gabriel  ” ; at 
home  he  was  called  the  German  Bayard.  How  he 
was  missed  on  every  side  can  easily  be  imagined  ! 

Henry,  who  was  lost  at  the  same  time,  has  left  no 
records.  He  was  only  twenty-four,  and  as  the 
youngest  of  a large  family,  he  had  been  more  pro- 
tected and  more  under  tutelage  than  his  elders. 
Their  one  desire  had  been  that  “ Henry  should  not 
waste  his  young  life,”  and  the  family  discussions  on 
the  subject  breathed  the  ardent  interest  taken  in  the 


1 Groen,  Archives , iv.,  399. 

2 Prof.  Chantre  of  Geneva  once  described  Theodore  de  Beze  as 
being  the  one  decorative  element  in  Calvin’s  life.  Louis  played  the 
same  part  to  his  brother,  and  a light  went  out  at  the  battle  of  Mook, 
whose  absence  was  felt  during  the  rest  of  the  prince’s  life. 

In  the  Apology  (p.  93)  Orange  says  : “ As  to  what  they  say  about 
my  brother  Louis,  they  would  do  better  to  leave  so  good  a chevalier 
in  peace.  They  cannot  be  compared  to  him,  and  he  was  a better 
Christian.” 

Duke  Christopher  perished  with  the  Nassau  brothers.  His  father, 
the  Calvinist  Elector  Palatine,  vainly  offered  a reward  for  his  recovery. 
He  said  it  was  better  for  him  to  have  died  fighting  for  a good  cause, 
than  to  have  wasted  his  life  in  idleness. — Groen,  Archives,  iv. , 367. 


68 


William  the  Silent. 


[1574 


youngest  son.  Except  the  stiff  Latin  epistle  of  the 
school-boy,  there  are  no  letters  of  his  that  I have 
seen.  The  poor  mother  in  Dillenburg  had  only  sad 
tidings  from  the  anxiously  watched  for  messengers. 
Three  sons  lost,  and  two  were  still  in  constant 
danger.1 * 

The  Prince  of  Orange  waited  on  the  Isle  of  Bom- 
mel  for  tidings  of  his  brothers.3  On  April  15th  he 
went  to  Gorcum  to  be  nearer  the  place  where  he  ex- 
pected them  to  cross  the  Meuse.  Thence  he  wrote 
to  Louis,3  who  was  already  numbered  with  the  great 
majority : 

“ Monsieur  my  Brother  : Returning  to-day  from 
Delft,  I received,  in  Dort,  yours  of  the  12th,  and  learn 
where  you  are.  I am  sorry  to  have  received  your  last  too 
late  to  collect  soldiers  to  send  for  your  escort.  How- 
ever, I hope  by  to-morrow  4 we  shall  have  thirty-five  or 
thirty-six  companies  and  a fair  number  of  vessels.  And 
to  arrange  better,  I came  to-day  to  this  city.  Let  me 


1 There  were  in  the  household  at  this  time  John’s  four  boys,  four 
boys  of  a cousin,  the  six-year-old  Maurice,  who  had  known  no  other 
home,  and  probably  Marie,  Anne,  and  the  baby  Emilie,  Orange’s 
other  children.  Michel  de  la  Huguerye  mentions  the  little  boys,  as 
he  was  asked  to  sit  at  their  table  during  his  stay  at  Dillenburg  and 
talk  French  to  them. — La  Huguerye,  i.,  176. 

8 The  exact  history  of  the  prince’s  action  during  these  days  is  some- 
what uncertain.  As  he  had  a mobile  force,  it  seems  extraordinary 
that  he  did  not  move  towards  Mook,  and  divert  Avila  from  crossing 
the  river,  so  that  Louis  would  have  had  time  to  reach  him. — La 
Huguerye,  i.,  236. 

3Groen,  Archives , iv.,  368. 

4 “To-morrow,  Horatio  says  to-morrow” — but  Louis  had  passed 
into  the  land  where  to-days  and  to-morrows  were  one,  forever. 


1574] 


Letter  to  Count  Louis. 


69 


know  when  you  plan  to  cross  the  river,  so  that  I can 
meet  you. 

“Written  at  Gorcum,  April  15,  1574. 

“ As  to  your  crossing,  I do  not  know  a better  place 
than  the  environs  of  Tiel,  near  Wamel,  Varick,  and 
about  there.  It  is  narrow,  however,  for  the  cavalry,  but 
you  must  make  a virtue  of  necessity.” 

Two  days  later  he  wrote  1 from  Bommel: 

“ Mv  Brothers  : Since  I wrote,  I have  heard  that 
your  foot,  and  some  horse,  have  deserted,  and  are 
already  across  the  Rhine.  If  this  be  true,  it  is  to  be 
feared  that  the  rest  will  soon  follow,  and  that  if  you  tem- 
porise some  days,  you  will  find  yourself  alone.  My 
advice,  subject  to  your  correction,  would  be,  if  it  be  true 
that  many  of  your  people  have  abandoned  you , and  I can 
find  710  7neans  of  coming  to  you , your  best  expedient 
would  be  to  pick  out  3000  or  4000  foot  and  1000  of  your 
best  horse,  go  down  to  Emden  and  cross  there.  Other- 
wise it  is  to  be  feared,  that  since  I have  to  do  with  a 
people  who  get  easily  frightened,  as  easily  rejoiced  and 
frightened  again,  all  courage  might  ooze  away  at  this 
retreat. 

“ But  if  I can  keep  holding  out  the  prospect  of  your 
coming,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  people  will  continue  in 
the  good-will  that  they  have  shown  up  to  this  moment. 
In  any  event,  it  will  be  best  to  put  an  end  to  the  affair  of 
England,  which  Dathenus  has  mentioned  to  you,  having 
received  a letter  two  days  ago  to  that  effect.  They  are 
very  keen  on  the  league  with  Germany,  offering,  if  that 
can  be  compassed,  to  declare  open  war  on  the  King  of 


1 Groen,  Archives , iv.,  370. 


70 


William  the  Silent. 


[1574 


Spain.  You  might  exert  a little  pressure  there,  for,  in 
truth,  the  German  delays  are  slow  death  to  us. 

“ Bommel,  April  17th.” 

“ Messieurs  my  Brothers  : You  will  recall  what  I 
wrote  you  on  the  13th  of  this  month,  concerning  the 
enemy’s  overtures  to  peace.  As  I am  daily  expecting 
news  of  their  intention,  I wish  you  could  temporise  a 
little,  and  delay  on  the  frontiers,  pretending  always  to  be 
coming  to  join  us.  You  could  write  to  the  estates  of 
Holland  and  Zealand  not  to  be  disheartened,  that  you  do 
not  retreat  to  abandon  them,  but  only  for  a short  time, 
during  which  you  wish  to  fortify  yourself,  that  they  may 
be  effectually  aided.  I beg  you  let  me  know  who  of 
yours  are  left  on  the  field  [euphemism  for  dead]  or 
wounded,  and  whether  they  are  people  of  rank. 
Mention,  too,  the  enemy’s  loss,  and  say  whether  you  have 
any  distinguished  prisoners,  as  is  rumoured.  My  regards 
to  the  Duke  Christopher,  my  brothers,  and  others  in  your 
company. 

“ April  18th.”  1 

“ My  Brothers  : Being  in  the  greatest  trouble  in  the 
world  at  having  had  no  answer  from  you  to  the  seven 
letters  I have  written  since  the  xoth — the  last  being  on  the 
1 8th — I have  decided  to  send  you  this  messenger.  . . 

I do  not  know  whether  you  have  received  mine  of  the 
1 8th.  If  not,  the  bearer  will  tell  you  the  contents.  Only 
let  me  hear  your  condition. 

“ April  21st,” 2 

1 Groen,  Archives , iv.,  371. 

2 John,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  left  Mook  two  days  before  the 
battle,  to  see  what  money  he  could  raise  at  Cologne  to  satisfy  the 
mutinous  soldiers. 


1574] 


Spanish  Mutiny . 


7i 


This,  a week  after  the  battle  of  Mook,  almost 
makes  it  appear  as  if  there  were  some  mistake  in  the 
dates,  as  the  intervening  distance  was  very  short. 
On  April  22d,  Orange  wrote  to  John,  begging  for 
speedy  news.1 *  He  has  now  heard  of  the  encounter, 
and  is  in  the  greatest  alarm  and  uncertainty,  as  “ nine 
days  have  already  passed.”  He  continued  to  make 
plans  about  his  brothers,  “ if  they  be  still  in  life.”  It 
seemed  impossible  for  him  to  accept  the  fact  that  the 
silence  was  indeed  never  to  be  broken.  The  per- 
sistence with  which  he  continued  to  arrange  details 
for  their  movements,  was  a mental  protest  against 
acknowledging  the  truth. 

The  great  advantage  that  the  royalist  troops  had 
gained  at  Mook  Heath  was  rendered  ineffectual  by 
the  mutiny  of  the  Spanish  troops  the  day  after  the 
battle.  Three  years’  pay  was  owing  them,  and  they 
demanded  it  clamorously,  feeling  that  a moment  of 
victory,  won  by  their  exertions,  was  the  time  to  urge 
their  legitimate  claims.  They  went  further,  however, 
than  simply  making  claims.5  The  mutiny  became 
organised  and  regulated  anarchy  at  once.  These 
mutinies  were  regular  occurrences  in  the  Spanish 
army,  as  natural  results  of  unpaid  wages.3  The 
soldiers  had  their  wives  and  constantly  increasing 
swarms  of  children  with  them,  so  that  they  made  a 
nomadic  city  wherever  they  went. 

As  Motley  says : “ It  was  a city  walled  in  by  bayo- 
nets, and  still  further  isolated  from  the  people 


1 Groen,  Archives , iv.,  378. 

5 Hoofd,  ix.,  336  et  seq. 

3 Motley,  ii.,  543, 


7 2 


William  the  Silent . 


[1574 


around  by  the  impassable  moat  of  mutual  hatred. 
It  was  a city  obeying  the  articles  of  war,  governed 
by  despotic  authority,  and  yet  occasionally  revealing, 
in  full  force,  the  irrepressible  democratic  element.” 
Whenever  this  military  populace  revolted  against 
authority,  they  immediately  proceeded  to  elect  their 
own  officers  and  draw  up  a constitution.  Their  chief 
was  called  an  Eletto , was  chosen  by  popular  suffrage, 
and  narrowly  watched  to  see  that  he  came  up  to  his 
duties.  All  this  was  done  in  the  mutiny  of  April, 
1574.  The  first  demands  for  pay  and  booty  were 
met  only  by  promises,  so  they  shook  off  authority, 
made  their  own  organisation  with  no  dissenting 
voice,  crossed  the  Meuse,  and  marched  to  Antwerp, 
entered  at  the  weakest  gate,  and  took  possession  of 
the  city.  The  disciplined  troops  threw  off  restraint, 
seized  all  the  good  things  of  this  life,  and  plunged 
into  riotous  living  of  every  kind. 

Before  the  end  of  the  month,  however,  the  Broad 
Council  of  Antwerp  acceded  to  the  demands  of 
Requesens  for  supplies.  They  voted  as  a loan  the 
400,000  florins  needed  for  the  pay,  and  received  a 
mortgage  on  the  royal  domains.  The  citizens  took 
the  securities,  but  as  a matter  of  fact  they  set  no 
value  on  the  paper,  and  really  considered  their 
money  gone.  The  mutineers  came  to  an  agreement 
with  Requesens,  returned  to  Antwerp,  and  were  paid 
up  in  corn  or  cloth.  Then  they  proceeded  to  cele- 
brate the  occasion  with  a great  feast  in  the  Place  de 
Meir.  Here  they  were  rioting  furiously,  arrayed 
like  children  in  the  cloth  and  velvet,  etc.,  which  had 
been  given  them  for  their  wages,  when  word  came 


1574] 


Orange  to  Count  John. 


73 


that  Admiral  Boisot  had  taken  advantage  of  the 
mutiny  to  sail  up  the  Scheldt.  There  was  a sudden 
call  to  arms,  which  the  motley  crowd,  arrayed  just 
as  they  were,  obeyed  to  a man.  It  was  too  late, 
however,  to  prevent  Boisot  from  capturing  or  sink- 
ing fourteen  Spanish  ships,  and  taking  Admiral 
Haemstede  prisoner.  This  was  a decided  advantage 
for  the  patriots,  who  thus  again  found  fortune  kinder 
to  them  on  water  than  on  land. 

Even  with  this  advantage  to  cheer  him,  Orange 
was  still  much  cast  down  and  very  anxious.  There 
are  many  long  letters  from  him  to  John,  as  though 
he  could  not  bear  to  stop  speaking  with  his  pen  to  his 
only  remaining  brother.  On  April  22d,  he  wrote1: 
“ I have  sent  you  ten  messengers,  but  can  get  no 
news  or  certitude.”  It  is  no  wonder  that  he  got  dis- 
couraged, for  many  of  the  dispatches  never  reached 
their  destination.  In  1593,  an  intercepted  letter  of 
May  7,  1574,  fell  into  the  hands  of  William  Louis  of 
Nassau,  one  of  John’s  sons,  who  sent  it  to  Maurice.2 
This  was  written  after  the  prince  had  at  last  relin- 
quished all  hope  of  ever  again  seeing  his  devoted 
younger  brothers.  The  very  wordiness  of  this  epis- 
tle is  pathetic.  He  is  very  anxious  for  John  to  un- 
derstand his  situation. 

“ And,  Monsieur  my  brother,  that  you  may  have  a 
clear  idea  of  our  ordinary  expense  simply  in  soldiery 
and  ships,  without  including  extraordinary  things  like 
artillery,  ammunition,  scouts,  fortifications,  governors’ 


1 Groen,  Archives , iv.,  378. 

2 Ibid.,  385,  Orange  to  John. 


74 


William  the  Silent. 


[1574 


salaries,  messengers,  spies,  commissioners  that  have  to 
be  sent  here  and  there,  expenses  of  the  people  in  foreign 
courts,  and  such  like  things,  I send  herewith  a summary 
of  the  men-at-arms  and  the  boats  we  have.  ist.  In 
South  Holland,  71  companies — French,  English,  Scotch, 
Walloons,  and  Flemish.  In  Zealand,  14  companies.  In 
Waterland,  20  companies.  As  to  boats,  we  have  in  Hol- 
land, 6 sloops  and  20  other  ships,  both  drommelers  and 
ships  of  transports.  In  Waterland,  8 big  ships,  6 galleys, 
5 catboats,  10  boeyers , and  others  called  water  schepen, 
which  make  in  all,  counting  the  galleys,  102  bottoms. 
This  is  all  I can  write  you  at  present  on  the  state  of  our 
affairs,  and  the  necessity  we  are  under  of  being  aided, 
hoping  shortly  to  send  you  some  one  to  explain  matters 
more  fully.” 

As  soon  as  possible  after  the  settlement  of  the 
mutiny,  the  grand  commander  turned  his  attention 
to  Leyden,  from  which  troops  had  been  withdrawn 
on  Louis’s  approach.  The  people  had  failed  to 
make  use  of  this  respite  to  store  provisions  for  a 
siege.1  So  when  Valdez  invested  the  city,  May 
2 1st,  they  were  little  better  off  than  they  had  been 
in  March.  A little  foresight  would  have  been  of 
more  advantage  than  all  the  pluck  and  courage  dis- 
played by  the  citizens.  They  had  almost  no  troops, 
five  companies  of  guards  and  one  corps  of  free- 
booters being  the  only  force  they  had  to  rely  on. 
A body  of  five  hundred  Englishmen  in  the  city’s 
pay,  stationed  at  Valkenburg,  an  outlying  fortress, 

'Bor  says  [i.,  505]:  “ De  prince  war  seer  bekommert  met  deze 
belegeringe,  wetende  dat  sy  geen  krygsvolck  in  en  hadden,  dat  sy 
00k  van  koorn  en  alle  oorlogs  provisie  onvoorsien  waren,” 


1574]  Offers  of  Peace.  75 

fled  to  Leyden  at  the  Spaniards’  approach,  but  they 
were  not  admitted,  as  their  good  faith  was  doubted. 

Before  the  resumption  of  the  siege,  secret  negotia- 
tions for  peace  were  again  set  on  foot.1 2  Before  the 
dead  of  Mook  Heath  were  buried,  Hugo  Bonte,  a 
former  pensionary  of  Middelburg,  was  sent  to  Bom- 
mel,  by  Requesens,  to  sound  Orange  on  the  subject 
of  peace.’  He  made  his  usual  answer.  The  first 
requisite  was  the  withdrawal  of  the  Spanish  troops, 
the  second  was  liberty  of  conscience. 

June  30th,  Bonte  went  to  Rotterdam  on  the  same 
errand,3  and  had  interviews  with  Orange  on  July  1st 
and  2d,  in  which  he  proposed  that  the  states  should 
send  deputies  to  some  place  in  the  jurisdiction  of 
Liege,  to  confer  with  several  Catholic  gentlemen 
upon  some  accommodation  which  the  king’s  tender 
conscience  could  approve.  The  prince  expressed 
some  polite  doubt  as  to  the  safety  of  Protestant  en- 
voys.4 At  the  second  meeting,  however,  he  con- 
sented to  a conference  with  the  Belgian  gentlemen, 
provided  it  could  take  place  at  Woerden,  near 
Utrecht,  or  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Gertruidenberg. 


1 The  relations  between  the  prince  and  France  were  somewhat 
changed  by  the  death  of  Charles  IX.  on  May  24th. 

2 The  prince  received  him  in  his  bedroom  without  witnesses. 

3 Gachard,  Cor.,  iii. , 373  etseq. 

4 The  return  of  exchanged  prisoners,  who  had  received  poison  just 
before  leaving  the  Spanish  camp,  has  already  been  mentioned  (Gachard, 
Cor.,  iii.,  101).  Mondragon  had  given  Orange  his  word  of  honour  to 
return  into  captivity,  if  Requesens  would  not  deliver  Aldegonde  and 
four  prisoners  of  quality.  Once  within  Spanish  lines  he  seemed  to 
have  forgotten  this  pledge,  though  the  prince  sent  many  reminders. 
It  was  not  until  October  that  Aldegonde  was  set  free. 


76 


William  the  Silent. 


[1574 


He  mentioned,  however,  that  the  preservation  of  the 
reformed  faith  must  be  a sine  qua  no?i  of  any  agree- 
ment. On  Bontd’s  demurring  to  this,  he  suggested 
that  even  the  pope  was  tolerant  of  the  Jews.  “That 
is  merely  for  an  example  to  the  Christians,”  replied 
Bont£. 1 2 Orange  then  remarked,  incidentally,  that 
some  other  strong  hand  could  be  found  to  protect 
the  country,  “who  is  a beautiful  damsel  with  many 
suitors.”  3 Several  days  later  more  emissaries  came 
to  the  prince.  His  answer  was  clear  and  simple. 
He,  too,  desired  the  end  of  the  troubles,  and  the 
sooner  the  better,  if  the  entire  destruction  of  the  land 
were  to  be  avoided.  But  the  people  must  be  con- 
tented on  the  point  of  religion.  As  to  him,  he  was 
quite  willing  to  promise  to  withdraw  from  the  land 
as  soon  as  the  troubles  were  appeased,  if  such  were 
the  king’s  will. 

On  July  17th,  there  came  another  petition  for 
peace.3  Marnix  was  allowed  to  leave  his  prison  at 
Utrecht  and  visit  Rotterdam,  to  attempt  to  bring 
the  prince  to  his  way  of  thinking.  Convinced  that 
it  was  futile  to  oppose  Spain  longer,  he  actually 
wanted  the  states  of  Holland  and  Zealand  to  peti- 
tion the  grand  commander  for  an  accommodation. 
Orange  repeated  the  old  arguments,  reiterated  the 
only  conditions  that  he  would  consider,  and  the 
disheartened  patriot  returned  disconsolately  to  his 
prison. 

1 Gachard,  Cor.,  iii.,  387.  Interview  with  Bonte. 

2 “ Que  los  payses  eran  una  donzella  hermoza  t)ien  aderezada,  que 
tenia  muchos  que  la  pedian.”  This  phrase  was  widely  quoted. 

3 Gachard,  Cor. , iii.,  397. 


PHILIPPUS  MARNIXIUS  SANT. 
ALDEGOND.  VN.  THEOLOGUS. 


PHILIP  MARNIX,  LORD  OF  ST.  ALDEGONDE. 
(From  Boland’s  copy  of  an  engraving  by  John  Weirix.) 


1574] 


The  Clippers. 


77 


While  these  tentative  negotiations  were  in  pro- 
gress, the  siege  of  Leyden  was  going  on  vigorously. 
On  June  6th,  Requesens  published  a pardon  which 
Philip  had  sent  some  weeks  before.1 2 3  This  offered 
free  forgiveness  to  all,  if  the  reformed  faith  were 
abandoned.  It  was  reinforced  by  a papal  bull, 
which  likewise  promised  a loving  blessing  on  all 
prodigal  sons,  if  they  would  but  return  to  Mother 
Church.  But  the  people  at  large  were  not  tempted. 
Valdez  sent  this  proposition  to  Leyden,  and  certain 
royalist  Netherlanders,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the 
Spanish  camp,  added  their  entreaties  that  the  par- 
don should  not  be  refused.  These  royalists  were 
dubbed  “ Glippers,”  a and  took  much  the  same  posi- 
tion as  the  Tory  Americans  in  1 776.  They  wrote 
letter  after  letter,  which  they  found  no  difficulty  in 
forwarding  to  the  beleaguered  city,  urging  their 
friends  to  come  and  be  loyal,  and  take  pity  on  their 
poor  old  fathers,  their  daughters,  and  their  wives. 
With  that  curious  pleasure  in  a racy  phrase,  which 
the  war  rarely  crushed  out  of  the  Netherlanders,  the 
Leydeners  sent  back  a single  line : “ Fistula  dulce 
canit,  volucrem  dum  decipit  auceps." 8 “ The  pipe 

sounds  sweet,  as  the  bird-catcher  snares  the  bird.” 
Orange  had  headquarters  at  Delft,  and  at  Rotter- 
dam. Between  these  cities,  at  the  junction  of  the 
Yssel  and  the  Meuse,  was  a fortress  called  the  Pol- 

1 It  was  the  old  story.  Philip’s  requirements  seemed  so  simple 
that  he  could  not  understand  the  people’s  hesitation.  “ Return  to 
the  Church  and  all  will  be  well.” 

2 Groen,  Archives , v.,  9. 

3 Hoofd,  ix.,  347. 


78 


William  the  Silent. 


[1574 


derwaert.  On  June  29th,  the  Spaniards  tried  to  take 
this,  but  were  unsuccessful.  To  hold  it  was  very  im- 
portant to  Orange,  as  this  was  the  point  from  which 
he  hoped  to  succour  Leyden. 

Throughout  its  whole  existence,  Holland  had 
been  fighting  with  the  sea.  Now  the  prince  con- 
ceived a scheme,  by  which  that  same  sea,  the  symbol 
of  all  evil  in  the  universe,  could  be  made  to  turn 
against  the  other  enemy,  and  aid  the  very  folk  who 
had  spent  their  lives  in  wresting  their  soil  from  it, 
inch  by  inch.  By  opening  a few  dykes,  the  North 
Sea  would  flow  over  the  flat  lands  intervening  be- 
tween Leyden  and  the  coast,  with  sufficient  depth  to 
float  Boisot’s  ships.  The  patriots  had  been  singu- 
larly unlucky  in  all  their  encounters  with  the  enemy 
on  dry  land.  Their  only  successes  had  been  on  the 
waters,  or  in  seaports.  Leyden  was  not  a seaport, 
but  it  might  become  one.  The  harvests  must  be 
sacrificed,  to  be  sure,  but  this  time  there  was  little 
holding  back  even  on  the  part  of  those  who  would 
suffer  private  loss. 

An  old  Dutch  proverb  gave  a ready  answer  to  the 
reluctant  property  owners  of  the  region,  “ Beeter  be* 
dorven  dan  verlooren  landt,"  1 “ Better  swamped  than 
lost  land,”  and  the  crops  were  sacrificed  with  scarce 
a word  of  remonstrance.  Even  that  fever  present 
“ courtresse  d' argent"  (shortness  of  money),  which 
sat,  like  black  care,  constantly  on  the  prince’s  saddle, 
seemed  about  to  be  exorcised  temporarily;  120,000 
guilders  were  subscribed  at  once,  as  a fund  for 
the  work,  the  estates  voted  an  allowance  of  45,000 

1 Hoofd,  ix. , 353. 


1574] 


The  Sea  Advances. 


79 


crowns  a month,  and  even  rich  ladies — among  whom 
was  the  wife  of  Goodevaart  Brasser,  burgomaster  at 
Delft — brought  their  jewels  and  gold  chains  and 
even  furniture.1 

This  was  good,  but  Orange  feared  that  they  were 
still  too  weak  to  rescue  the  town,  unless  Count  John 
could  rouse  up  the  German  princes  to  send  them 
aid.  He  was  not  the  same  man  he  had  been  before 
the  battle  of  Mook,  and  any  misfortune  seemed 
credible  since  the  loss  of  his  two  young  brothers. 
Still  his  despondency  did  not  lead  him  to  rest  with 
idle  hands.  Every  sinew  was  stretched  to  the  ut- 
most. On  August  3d,  in  the  presence  of  the  prince, 
who  went  with  Paul  Buys  to  Capelle  on  the  Yssel,  for 
the  purpose,  the  outer  dyke  was  pierced  in  sixteen 
places,  the  sluice  gates  at  Schiedam  and  Rotterdam 
were  opened,  and  the  water  began  to  overflow.  It 
was  a work  of  time,  however,  for  the  floods  to  cover 
so  large  a tract,  and  the  interval  of  waiting  was  filled 
with  collecting,  as  quickly  as  possible,  all  the  craft  in 
the  neighbourhood.  It  was  not  only  war  ships  that 
were  in  demand.  Provisions  must  be  sent  to  the 
poor,  starved  Leydeners,  and  everything  that  did 
not  have  a deep  draught  would  be  useful.  Two 
hundred  craft  were  collected  at  Delftshaven  and 
Rotterdam,  while  all  the  chief  cities  sent  contribu- 
tions of  provisions.  The  prince  wrote  to  Leyden, 
telling  them  to  hold  out  a little  longer,  that  the 
dykes  were  pierced  and  the  waters  rising.3 

1 Dutch  furniture  probably  did  not  have  the  same  value  in  1574,  as 
in  these  later  days. 

5 Pigeons  carried  the  letter. 


8o 


William  the  Silent. 


[1574 


Whether  it  was  anxiety  for  his  brother,  or  stand- 
ing out  on  the  dykes  in  rain  and  fog,  does  not  ap- 
pear, but  by  August  2ist,  as  the  house  steward, 
Nuynhem,  writes  to  John,'  the  prince  had  succumbed 
to  a fever  that  was  first  quotidian,  and  then  so  severe 
that  he  had  four  accesses  within  a day. 

The  beleaguered  folk  in  Leyden  were  filled  with 
joy  at  the  prince’s  letter,  dictated  after  he  had  given 
up  to  his  illness,  which  he  carefully  forbore  to  men- 
tion, lest  it  should  discourage  them.  The  Spaniards 
were  alarmed  at  the  prospect,  but  the  “ Glippers  ” 
within  the  royal  camp  assured  them,  that  such  an 
event  as  they  feared  would  be  utterly  impossible. 
There  never  was  a time  when  the  prince  was  more 
needed,  but  he  could  not  recover,  spite  of  three 
physicians,  who  were  baffled  when  his  malady  did 
not  yield  to  their  copious  bleeding.  He  was  so 
weak  that  he  could  not  rise,  and  could  eat  nothing1 2 3 * 
but  “ an  egg,  a little  blancmange,  and  some  confiture, 
which  serves  to  keep  the  spirit,  but  can  ill  sustain 
the  body,”  as  John’s  correspondents  say. 

Florent  Nuynhem  and  Th.  Brunynck  wrote  con- 
tinually to  John,8  reporting  progress.  They  were 
very  anxious  to  move  the  invalid  to  Delft,  both  for 
change  of  air,  and  because  he  could  be  made  more 
comfortable  there.  His  exceeding  weakness  con- 
tinued, which  is  hardly  to  be  wondered  at,  consider- 
ing the  bleeding  he  was  subjected  to,  when  his 


1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  38. 

2 Ibid.,  39. 

3 Nuynhem  was  the  prince’s  steward,  and  Brunynck  was  his  secre- 

tary. 


1574]  The  Prince's  Illness  and  Recovery.  Si 


vitality  was  already  at  a very  low  ebb.  Hoofd  tells 
the  story  that  his  attendants  thought  the  illness  was 
the  pest,  and  fled  from  him,  but  in  the  face  of  the 
above-mentioned  letters  to  John,  this  hardly  could 
have  been  the  case.1  The  severity  of  the  attack  was 
much  heightened  by  his  alarm  about  Leyden,  and 
especially  by  a report  that  the  city  could  not  wait 
for  the  projected  relief.  A rumour,  indeed,  went 
abroad  that  his  condition  was  hopeless,  and  the 
Spaniards  believed  that  he  was  a broken-down  man. 
The  arch-conspirator,  they  said,  is  stricken  down  like 
a broken  pillar,  and  his  soul  crumbles  to  dust  under 
the  breath  of  Spanish  might.  Hoofd  goes  on  to 
say,  that  it  was  really  true  that  Cornelius  van  Mierop, 
receiver  of  common  revenues  of  Holland,  came  to 
Rotterdam  to  bring  some  tidings  to  the  prince,  and 
strange  to  say  met  none,  in  the  house,  who  could 
give  him  information.  He  at  last  reached  the  sick- 
room, and  found  the  prince  lying  in  bed  without  the 
attendance  of  a single  person.  He  asked  about  his 
condition  and  his  servants.  The  prince  answered  in 
a weak  voice  that  he  was  very  ill,  and  that  his  people 
had  left  him.2  Then  he  roused  himself  to  inquire 
about  affairs,  and  thanked  God  that  Leyden  still  held 
out.  From  that  time  he  looked  up, 3 recovered  his 
cleverness  sufficiently  to  carry  on  the  undertaking 

1 Hoofd,  ix.,  355. 

2 This  story  is  probably  apocryphal,  as  the  letters  of  Brunynck 
show  continual  care. 

3 Hy  stelde  zich  nochtans  tot  gelioorgeven ; en  verstaande  dat 
Leyde  noch  hield,  dankte  Godt  met  verfooyden  geest ; look  ook  van 
dien  tydt,  op;  en  kreegh  allenskens  kloekheydt,  om  de  toereedingh, 
voort  te  dryven. 

VOL.  II.— 6 


William  the  Silent. 


[1574 


earnestly  and  zealously.  He  arose  from  his  discour- 
agement as  from  a dizziness,  and  came  to  himself. 
By  September  2d,  Brunynck  wrote  to  John  1 that 
there  had  been  no  fever  the  previous  day,  his  night 
had  been  good,  and  that  they  hoped  the  prince  was 
out  of  danger.  On  September  7th,  the  invalid  was 
able  to  write  to  John  himself,  and  the  sight  of  his 
handwriting  must  have  been  welcome  enough  in 
Dillenburg.  “ The  fever  has  kept  off  for  two  days, 
and  he  hopes  soon  to  be  strong  again.”  2 The  solici- 
tude about  money  is  waiting  for  him  at  the  door  of 
his  bedroom,  and  he  is  very  anxious  that  the  French 
negotiation  should  be  pursued.  “ No  man  is  better 
fitted  for  the  purpose  than  Schomberg,”  and  he  adds 
that  he  wishes  John  would  see  what  could  be  done 
with  the  German  princes. 

The  efforts  to  succour  Leyden  by  water,  which 
had  weakened  during  the  prince’s  illness,  though 
they  had  never  been  remitted,  now  went  on  vigor- 
ously. Boisot  effected  a landing  in  Flanders  with  five 
hundred  Zealand  soldiers,  and  two  hundred  German 
mercenaries.  More  than  two  hundred  vessels  were 
assembled,  manned  by  about  two  thousand  veterans, 
besides  volunteers.  The  distance  across  the  meadow- 
land  to  Leyden  was  twenty  miles,  and  by  September 
10th,  the  fleet  had  sailed,  slowly,  three-quarters  of 
the  way.  There  they  were  stopped  by  a great  dyke 
called  the  Land-scheiding,  held  by  the  Spaniards. 
The  capture  of  this  was,  of  course,  very  important, 
and  Orange  had  ordered  that  it  should  be  effected 


1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  50. 

2 September  6th  was  the  first  day  that  he  left  his  bed. 


1574] 


The  Sea  to  the  Rescue. 


83 

at  all  hazards,  and  on  the  night  between  the  10th 
and  nth,  Boisot  succeeded  in  driving  off  the  rather 
weak  garrison  after  a short  but  hot  skirmish.  The 
dyke  was  then  pierced,  but  there  was  a continuous 
land  breeze,  and  at  first  the  waters  would  not  rise. 
At  the  end  of  a week,  the  fleet  had  only  advanced 
two  miles.  Then  the  wind  shifted  to  the  north-west, 
and  blew  a regular  gale  for  three  days.  The  waters 
rose  rapidly,  and  gave  the  fleet  sufficient  draught  to 
move  on  to  North  Aa,  where  there  was  another 
dyke.  While  this  was  being  pierced,  the  wind 
turned  east  and  the  waters  subsided.  Imagine  the 
intense  anxiety  with  which  the  weathercocks  were 
watched  by  the  poor  Leydeners  during  those  Sep- 
tember days.  During  this  delay,  Orange,  though 
still  weak  from  the  effects  of  fever  and  the  remedies, 
managed  to  board  the  fleet  and  encourage  the 
Zealanders.' 

The  state  of  things  within  the  city  was  going  from 
bad  to  worse.  Nearly  every  scrap  had  been  eaten,  and 
deliverance  came  so  slowly  that  the  weak-hearted 
murmured  that  nothing  but  corpses  and  skeletons 
would  be  left  to  receive  the  fleet  if  it  ever  did  come 
across  the  dry  land,  which  it  could  not  do.  Adrian 
vander  Werf,  the  plucky  burgomaster,  was  assailed  by 
these  murmurers  and  called  on  to  surrender."  This 
he  heroically  refused  to  do,  and  his  sturdiness  im- 
parted courage  to  the  others.  On  September  28th, 
Boisot  succeeded  in  sending  a pigeon  into  the  city 
with  a note,  saying  that  if  the  wind  did  but  change 


1 Hoofd,  ix.,  358-362. 

2 Ibid.,  366  et  seq. 


84 


William  the  Silent. 


[1574 


he  would  soon  be  with  them.  The  town  bells  were 
rung  for  joy,  which  turned  to  despair  as  the  weather 
vanes  continued  to  point  resolutely  to  the  east. 
Three  days  of  watching  followed.  On  October  ist 
came  the  equinoctial.  The  wind  blew  violently  from 
the  north-west,  and  the  North  Sea  rushed  in  pell-mell 
across  the  space  where  it  had  met  barriers  for  so 
many  years.  In  twenty-four  hours  there  were  two 
feet  of  water  at  North  Aa,  and  Boisot  sailed  up  to 
the  village  of  Zoeterwoude,  where  he  was  met  by  the 
first  volley  from  the  enemy.  He  responded  at  once, 
and  a battle  followed  in  the  midnight  darkness, 
probably  the  first  naval  engagement  ever  fought  out 
on  land.  It  was  not  pleasant  for  the  beleaguering 
Spaniards  to  find  themselves  in  turn  beleaguered  by 
a watery  flood.  They  could  not  tell  how  high  the 
sea  would  rise.  There  is  nothing  so  terrifying  as  un- 
known dangers,  and  the  men  who  had  stood,  undaun- 
ted, at  the  cannon’s  mouth,  fled  in  terror  before  the 
cold  swash  of  those  gray  waves.  The  Spaniards 
abandoned  the  two  forts  of  Zoeterwoude  and  Lam- 
men,  and  fled  as  best  they  might  to  The  Hague,  and 
when  the  morning  of  October  3d  dawned,  Boisot 
sailed  up  to  Leyden.  The  anxiety  of  the  last  three 
days  there  had  been  intense.  First  they  had  not 
been  sure  of  the  enemy’s  movements ; they  had  no 
information,  and  everything  seemed  mysterious.  In 
the  night  of  October  2d,  when  the  excitement  was  at 
the  highest  pitch,  a frightful  crash  was  heard.  A por- 
tion of  the  city  wall  between  the  Cow-Gate  and  the 
Tower  of  Burgundy  had  suddenly  tumbled  down.1 

1 Bor  gives  this,  and  the  other  historians  quote  from  him.  I find 
no  explanation  of  the  accident  anywhere. 


1574] 


The  News  of  Relief. 


85 


At  that  very  same  time  the  Spaniards  were  depart- 
ing from  the  fort  of  Lammen,  ignorant  of  the  fact 
that  the  city  was  open  to  them.  Valdez  felt  that  the 
eyes  of  Europe  were  upon  him,  as  he  went  off  into  the 
midnight  and  watery  darkness.  He  was  good  enough 
to  leave  a note  behind  him,  on  the  table  of  the  room 
he  had  occupied  at  Leyderdorp : “ Vale  civitas , 
valete  castelli  parvi,  qui  relicti  estis  propter  aquam  et 
non  per  vim  inimicorum 1 an  explanation  that  must 
have  been  highly  satisfactory  to  the  states  and  the 
fortifications. 

Boisot  found  the  state  of  Leyden  pitiable  indeed, 
and  the  first  care  was  to  feed  the  hungry,  the  next, 
to  prevent  them  from  over-eating.  October  3d  fell 
on  a Sunday  in  that  year  of  1574,  and  Orange  went 
quietly  to  service  in  the  Great  Church  of  Delft.  A 
note,  describing  the  above  events,  was  handed  to 
him  as  he  sat  in  his  pew,  his  thoughts  probably  more 
absorbed  with  Boisot’s  last  communication  than  with 
the  sermon.  As  soon  as  the  last  period  was  rounded, 
Orange  handed  the  letter  to  the  preacher  to  be  read 
from  the  pulpit.  It  is  easy  to  imagine  the  awakened 
interest  with  which  that  congregation,  who  had 
quietly  absorbed  the  subject-matter  treating  of  points 
in  which  they  perfectly  agreed  with  the  expounder, 
listened  to  this  addition  to  the  discourse.  The  last 
prayer  was  said  with  glad  hearts.5  On  the  next  day, 
October  4th,  Orange  wrote  a thankful  little  note  in 
German  to  John,3  telling  him  of  the  event;  then, 

1 “ Farewell  state,  farewell  little  forts,  who  art  abandoned  on  account 
of  the  waters  not  on  account  of  the  force  of  the  enemy.” — Hoofd,  ix., 
368  et  seq.  Bor,  i.,  554. 

2 Meteren  ii. , 276. 


3 Groen,  Archives , v.,  75. 


86 


William  the  Silent. 


[1574 


spite  of  warnings  that  he  was  too  weak  to  expose 
himself  to  such  poisoned  air  as  that  of  Leyden,  he 
appeared  in  the  freed  city,  and  congratulated  the 
citizens  on  their  endurance. 

Leyden  received  two  prizes  for  her  pluck.  The 
first  was  permission,  granted  by  Orange  and  the 
states,  to  hold  an  annual  ten  days’  fair,  free  from 
tolls  or  taxes.  The  second  gift  was  the  establishment 
of  the  University  of  Leyden  1 ■ — the  first  Protestant 
school  on  Netherland  soil.  They  were  wonderfully 
expeditious  about  this.  Leyden  was  relieved  on 
October  3d.  On  February  5,  1575,  four  months 
later,  all  the  professors  of  the  new  seat  of  learning 
were  installed  with  elaborate  ceremonies  and  alle- 
gorical representations  so  dear  to  the  hearts  of  the 
Netherlanders,  whose  love  of  a show  was  never 
knocked  out  of  them  by  starvation  and  hardship. 

The  new  university  was  endowed  with  an  adequate 
revenue,  chiefly  derived  from  the  ancient  abbey  of 
Egmont.  As  Motley  says,  the  introduction  to  the 
charter  of  this  new  institution  is  one  of  the  most  de- 
licious pieces  of  irony  on  record.2  The  fiction  of  the 
king’s  sovereignty  was  still  maintained,  and  the  most 
Catholic  monarch  was  made  to  establish  this  Protes- 
tant university  as  a reward  to  Leyden  for  rebellion 
against  himself : 

“ Considering  that  during  these  present  wearisome 
wars  within  our  provinces  of  Holland  and  Zealand,  all 
good  instruction  of  youth  in  the  sciences  and  liberal  arts 


1 Meteren,  ii. , 278  ; Bor.,  i.,  593. 
5 Motley,  ii.,  579. 


1574] 


The  New  University. 


*7 


is  likely  to  come  into  entire  oblivion.  . . . Consider- 

ing the  differences  of  religion  ; considering  that  we  are 
inclined  to  gratify  our  city  of  Leyden,  with  its  citizens, 
on  account  of  the  heavy  burdens  sustained  by  them  dur- 
ing this  war  with  such  faithfulness,  we  have  resolved, 
after  ripely  deliberating  with  our  dear  cousin  William, 
Prince  of  Orange,  Stadtholder,  to  erect  a free  public 
school  and  university,”  etc. 

The  alleged  royal  giver  then  proceeded,  according 
to  this  original  document,  to  intrust  the  aforesaid 
“ dear  cousin  of  Orange  ” with  all  needful  powers  for 
regulating  the  government  and  police  of  the  institu- 
tion. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 


NEW  BONDS. 


1574-1575- 


jHEN  the  tense  anxiety  about  Leyden 
was  relieved,  the  prince  found  leisure  to 
direct  public  attention  to  another  prob- 
lem, which  had  grown  so  harassing  to 
him  that  the  burden  was  well-nigh  un- 
bearable. 

Even  in  Holland  his  own  powers  were 
ill-defined  and  often  little  respected.  Stadtholder  of 
the  king,1  magistrate  in  virtue  of  the  royal  commis- 
sion of  1559,  uniting  in  his  person  the  functions  of 
governor-general  and  governor  in  especial  of  the  re- 
volting provinces,  William  of  Nassau,  in  order  to  in- 
terest the  states  and  bind  them  to  the  common 
cause,  had  shown  himself  ready  to  ask  their  advice 
and  to  defer  to  their  opinions.  Indeed,  this  was  his 
only  practicable  course,  yet  it  proved  a source  of  in- 
finite embarrassment  to  him.  It  was  difficult  to 
obtain  money  grants,  except  in  moments  of  rare  en- 
thusiasm. As  a usual  thing  the  parsimony  of  the 
states  was  distressing.  Even  patriot  leaders  must  be 


Groen,  Archives,  v. , 90. 


1574] 


The  Prince's  Powers. 


89 


paid,  but  the  governing  body  were  ready  to  forget 
their  captains’  services  when  the  question  of  dollars 
and  cents  was  presented.1 

Then,  the  states  were  disposed  to  enlarge  their  own 
powers  little  by  little.  Sometimes  they  infringed  on 
what  was  manifestly  their  stadtholder’s  province, 
sometimes  they  disregarded  the  ancient  privileges  of 
the  land,  and  again  they  meddled  with  the  details  of 
military  affairs,  because  they  had  furnished  the  sup- 
plies.2 Then,  too,  as  Groen  says,  these  gentlemen 
were  easily  discouraged,  and  continually  wished  to 
check  an  onward  movement.  Acts  of  quick  decision 
cannot  emanate  from  a deliberative  body,  and,  in 
time  of  war,  such  acts  are  a necessity.  The  prince 
played  the  part  of  moderator  between  the  states, 
the  nobles,  and  the  burghers.  He  was  distressed 
at  the  ferments,  and  exhausted  himself  in  his 
efforts  to  avert  disastrous  results.  It  was  mani- 
festly impossible  to  steer  the  ship  of  state  with  tied 
hands.3  At  last,  weary  of  the  tergiversation,  de- 
lay, and  confusion,  both  of  government  and  finance, 
the  prince  appeared  before  an  assembly  of  the  states 
of  Holland  on  October  20th,  and  made  a plain  state- 
ment. He  pointed  out  his  difficulties  in  clear,  tren- 
chant phrases.  He  complained  that  the  people  often 
forgot  that  they  were  fighting  for  a common  cause, 

1 The  excuse  sometimes  was  that  the  lawlessness  of  men  like  la 
Mark  and  Sonoy  cancelled  the  services  they  rendered  to  the  state. 

2 Groen,  Archives , v. , 91. 

3 There  were  disturbances  between  the  towns  in  North  Holland  and 
Sonoy,  their  governor.  But  when  Orange  proposed  to  substitute  de 
Berghes,  the  people  at  once  petitioned  to  keep  Sonoy  ; and  so  it  went 
on  everywhere — criticism  without  practical  suggestions. 


90 


William  the  Silent . 


[1574 


and  seemed  to  think  that  he  was  acting  for  his  own 
interests.  He  proposed,  therefore,  that  the  states 
should  henceforth  take  the  entire  responsibility  of 
government  from  his  shoulders,1  or  that  they  should 
so  strengthen  his  position  that  his  measures  might  be 
effective. 

The  states  deliberated  over  his  address  until 
November  12th.  Then  they  begged  him  to  continue 
in  his  charges.  They  could  do  nothing  without  a 
head,  and  he  was  the  only  leader  they  desired. 
They  confirmed  the  powers  that  had  been  thrust 
on  the  prince  by  the  force  of  circumstances,  and 
conferred  upon  him  an  absolute  sovereignty  over 
the  land  for  the  time  being.  They  requested 

“ that  his  Excellency  should  assume,  under  the  name  of 
governor  or  regent,  the  superintendence,  supremacy,  and 
rule,  with  the  co-operation  of  the  states,  vassals,  inhabi- 
tants, and  heirs  of  the  countships  of  Holland,  conferring 
to  this  end  on  his  Excellency,  absolute  might,  authority, 
and  sovereign  rule  in  the  direction  of  all  the  common 
affairs  of  the  land  with  no  exception.”2 

This  was  very  well  as  far  as  it  went,  but  before 
concluding  any  arrangement  the  prince  stipulated 
that  his  allowance  should  be  45,000  florins  a month. 
A week  passed  without  an  answer  to  this  demand. 
On  November  22d,  the  prince  sent  Paul  Buys  to 
insist  on  a response.  The  assembly  discussed  the 
matter  three  days  longer,  and  then  decided  that 

1 “ Dat  de  Staten  selve  het  gantsche  Gouvemement  haer  sullen 
aennemen.” — Groen,  Archives , v.,  92,  from  Resol.  v.  Holl.,  1574. 

2 Ibid 


1574] 


The  Peace  Conference  at  Breda. 


9i 


30,000  florins  a month  was  quite  sufficient.  The 
prince,  however,  decidedly  refused  to  give  the 
slightest  consideration  to  these  terms.  He  declared 
that  rather  than  attempt  the  impossible,  he  would 
quit  the  country  while  he  had  “ some  honour  left,  and 
let  who  will  follow  him.”  Then  they  would  be  free 
to  manage  their  affairs  as  cheaply  as  they  wished. 
The  states  took  alarm  at  his  displeasure,  and  granted 
the  45,000  florins  on  the  same  day,  without  further 
bickering. 

The  position  of  the  prince  was  now  apparently 
established.  He  had  a fixed  budget,  and  dictatorial 
powers  over  land,  sea,  and  all  that  was  upon  them. 
The  states  had  stipulated  that  they  should  be  con- 
vened and  consulted  on  all  points  of  taxation  and 
changes  in  the  governing  body.  They  further 
reserved  the  power  of  appointing  judges  of  the 
supreme  court,  and  a few  other  important  officers. 

On  Christmas  Day  the  prince  wrote  to  John  that 
Leoninus,  whose  attempts  at  negotiation  had 
dropped  in  July,  had  been  to  see  him,  but  he  was  in 
Zealand.1 

“ I came  here  on  account  of  the  proposed  enterprise 
in  Antwerp,  which  failed  because  of  the  citizens’  coward- 
ice. They  were  afraid  to  take  arms,  though  our  boats 
and  soldiers  were  on  hand,  as  had  been  arranged  in 
accordance  with  the  burghers’  own  request,  who  had 
promised  to  do  their  part.  Keep  this  secret  in  case  we 
should  make  another  attempt.”2 

1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  109. 

s Count  John  was  endeavouring  to  organise  an  expedition  against 
Burgundy,  as  was  shown  by  a lively  correspondence  with  Beutterich 
and  Brunynck. — Hid.,  99  et  seq. 


92 


William  the  Silent. 


[1575 


At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1575,  there  were 
again  many  propositions  of  peace  in  the  air.  Maxi- 
milian wished  it  for  the  sake  of  the  European  states. 
Philip  wished  it  because  war  was  costly,  and  he 
thought  it  was  time  that  the  Netherlanders  should 
return  to  obedience ; still,  on  his  part  he  was  not 
willing  to  withdraw  one  hair’s  breadth  from  his 
original  position.1 *  Orange  wished  the  cessation  of 
war,  but  not  at  the  cost  of  renouncing  all  for  which 
the  patriots  had  been  fighting  during  seven  long 
years.  Owing  mainly  to  Maximilian’s  exertions,  a 
peace  conference  was  arranged  to  meet  at  Breda,  in 
which  the  German  emperor  hoped  to  smooth  over 
the  unpleasantness  between  his  son-in-law  and  his 
rebellious  subjects.  The  delegates  assembled  on 
March  5th.  Among  Philip’s  representatives  were 
Ferdinand  Lannoy,  Arnold  Sasbout,  and  Dr.  Leoni- 
nus.  In  addition  to  these  gentlemen,  hostages  were 
also  sent  to  Dordrecht  to  pledge  with  their  persons, 
the  safety  of  the  deputies  from  the  states,  while  they 
remained  within  Spanish  lines.  Mondragon,  Julian 
Romero,  and  other  prominent  Spaniards  were  among 
these  hostages.  St.  Aldegonde  and  Boisot  were  the 
most  important  of  the  patriot  councillors,  and  Maxi- 
milian sent  as  his  representatives  Orange’s  two 
brothers-in-law,  Counts  Schwarzburg  and  Hohenlohe, 
with  several  other  gentlemen.3 * 5  On  February  21st, 

1 On  January  4th,  Orange  wrote  to  John  that  Aldegonde  had  gone  to 

Heidelberg  and  would  stop  to  see  him  at  Dillenburg.  Aldegonde 
had  two  missions — one  to  find  professors  for  the  new  University  of 

Leyden,  and  the  other  to  be  explained  later.  Groen,  Archives , 

v.,  113. 

5 Hoofd,  x.,  381. 


1575] 


Failure  of  Peace  Conference . 


93 


Orange  wrote  1 to  his  brother,  telling  him  not  to  be 
uneasy  about  any  rumours  concerning  the  peace 
conference,  as  he  would  keep  him  informed.  He 
adds:  “ If  you  desire  to  be  especially  mentioned  in 
the  treaty  let  me  know.  I am  glad  you  have 
ordered  the  accountant,  Stenzel,  to  draw  up  a state- 
ment of  the  expenses  we  have  incurred.  Send  it  to 
me  when  finished.” 

The  commissioners  spent  three  months  at  Breda  in 
futile  discussion.2  The  Spaniards  were  apparently 
ready  for  concessions.  The  Spanish  troops  should 
be  withdrawn,  privileges  should  be  respected,  etc., 
etc.  But  the  only  concession  offered  to  the  Prot- 
estants was  permission  to  leave  the  land  if  they 
were  unwilling  to  return  to  the  arms  of  Mother 
Church.  The  result  might  have  been  foreseen  from 
the  beginning.  The  Spaniards  were  fair  in  words 
alone.  For  the  fulfilment  of  promises,  the  royal 
commissioners  offered  Philip’s  word  and  seal,  coun- 
tersigned by  the  emperor,  while,  in  exchange,  they 
demanded  the  signatures  and  oath  of  the  prince  and 
states,  with  the  delivery  of  hostages  and  the  cities  of 
Brill,  Enkhuizen,  Flushing,  and  Arnemuyden.  In 

1 Groen,  Archives,  v.,  137. 

2 Before  the  beginning  of  the  conference  the  assembly  of  Holland 
had  met  at  Dordrecht.  The  prince  addressed  them  in  a long  speech, 
urging  that  they  should  beware  of  buying  their  peace  at  too  high  terms. 
The  votes  of  the  assembly  were  not  taken  by  person.  The  large 
cities  and  nobles  of  Holland  had  one  vote,  the  states  of  Zealand  one, 
small  cities  of  Holland  one,  cities  of  Bommel  and  Buren  one,  and 
the  prince  one  in  his  own  right.  Practically  he  thus  commanded  the 
majority,  as  the  small  cities  had  only  obtained  recognition  through 
his  instrumentality,  and  Buren  was  his  son’s  earldom. — Wagenaar, 
xxv.,  18, 


94 


William  the  Silent. 


[1575 


vain  did  Count  Schwarzburg  travel  back  and  forth 
between  Breda  and  Dordrecht.1 *  The  conditions  pro- 
posed were  not  ones  to  which  the  prince  and  states 
could  subscribe.  Besides,  it  was  a contract  in  which 
some  members  of  the  contracting  party  were  asked 
to  deliver  themselves.  July  13th,  the  provincial 
deputies  took  their  leave  and  the  truce  was  over.3 4 

The  negotiations  were,  however,  not  without  re- 
sults, though  the  ostensible  aim  was  not  attained.3 
The  steps  taken  by  Holland  in  1574,  were  good  in 
their  intent  but  much  was  still  unsatisfactory.  A 
bond  was  needed  between  the  two  provinces  striving 
for  the  same  end. 

Before  the  final  collapse  of  the  peace  negotiations, 
the  questions  of  union  and  of  increased  powers  to 
the  prince  began  to  be  discussed  in  the  assembly  of 
Holland/  They  acknowledged  that  Orange  was  not 
exigent  in  his  demands.  As  usual,  the  deliberations 


1 The  states  gave  him  and  his  wife  a gift  set  in  jewels  worth  from 
3000  to  3500  guilders. — Wagenaar,  xxv.,  43  et  seq  ; Hoofd,  x.,  386. 

5 See  Wagenaar,  xxv.,  49  ; Groen,  Archives,  v.,  259^  seq.  March 
26th,  Count  John  wrote  to  the  landgrave  : “ Ich  vermercke 

so  vill,  das  die  Seelender  und  Hollendervon  dem  ex ercitio  religionis 
nicht  abstehen  werden,  und  . . . die  Spanier  kein  andere 

religion  dan  die  Romische  oder  Papistische  wollen  zulassen  ; . . . 

So  ist  uf  einen  bestendigen  Christlichen  friden  noch  zur  zeitt  nit 
grosz  lioffnung  zu  haben,  und  ist  zu  besorgen  die  Spanier  werden 
noch  mehr  teglichs  erfahren,  und mit  schaden  witzig  werden  miissen. ” 
— Ibid.,  v.,  158. 

1 Ibid.,  v.,  262  ; Hoofd,  x.,  398. 

4 “ Hebbende  syne  Exc.  van  hem  zelps  noyt  meer  authoriteyts 
gesocht  te  hebben,  ofte  te  nemen,  als  tot  versekertheydt  ende  pros- 
periteyt  des  Landes  noodigh  en  was.” — RIs.  Holl.,  21  Mai,  1575  ; 
see  Groen,  Archives,  v.,  269. 


1575] 


Charlotte  of  Bourbon. 


95 


were  slow.  Much  fear  was  expressed  of  the  dangers 
of  centralisation  of  power.  Six  commissioners  were 
appointed  to  draw  up  an  ordinance  for  the  combined 
government  of  Holland  and  Zealand.1  The  result 
was  accepted  in  the  main,  though  in  1575,  Zealand 
would  not  subscribe  to  the  articles  regarding  the 
prince’s  personal  power.2  The  prince  wished  to  have 
the  new  articles  submitted  to  the  approval  of  the 
communes,3  but  the  estates  only  consented  to  con- 
sult the  heads  of  the  guilds,  so  that  the  captains  and 
deans  alone  united  with  the  aristocracy  in  ratifying 
the  document  by  which  his  authority  was  established 
over  the  united  provinces. 

While  these  changes  were  taking  place  in  affairs  of 
state,  the  prince  had  entered  on  private  negotiations 
that  form  one  of  the  most  singular  episodes  of  his 
history. 

The  story  of  Anne  of  Saxony  has  been  given  in  a 
previous  chapter.  During  the  latter  part  of  the  time 
that  she  was  under  the  protection  of  the  Nassau 
family,  there  was  no  mention  of  her  in  the  prince’s 
letters.  In  1575,  circumstances  made  it  seem  advisa- 
ble for  her  relatives  to  assume  the  charge  of  her ; the 
correspondence  was  revived,  and  towards  the  end  of 


1 See  Wagenaar,  xxv.,  15.  As  these  articles  were  superseded  by 
the  union  of  Delft  in  1576,  they  are  not  given  in  detail. 

2 De  potestate  Guilielmi  I.  Hollandise  Gubernatoris,  by  Mr. 
Gordon,  1835. — See  Groen,  Archives,  v.,  269. 

3 “ Syne  Exc.  soude  voor  goedt  aensien  . . . dat  alsulcke  ordeninge 

. . . werde  geapprobeert,  miet  alleenlyck  by  de  Magistraten  en 

Schutteryen  van  de  Steden,  maer'oock  by  de  Gemeenten,  om  des  te 
meer  en  beter  gehoorsaem  te  hebben.” — Re's.  Roll.,  Ibid.,  271. 


9<3 


William  the  Silent. 


[1575 


the  year  she  was  removed  to  Dresden,  as  has  been 
related.  This  removal  was  urged  forward  by  the 
fact  that  Orange  had  determined  to  form  new  mar- 
riage ties.  Just  before  his  return  to  the  Netherlands 
the  prince  visited  Heidelberg,1  and  there  met  Char- 
lotte of  Bourbon,  daughter  of  Duke  Louis  of  Mont- 
pensier.  Her  mother,  Jacqueline  de  Longuevic,  was 
a Huguenot,  and  secretly  educated  her  daughter 
in  the  Protestant  faith.  When  still  a mere  child, 
Charlotte  was  placed  in  the  Abbey  of  Jouarre,  and 
took  her  religious  vows  before  the  prescribed  age.2 
According  to  Aubery  du  Maurier  she  took  this  im- 
portant step  under  constraint  and  against  her  will. 
It  seems  rather  strange  that  she  should  have  been 
elevated  to  the  dignity  of  abbess  under  such  circum- 
stances. But  she  attained  that  rank  before  1572, 
when  she  renounced  her  vows,  fled  from  the  convent, 
and  took  refuge  at  Heidelberg  with  her  relative,  the 
Elector  Palatine,  who  received  her  kindly,  and 
played  the  part  of  a parent  to  her. 

The  king  of  France  wished  to  have  the  fugitive 
returned  to  France  and  to  the  monastery.  Fie  sent 
one  M.  d’Aumont  to  Heidelberg  to  fetch  her  back, 
but  the  refugee  refused  to  obey  the  summons.  The 
Duke  of  Montpensier  said  that  as  long  as  she  would 
not  renounce  Calvinistic  heresy  he  preferred  to  have 
her  stay  at  Heidelberg.  Charlotte  accordingly 
remained  under  the  protection  of  the  Electress 
Amelie.  She  seemed  to  have  been  a favourite  with 

1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  113. 

2 Ante  cetatem  sacria  legibus  dejinitam  professa. — De  Thou, 
Hist.,  iii. , 72. 


1575] 


Charlotte  of  Bourbon. 


97 


the  elector,  who,  according  to  Michel  de  la  Huguerye, 
said  that  he  would  not  have  invited  the  Duke  of 
Anjou  to  stop  at  Heidelberg,  had  he  known  he  was 
going  to  treat  Mile,  de  Bourbon  with  the  scant 
politeness  he  showed  her.  When  Louis  of  Nassau 
was  trying  to  push  through  his  schemes  of  marrying 
off  the  bishops,  so  as  to  secure  allies  for  the  Protes- 
tant cause,  Charlotte  was  suggested  as  one  of  the 
eligible  parties , provided  her  brother-in-law,  the 
Duke  of  Bouillon,  would  give  her  a dowry. 

Orange  could  not  have  seen  very  much  of  Mile, 
de  Bourbon  in  1572,  as  he  was  in  Heidelberg  only  a 
short  time,  but  she  made  a profound  impression  on 
him.  The  three  years  that  followed  were  bitterly 
lonely  ones  for  the  prince,  who  depended  greatly 
on  his  affections.  He  was  separated  from  all  his 
brothers,  and  when  he  was  hoping  confidently  that 
his  solitude  was  to  be  relieved,  Louis  and  Henry 
disappeared  from  his  life  forever.  He  never  really 
recovered  from  the  loss  of  Louis,  who  had  been  both 
dear  and  necessary  to  him  since  his  youth.  All  the 
friends  and  comrades  of  the  prince’s  early  life  were 
gone.  St.  Aldegonde  was  almost  the  only  person 
on  confidential  and  intimate  terms  with  him.  For 
five  years  the  prince  had  lived  alone,  without  seeing 
his  children,  immersed  in  the  affairs  of  the  provinces. 

Anne  of  Saxony  was  as  dead  to  her  husband  as 
though  she  already  lay  in  the  tomb  of  her  ancestors, 
but  her  existence  remained  an  obstacle  in  the  way 
of  his  remarriage.  In  the  Catholic  Church  complete 
divorces  were  not  granted  with  power  to  marry 
again,  except  by  special  dispensation.  The  Prot- 


98 


William  the  Silent. 


[1575 


estants  took  a different  view  of  the  question,  and, 
under  certain  circumstances,  divorce  was  recognised 
as  legal.  Now,  Anne’s  case  had  been  judged  by 
Count  John  in  his  capacity  of  magistrate,  but  no 
formal  sentence  of  legal  separation  was  ever  pro- 
nounced. In  spite  of  this,  the  Prince  of  Orange 
finally  resolved  to  marry  again,  and  to  establish  a 
new  home  in  the  Netherlands,  where  he  could  have 
his  children  about  him.  He  chose  Charlotte  of 
Bourbon  as  his  bride,  and  in  the  spring  of  1575,  sent 
St.  Aldegonde  to  Heidelberg  to  woo  her  in  his 
behalf,  and  to  escort  her  to  the  Netherlands.  In 
this  action  Orange  threw  to  the  winds  the  prudence 
of  his  youth,  and  the  well  balanced  judgment  that 
had  hitherto  characterised  all  his  actions.  The  mar- 
riage was,  from  a worldly  point  of  view,  as  undesir- 
able as  possible,  and  there  was  every  prudential 
reason  to  be  urged  against  the  match.  The  fact 
that  Charlotte  was  a fugitive  nun  was  regarded  with 
universal  disfavour.  She  was  French,  a fact  that 
might  alienate  the  Germans,  whose  friendship 
Orange  needed  so  badly,  while  the  circumstances 
were  not  such  as  to  promise  French  sympathy. 
Charlotte’s  father  would  naturally  disapprove,  as  she 
had  taken  vows  of  celibacy  which  he  considered 
valid.  She,  therefore,  preferred  to  consider  the 
Elector  Palatine  in  loco  pare?itis,  and  to  dispense 
with  the  Duke  of  Montpensier’s  consent.  The 
Elector  Palatine  said  that  this  was  too  good  a parti 
to  refuse.  On  the  other  side,  there  were  the  Houses 
of  Hesse  and  Saxony  to  be  considered,  and  they 
could  not  fail  to  be  furious  at  this  disrespect  shown 

VOL  II— 7 


1575] 


Char  lotte  of  Bourbon. 


99 


to  a child  of  their  blood,  although  Anne  was  ac- 
knowledged to  be  a justly  repudiated  wife.1 2 

Just  when  the  first  negotiations  were  opened  is  not 
quite  certain.  In  March,  Orange  sent  an  emissary, 
one  Zuleger,  to  Heidelberg,  who  wrote3  to  him  as 
follows : 

“ Monseigneur  and  most  Illustrious  Prince  : The 
seignior  has  returned  from  France  bringing  the  answer 
from  the  king  and  queen-mother,  as  your  Excellency 
will  see  by  the  extract  of  the  letters  which  I lately  sent 
your  Excellency.  The  king  does  not  wish  to  mix  him- 
self up  in  this  affair,  as  being  against  his  religion.  Never- 
theless he  thinks  that  Mile,  is  fortunate  at  meeting  so 
good  a parti , and  the  queen-mother  is  of  the  same  opinion. 
In  short  they  will  not  take  in  ill  part  what  Mile,  does  by  the 
advice  of  the  Count  Palatine,  and  what  seems  to  her  advan- 
tage, provided  it  is  not  against  the  service  of  the  king. 
Nevertheless  they  think  that  the  matter  should  be  an- 
nounced to  the  Duke  of  Montpensier.  It  has,  however, 
been  decided  in  the  presence  of  the  Count  Palatine, 
Chancellor  Ehem,  and  me,  that  there  was  no  use  in  wait- 
ing for  the  consent  of  the  Duke  of  Montpensier,  because 
the  same  answer  is  to  be  expected  from  him  as  from  the 
king,  being  of  the  same  religion,  and  she,  having  attained 
her  majority,  is  content  to  obey  the  Count  Palatine  in  all 
that  he  advises.  In  this  affair  she  considers  him  her 
father.  As  the  Count  Palatine  approves,  and  declares 
that  he  would  not  advise  her  against  so  desirable  a 
match  with  one  of  her  religion,  Mademoiselle  has  roundly 
declared  that  she  will  obey  him,  and  is  willing  to  give 


1 Groen,  Archives,  v.,  201, 

2 Ibid. , 165, 


IOO 


William  the  Silent. 


11575 


her  consent,  and  this  is  what  the  Count  Palatine  has 
commanded  me  to  write  to  your  Excellency. 

“ As  to  the  other  point,  namely,  the  explanation  to  be 
made  to  the  other  party’s  relations,  that  will  be  left  by 
the  Palatine  to  your  Excellency,  though  he  will  do  all 
that  is  suitable  to  appease  the  said  relatives,  and  to  guard 
the  honour  of  your  Excellency  and  of  Mademoiselle. 

“ As  to  the  dowry,  the  Count  Palatine  and  Mademoiselle 
have  heard  what  your  Excellency  has  resolved  about  the 
house  at  Middelburg,  but  as  Mademoiselle  asks  nothing 
more  than  to  share  with  your  Excellency,  what  God  may 
please  to  send  to  your  joint  lot,  so  she  and  the  Count 
Palatine  do  not  doubt  that  your  Excellency  will  have 
consideration  for  her  sex,  and  will  make  some  disposition 
of  the  property  which  your  Excellency  has  in  France, 
either  in  Burgundy  or  Orange,  if  these  estates  are  not 
pledged  to  your  children. 

“ If  she  may  have  something  on  which  she  can  live 
suitably  she  will  be  content,  but  she  would  be  unwilling 
to  inconvenience  either  you  or  your  brother,  and  lays 
absolutely  no  stress  on  the  point,  but  leaves  everything 
to  your  discretion.  Nothing  remains  but  your  Excel- 
lency’s declaration,  and  for  your  Excellency  to  arrange 
what  you  wish  Mademoiselle  to  do.  For  it  seems  super- 
fluous to  send  again  to  the  king,  as  the  enclosed  answer 
is  sufficient.  The  Count  Palatine  waits  from  one  day  to 
another  the  answer  of  the  king’s  brother,  and  of  the  King 
of  Navarre,  to  whom  the  count  has  written  to  ask  their 
consent  to  this  marriage,  and  to  soften  the  heart  of  the 
Duke  of  Montpensier,  her  father. 

“Frankfort,  March  31st.” 

When  matters  had  been  arranged  with  the  Elector 
Palatine  and  Charlotte,  there  yet  remained  difficul- 


COUNT  JOHN  OF  NASSAU. 
(Reproduced  from  an  old  engraving.) 


15751 


The  Prince  s Position. 


ioi 


ties  in  regard  to  the  “ other  party.”  As  no  actual 
writ  of  divorce  had  ever  been  taken  out,  the  only 
plea  offered  was  that  judgment  had  been  legally  pro- 
nounced on  the  case,  and  that  a husband  had  right, 
according  to  Scripture,  to  put  away  an  unfaithful 
wife.  The  documents  relative  to  Anne  were  in 
John’s  possession,  and  in  May,  Aldegonde  wrote  1 to 
John  asking  him  for 

“ all  the  information,  documents,  and  procedures  made 
by  you  [Count  John]  on  inquiry  into  and  verification  of 
the  said  misdemeanour.  I wish  certified  copies  of  the 
same,  both  to  assure  the  elector,  and  to  give  him  foun- 
dation for  answering  those  who  ask  an  explanation. 
Please  send  the  copies  by  the  bearer  of  this,  so  that  I 
can  content  the  demoiselle  and  those  who  have  the  right 
to  ask,  and  may  know  on  what  footing  to  proceed  when 
we  arrive  in  Holland.  ...  I especially  beseech  you 
to  help  me  out  in  this,  and  not  to  abandon  me  in  so  just 
and  reasonable  a cause.  I am  asked  to  prove  to  Made- 
moiselle the  justice  of  the  divorce  by  a sentence  pro- 
nounced, on  the  strength  of  the  said  proofs,  by  your 
Honour  or  by  some  ordinary  judges  of  Dillenburg.  I 
know  the  difficulties  in  the  way,  but  would  be  grateful 
if  your  Honour  would  be  willing  to  send  me  some  docu- 
ment, even  if  it  were  only  the  sentence,  authenticated 
and  ratified  in  some  legal  manner.”2 

Orange  was  evidently  loath  to  discuss  his  projected 
marriage  with  his  brother.  On  May  ioth,  he  wrote3 
to  him  without  mentioning  the  matter.  “Affairs  of 

1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  192. 

2 In  the  remainder  of  the  letter  Aldegonde  speaks  of  the  prince’s 
desire  to  have  his  eldest  daughter  and  his  son  with  him. 

3 Groen,  Archives , v.,  198. 


102 


William  the  Silent. 


[1575 


the  war  are  in  statu  quo,  and  those  of  peace  do  not 
advance,  though  the  king’s  commissioners  are  still 
at  Breda.”  In  April,  the  prince  sent  his  brother-in- 
law,  Hohenlohe,  from  Dordrecht  to  Germany,  with 
messages  to  Count  John,  to  the  Count  Palatine,  and 
to  Mile,  de  Bourbon.  The  memorandum  of  instruc- 
tions was  as  follows  : 1 

“ Hohenlohe  will  show  my  brother  the  correspondence 
with  Zuleger,  and  declare  my  intention  of  proceeding  in 
the  matter,  provided  only  that  Mile,  de  Bourbon  gives 
her  consent. 

“ After  discussing  with  my  brother  which  is  the  best 
route  for  her  to  take, — by  Emden,  or  straight  down  the 
river,  which  I prefer,  as  she  would  avoid  expense,  delay, 
and  other  inconveniences, — advise  with  my  brother,  what 
means  are  available  for  coming  down  the  river  safely. 
This  done,  my  brother  [Count  Hohenlohe]  will  take  his 
way  towards  Heidelberg,  where,  having  given  my  letters 
to  the  elector  and  his  wife,  and  presented  my  humble 
salutations,  he  will  proceed  to  declare  his  charge. 

“ M.  Zuleger  advised  me,  by  his  of  March  31st,  of  the 
declaration  of  the  consent  given  by  Mademoiselle,  in 
presence  of  his  Excellency,  and  I now  beg  him  to  arrange 
what  concerns  the  accomplishment  of  this  promise. 
M.  de  St.  Aldegonde  will  have  explained  my  situation,  and 
now  my  brother  will  give  more  ample  declaration,  so 
that  his  Excellency  will  be  fully  informed  and  know 
what  advice  to  give,  and  that  he  may  understand  that 
my  intention  is  to  march  roundly , without  attempting  to 
deceive  her,  or  to  give  ground  for  reproach.  He  will  ex- 
plain what  is  the  condition  of  affairs  with  my  former 
wife,  and  will  add  the  opinion  expressed  by  her  relations, 


Groen,  Archives , v.,  189. 


1575] 


Constellation  of  Friends. 


103 


so  that  he  can  see  that  there  will  be  no  hindrance,  or 
even  delay  from  that  quarter. 

“ Secondly,  he  will  point  out  that  nearly  all  my 
property  must  fall  to  my  first  children,  so  that  I am  not 
able  to  assign  to  Mademoiselle  any  dower,  but  I mean 
to  do  the  best  I can  in  that  respect,  according  to  the 
means  it  may  please  God  to  give  me  in  the  future.  For 
as  to  the  house  I have  bought  at  Middelburg,  and  the 
one  I am  building  at  St.  Gertruidenberg,1  although  they 
are  nothing  to  boast  of,  if  she  will  but  accept  them  as  a 
beginning,  and  as  a testimony  of  my  good  will,  there  will 
be  no  difficulty.  She  must  bear  in  mind,  moreover,  that 
we  are  in  a state  of  war,  whose  issue  is  uncertain,  and 
that  I am  deep  in  debt  for  this  cause,  to  princes  and 
other  gentlemen,  captains,  and  men-at-arms.  She  must 
remember,  too,  that  I am  beginning  to  grow  old,  being 
forty-two  years  of  age.2  Having  stated  these  items,  my 
brother  will  pray  his  Excellency  and  Madame,  on  my 
part,  considering  their  friendship,  etc.,  for  me  and  her,  to 
decide  whether  they  approve.  If,  after  all  is  well  weighed, 
Mile,  agrees  to  proceed  in  the  matter,  he  [Hohenlohe] 
will  give  a promise  on  my  part,  and  receive  one  from 
her,  and  by  consultation  decide  on  the  journey  to  com- 
plete what  is  begun  to  the  glory  of  the  Lord. 

“William  of  Nassau. 

“At  Dordrecht,  April  24th,  1575.” 

When  John  received  Aldegonde’s  letter,  showing 
him  how  far  matters  had  gone,  he  was  in  utter  de- 
spair, a despair  shared  by  all  the  inmates  of  Dillen- 
burg.  He  probably  thought  that  remonstrance  with 

1 Lettenhove  says  this  house  was  built  from  the  pillage  of  a monas- 
tery. 

2 Charlotte  was  in  her  twenty-sixth  year. 


104 


William  the  Silent. 


[1575 


his  brother  would  be  in  vain,  and  wrote1  at  once  to 
Aldegonde : 

“ Dear  Aldegonde  [no  ceremony  this  time]  : If  you 
have  any  love  for  the  prince  and  for  the  welfare  of  the 
elector,  and  if  you  do  not  want  to  run  into  danger  your- 
self, do  let  this  thing  be  delayed  for  a time  j at  least,  until 
we  can  be  sure  of  the  foundation  of  the  other  friendship, 
so  that  we  can  see  our  way  clear  to  act  conscientiously 
and  honourably,  and  until  we  know  how  matters  are  to  be 
settled  with  the  princess  ; especially,  and  most  important 
of  all,  just  until  the  coming  meeting  of  the  electoral  col- 
lege and  Reichstag — appointed  for  about  July  29th,  at 
Frankfort — shall  be  over.” 

John  had  been  ill  and  was  still  so  weak  that  writ- 
ing was  a weariness  to  him.  The  one  thing  that  he 
wanted  to  impress  on  Aldegonde  was,  in  summa, 
that  there  was  no  such  mighty  haste  about  the 
marriage,  and  that  a little  delay  would  do  no  harm. 

He  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  bride’s  journey.  “ If 
you  have  already  set  out,  which  I hope  is  not  so,  let 
her  wait  awhile  at  Emden,  or  Bremen,  as  though  she 
were  going  to  England.”  Then  again  he  urges  delay, 
only  delay. 

“ It  is  a shame  to  put  all  friendship  in  jeopardy.  There 
is  an  old  and  true  proverb,  praxipitis  consilii  pcenitentia 
comes.  The  matter  is  surely  worthy  of  consideration. 
But  of  what  use  is  endless  writing  ? Any  one  can  get 
advice  for  what  he  wants  to  do.  If  there  is  no  hope,  I 
and  other  good  hearts  must  look  on  sadly  and  let  it  go  as 


1 Groen,  Archives,  v.,  201. 


1575] 


The  Legality  of  the  Marriage. 


105 


it  will,  because  it  can  not  be  otherwise,  but  I can  not  help 
telling  you,  that  if  this  matter  be  pushed  on  so  roughly 
you  will  not  be  safe  in  Germany. 

“ John,  Count  of  Nassau,  f.tc. 

“ Dillenburg,  May  20th. 

“ I enclose  Hesse’s  opinion.” 

This  enclosure  is  lost,  but  Hesse’s  opinion  is  well 
known.  A month  before,  William  of  Hesse  had 
written  1 to  Dr.  Schwarz,  that  he  could  not  believe 
the  prince  was  in  earnest.  There  was  no  divorce 
which  would  permit  remarriage.2 

The  day  after  Count  John  sent  the  above  remon- 
strance, Orange  wrote  3 to  him  formally  announcing 
the  marriage,  and  recapitulating  what  steps  had  been 
taken.  He  had  told  Aldegonde  if  all  went  well,  to 
set  off  with  the  bride,  and  then,  later,  sent  Hohen- 
lohe  on  the  same  errand.  He  begs  John  to  give 
the  Elector  Palatine  all  the  proof  he  wanted  in  regard 
to  Anne.  If  the  papers  were  not  forthcoming,  it 
would  be  necessary  to  publish  the  matter,  to  the 
great  scandal  of  the  House  of  Saxony. 

“ I should  find  it  only  good,  if  you  made  the  culprit 
[Rubens]  again  confess  his  misdeed  before  some  gentle- 
men and  people  of  quality,  so  that  you  and  I should  be 
more  at  our  ease,  and  be  sure  of  him  for  our  greater 
security,  if  anyone  should  hereafter  malign  us,  and 
accuse  us  of  illegal  imprisonment.  For  other  news,  the 
peace  conference  is  not  yet  at  an  end.” 

1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  204. 

2 He  urged  that  if  the  prince  completed  this  marriage,  Anne’s 
position  would  be  altered  and  the  judges  could  grant  ad  mutuam 
parium  delictorum  compensationem. 

3 Groen,  Archives,  v.,  205. 


io6 


William  ihe  Silent. 


[1575 


It  is  a singularly  quiet,  unmoved  letter,  as  though 
the  contemplated  step  was  the  most  natural  one 
possible. 

John,  however,  could  not  take  the  matter  lightly. 
He  wrote  to  the  landgrave  that  it  was  not  his  fault, 
and  William  of  Hesse  replied  1 that  he  could  well 
believe  that  the  marriage  did  not  take  place  with  his 
approval,  or  with  that  of  any  person  in  his  right 
senses.  He  continues  in  Latin,  that  the  prince  must 
be  distracted  by  his  troubles,  even  to  dream  of  such 
a mad,  insensate  action.  When  John  receives  his 
brother’s  letter  of  May  2ist,  he  writes2  on  June  3d,  a 
long,  careful,  affectionate,  brotherly,  though  very 
respectful  letter,  begging  him  not  to  complete  this 
marriage.  He  ventures  to  use  the  word  “ geliebte" 
in  the  midst  of  his  letter,  having  begun  “ Honoured 
Prince,”  and  says  modestly : “ Although  it  does  not 
become  me  to  prescribe  measures  to  your  Highness,  I 
must  confess  that  the  unseemly  haste  in  this  important 
matter  shocks  me,  and  certainly  cannot  further  your 
public  affairs.”  It  was  not  a time  when  Orange 
ought  to  follow  his  private  inclinations.  The  “ other 
party’s  ” relatives  will  be  furious  ; her  dowry  will  be 
demanded,  which  will  be  very  inconvenient  to  pay 
back,  as  it  amounts  to  12,500  thalers  a year.  A 
notorious  fact  does  not  always  admit  of  documentary 
evidence,  etc. 

Then  the  matter  was  discussed  by  Calvinistic 
ministers 3 in  France  and  the  Netherlands.  MM. 


1 Groen,  Archives,  v. , 207. 

2 Ibid.,  208. 

3 Ibid.,  216,  220. 


1575] 


Charlotte  Arrives  at  Brill. 


107 


Feugheran  and  Capet  of  France  gave  their  opinion 
in  writing,  that  the  new  marriage  was  legitimate — 
their  chief  argument  being  that  Anne’s  conduct 
released  her  husband  from  all  obligations  towards 
her.  Finally,  on  June  nth,  a formal  act,  by  which 
the  marriage  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  declared 
legal,  was  drawn  up  at  Brill  by  five  of  the  most 
eminent  ministers  in  the  Netherlands.1  They  were 
Gaspar  van  der  Fleiden,  John  Taffin,  Jacob  Michael, 
Thomas  Tylius,  and  Jan  Miggrode.  After  review- 
ing all  the  circumstances,  the  document  concludes 
with  these  words : “ whereby  it  follows,  that  mon- 
seigneur the  prince  is  free  according  to  human  and 
divine  law  to  marry,  and  that  she  whom  he  espouses, 
will  be,  before  God  and  man,  his  lawful  wife.” 

This,  Orange  considered  as  sufficient  to  assure  the 
legality  of  his  marriage.  The  decision  was,  however, 
a foregone  conclusion  before  it  was  pronounced. 
Charlotte  had  already  reached  Brill  2 under  the  escort 
of  St.  Aldegonde,  who  “ had  not  let  the  grass  grow 
under  his  feet,”  and  did  not,  like  John,  think  the 
matter  might  as  well  be  postponed.  Orange  wanted 
to  be  married.  St.  Aldegonde  was  asked  to  fetch 
the  bride,  and  he  fetched  her  as  fast  as  roads  and 
weather  would  permit.  According  to  Bor,3  the 

1 The  act  is  given  entire  in  the  appendix.  Later,  the  Duke  of 
Montpensier  summoned  a legal  and  ecclesiastical  council  in  France, 
which  decided  that  his  daughter’s  conventual  vows  had  not  been  in 
conformity  either  with  the  Council  of  Trent  or  the  laws  of  France. — 
Ibid.,  223.  See  also  Apology,  73. 

2 She  was  received  by  “ Heeren  Keeneburg  and  Zwieten  and  the 
deputies  of  Dordrecht,  Alkmaar,  Flushing,  and  Brill,  and  honoured 
with  a gift  of  6000  pounds,” 

3 Bor,  i.,  644. 


io8 


William  the  Silent. 


[1575 


prince  received  her  with  great  ceremony,  and  on 
June  1 2th,  they  were  married  with  much  rejoicing, 
and  were  received  at  Dordrecht  in  a stately  manner 
and  treated  with  every  token  of  joy,  but  there  was 
no  dancing. 

The  indignation  which  John  had  apprehended 
was  expressed  everywhere.  It  was  thought  that  the 
prince  had  lost  sympathy  for  his  cause  by  a perfectly 
needless  disregard  of  every  one’s  prejudices.  As 
usual,  the  most  racy  expression  of  dissatisfaction 
came  from  the  landgrave.1 

“ I cannot  understand  what  the  prince  is  thinking  of, 
let  alone  that  wiseacre,  Aldegonde,  or  whoever  else  has 
helped  in  the  matter.  Nam  si pietatem  respicias.  If  you 
consider  piety,  you  must  remember  that  she  is  French,  and 
a nun,  a runaway  nun  at  that,  about  whom  all  kinds  of 
stories  are  told  of  the  way  she  kept  her  cloister  vows, 
before  the  prince  wanted  to  put  himself  out  of  the  mud 
into  the  sea. 

“ Si  formant.  If  it  is  beauty  he  is  after,  you  can  hardly 
believe  he  was  charmed  by  that,  since,  undoubtedly,  no 
one  can  look  at  the  bride  without  being  rather  frightened 
than  pleased. 

“ Si  span  prolis.  The  prince  has,  indeed,  already  too 
many  children  for  his  circumstances,  and  ought  rather 
to  wish,  if  he  were  in  his  senses,  that  he  had  neither  wife 
nor  child. 

“ Si  amicitiam.  If  it  is  friendship,  we  do  not  believe 
he  will  get  it.  Her  own  father  is  so  incensed  against  her, 
that  the  prince  cannot  expect  much  gratitude  from  him 
and  her  relatives. 

“ So  we  cannot  imagine  what  has  led  him  into  this 


1 Groen,  Archives , v. , 226. 


1575] 


The  Prince's  jiustification. 


109 


business,  which  will  estrange  many  of  his  friends,  whose 
friendship  has  not  stood  him  in  ill  stead.  It  is  then  a 
great  muddle,  and  looks  to  us  as  if  Holland  and  Zealand 
in  seeking  protection,  were  going  to  bring  themselves  into 
subjection.  They  had  better  look  to  it  that  it  does  not 
go  as  it  did  with  the  admiral  at  his  Paris  wedding,  for 
the  gentlemen  do  not  pardon  such  injuries  without 
mercury  and  sublimated  arsenic .” 

However,  the  marriage  was  an  accomplished  fact. 
The  Nassau  family  had  to  swallow  their  dismay,  and 
make  the  best  of  it.  On  June  24th,  Charlotte  wrote  1 
a pleasant,  respectful  note  to  Juliana,  her  new 
mother-in-law,  evidently  hoping  that  she  is  to  be 
well  received  in  the  family.  On  July  7th,  Orange 
wrote2  a very  long,  characteristic  letter  to  John  in 
answer  to  his  remonstrance  upon  his  marriage. 
First  he  regrets  that  John  had  not  sent  him  the 
documents  he  had  asked  for.3  Then  he  expresses 
his  sorrow  that  John  should  have  taken  his  marriage 
so  keenly  to  heart,  and  that  he  had  begged  him  not 
to  be  too  hasty,  but  to  wait  till  after  the  Diet  of 
July  29th,  at  Frankfort. 

“To  which  I answer,  my  brother,  that  my  intention 
has  always  been — since  God  gave  me  any  understanding 
— not  to  trouble  myself  about  words  and  menaces  in 
anything  I could  conscientiously  do  without  wrong  to 
my  neighbour.  If  I had  listened  to  the  warnings  of 

1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  230. 

5 Ibid. , 244. 

3 “ Aussi  ai-je  par  la  mesme  lettre  apperceu  (dont  ay  este  tres 
marry)  qu’estey  en  merveilleuse  peyne  de  ce  mien  manage  qui  est  en 

train.” 


I IO 


William  the  Silent. 


[1579 


princes  or  any  one  else,  would  I ever  have  embarked  on 
the  important  enterprise  I have  undertaken  ? When  I 
was  convinced  that  neither  prayers  nor  exhortations 
were  of  any  avail,  I saw  that  active  resistance  with  the 
grace  of  God,  was  the  only  remedy.  . . . 

“ It  is  the  same  thing  now,  with  my  marriage.  It  is 
something  I do  with  good  conscience  before  God,  and 
without  just  cause  for  reproach  from  men.  Indeed,  I 
consider  that  I am  bound  to  do  it  by  God’s  holy  ordi- 
nance, and  there  is  no  need  to  answer  men,  because  the 
tiling  is  so  perfectly  clear.  It  must  be  remembered  that 
I waited  five  years,  gave  due  warning  to  all  the  relatives 
through  you  and  my  brother-in-law,  Count  Hohenlohe, 
and  not  a person  lent  me  a hand.  For  although  there 
appeared  to  be  many  difficulties  in  the  way  of  my  mar- 
riage, and,  as  you  justly  say,  it  was  not  something  to  be 
passed  over  superficially,  yet,  on  the  other  hand,  any 
further  delay  would  have  made  the  matter  more  public, 
as  it  would  have  given  rise  to  more  comment  and  dis- 
cussion, which  is  always  injurious.  There  is  nothing 
that  checks  evil  suspicions  so  quickly,  or  that  is  in  such 
good  taste  as  a quiet  and  rapid  mode  of  procedure,  as 
though  one  were  the  best  judge  of  his  own  behaviour, 
rather  than  to  blazon  a matter  everywhere  with  the 
sound  of  a trumpet,  and  lay  oneself  open  to  the  criticism 
of  those  who  are  ignorant  of  the  whole  truth. 

“ As  to  the  difficulties  you  raise  about  the  dowry  and 
the  children  who  may  be  born  to  me,  pray  consider  that 
no  delay,  I will  not  say,  only  until  the  next  Diet,  but  for 
a century,  so  to  speak,  would  have  solved  them.  . . . 

I have  made  a frank  and  open  statement  about  my 
duties  to  my  children,  and  made  all  plain.  Why  should 
I live  longer  in  the  state  of  widowerhood  to  which  I 
have  been  so  long  condemned,  when  I could  rightfully 


1575]  Comments  on  the  Marriage.  1 1 1 

put  an  end  to  my  lonely  state  ? ’ . . . I firmly  believe 

that  I have  taken  the  right  course,  not  only  for  myself, 
but  for  the  general  cause.” 

In  the  rest  of  the  letter  he  touched  lightly  on 
Netherland  affairs.  “ The  king’s  commissioners  and 
ours  are  still  at  Breda,  but  everything  is  slow,  and 
there  is  little  hope  of  a settlement.” 

On  the  same  date  Orange  wrote  2 to  the  Elector  of 
Saxony,  giving  the  same  general  explanation  of  his 
marriage,  and  expressing  his  hope  that  the  elector 
would  take  it  in  good  part.  But  no  words  were 
powerful  enough  to  make  Augustus  like  it,  and  he 
expressed  his  disapproval  in  terms  that  were  more 
vigorous  than  polite.  Talk  about  the  Bourbon  mar- 
riage was  more  or  less  current  all  summer.  Gaspar 
Schomberg,  the  agent  who  had  done  so  much  in 
France,  wrote  that  the  feeling  of  disapproval  there 
was  very  strong.3 4  When  the  Diet  met  at  Ratisbon 
in  October,  the  comments  were  many  and  bitter.1 
Even  the  Elector  Palatine,  who  had  undoubtedly 
pushed  the  matter,  backed  down  from  his  responsi- 
bility and  said  that  it  was  none  of  his  doing. 

1 ‘ ‘ Car  quand  a ce  que  vous  alleguez  qu’en  priant  Dieu  et  m’effor- 

jant  j’eusse  bien  peu  obtenir  plus  longtemps  sa  grace  . . . sans 

prendre  ce  soubdain  conseil  de  me  marier,  je  ne  le  veulx  pas  des- 
battre  ; mais  puis  que  le  dilay  n’eust  peu  remedier  a aucuns  incon- 
veniens par  vous  allegues,  et  aux  aultres  y eust  peu  beaucoup  nuire, 
j’estyme  que  ce  seroit  este  peine  perdue  de  pourchasser  ceste  requeste 
de  Dieu,  lequel  ne  m’a  jamais  promis  de  le  donner,  mais  veult  qu’on 
embrasse  les  remedes  que  Lui  mesme  propose  en  Sa  parolle.” 

2 Groen,  Archives , v.,  252. 

3 Ibid. , 257. 

4 Ibid .,  2qq. 


I I 2 


William  the  Silent. 


[1575 


The  almost  universal  feeling  was,  that  if  the  prince 
had  time  to  form  new  family  ties  and  think  of  his 
personal  happiness,  the  Netherland  affairs  could  not 
be  so  badly  off.  This,  too,  was  John’s  point  of  view. 
The  Netherlands  were  enormously  in  debt  to  him. 
He  had  given  large  sums  to  a cause  that  was  not  his, 
and  then  had  assumed  his  brother’s  other  responsi- 
bilities in  a very  remarkable  manner.  The  chief 
burden  of  Anne  had  fallen  on  his  shoulders.  Marie, 
now  a young  lady  of  nineteen,  Anne,  thirteen, 
Maurice,  eight,  and  Emilie,  six  years  old,  were  all 
still  in  his  charge. 

In  this  summer  of  1575,  John  began  to  urge  that 
the  estates  should  recognise  his  claim.'  Orange 
wrote"  to  him  on  July  31st,  that  any  payment  then 
was  a simple  impossibility.  That  he  would  if  he 
could,  but  he  could  not.  John  shows  a most  Chris- 
tian spirit.  His  need  for  money  was  pressing,  his 
claim  most  just,  but  he  goes  on  writing  long,  respect- 
fully affectionate  letters.  Other  anxieties  came  to 
him,  too,  as  can  be  seen  from  the  following  extract1 2  3 
from  a letter  of  October  13th  : 

“ There  is  no  especial  news  from  here.  My  mother, 
all  your  children  and  mine  are,  thank  God,  pretty  well. 
There  is,  however,  illness  in  the  neighbourhood,  espe- 
cially in  some  villages,  as  more  than  a hundred  are  dead 
of  the  pest.  Within  three  months  four  persons  have 
died  of  the  plague  in  my  house,  as  we  learned  after- 
wards. The  young  party  are  all  at  Siegen.  My  mother, 

1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  158,  172. 

2 Ibid. .,  262. 

3 Ibid.,  285. 


1575] 


The  New  Union. 


113 


your  daughter,  my  wife  and  sister  would  not,  however, 
leave  here,  as  I am  obliged,  from  various  causes,  to  stay.” 

J uliana  has  married  and  is  well.  J ohn’s  oldest  boys 
are  going  to  Heidelberg,  the  best  seat  of  learning  in 
Europe,  but  what  shall  be  done  with  Maurice  ? In 
some  letter,  too,  John  says  that  Mile,  of  Orange  is 
of  marriageable  age,  and  the  prince  answers1 2  that  he 
would  be  glad  indeed  to  find  a husband,  but  he  can- 
not do  much  in  way  of  a dot. 

The  plague  increased.  On  December  4th,  John 
wrote,3  still  from  Dillenburg,  that  two  hundred  per- 
sons have  been  attacked  and  died,  also  several  of  his 
little  court.  His  family  have  escaped,  though  his 
mother  and  sister  felt  ill  for  several  days.  Juliana 
had  not  left  yet  with  her  husband,  as  Count  Gunther 
had  been  attacked  with  his  old  trouble,  the  gout. 

The  new  union  between  Holland  and  Zealand  was 
solemnly  recognised  on  June  4,  1575,  a week  before 
the  prince’s  wedding  day.  He  took  his  honeymoon 
and  then  formally  accepted  the  government  on  July 
10th,  making  only  one  important  change  in  the  arti- 
cles. There  was  one  clause,  stipulating  that  the  ex- 
ercise of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  should  cease. 
The  prince  insisted  that  the  phrase  should  read, 
“ the  exercise  of  all  religion  at  variance  with  the 
gospel  should  cease.”  This  wording  left  the  door 
open  for  a general  religious  toleration,  which  was, 
however,  very  slow  to  enter. 

1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  266. 

2 Ibid. , 3x8. 

VOL  II— 8 


5 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

THE  UNION  OF  DELFT. 


1 575-1 576. 


fHEN  the  conference  at  Breda  was 
ended  in  July,  hostilities  were  re- 
newed without  delay.  Before  the 
end  of  the  month,  Hierges,  one  of 
the  Spanish  commanders,  laid  siege 
to  the  town  of  Oudewater,  which 
yielded  after  a brave  defence  of 
eighteen  days,  and  was  cruelly  punished  for  its 
audacity.1  This  advantage  gained  by  the  Spaniards 
was  followed  up  by  another  important  success.  The 
grand  commander  determined  to  make  an  effort  to 
obtain  an  advantageous  footing  on  the  seaboard.3  In 


1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  279. 

5 Hoofd,  x.,  404. 

The  cause  of  the  patriots  was  blotted  during  this  summer  by  the 
unprincipled  conduct  of  Diedrich  Sonoy,  Governor  of  North  Holland. 
He  discovered  a conspiracy  among  the  inhabitants  to  aid  the  Span- 
iards. It  was  supposed  that  the  culprits  were  Catholics,  and  Sonoy 
instituted  a tribunal  to  root  out  all  concerned,  which  rivalled  the 
Blood  Council  in  the  cruelty  of  its  measures.  When  the  affair 
reached  the  prince’s  ears  he  peremptorily  checked  the  outrages. — 
Ibid. , 403. 


1 14 


1575] 


A Midnight  Expedition . i 1 5 


Zealand  the  Spaniards  only  held  Tholen,  which  Mon- 
dragon had  won  by  his  brilliant  wading  expedition 
across  the  straits.  From  this  point  of  attack 
Requesens  determined  to  repeat  that  memorable 
venture,  and  to  send  troops  on  foot  across  the  shal- 
lows to  the  next  island,  Duiveland.1  The  distance 
was  six  miles.  Beyond  that  island  was  Schouwen, 
fronting  directly  on  the  ocean,  fortified  by  its  strong 
city  of  Zierikzee,  of  which  he  was  especially  anxious 
to  gain  possession.  On  the  night  of  September  27th 
his  preparations  were  complete.2  Two  hours  before 
low  water,  1500  men  started  from  Tholen  and 
marched  in  the  darkness  through  the  water,  across 
the  uncertain  bottom. 

From  time  to  time  the  blackness  of  the  waters 
was  revealed  by  flashes  of  lightning.  Some  men 
were  lost  but  the  majority  succeeded  in  reaching 
Duiveland,  where  they  took  the  patriot  garrison 
completely  by  surprise.3 

Startled  at  the  sight  of  an  invading  army  rising 
bodily  out  of  the  sea,  the  men  lost  their  heads.  The 
commander,  Charles  de  Boisot,  brother  to  the 
admiral,  was  slain  by  his  own  troops  in  the  confusion 


1 Hoofd,  x.,  405. 

2 Groen,  Archives , v.,  279  ; Wagenaar,  xxv.,  70. 

3 On  September  2gtb,  the  prince  wrote  in  a postscript  of  a letter  to 

Count  John  : “ News  is  just  brought  to  me  from  Zealand  that  the 

enemy  took  advantage  of  the  calm  weather  to  seize  on  the  Isle  of 
Duiveland.  It  was  not  done  without  great  loss  to  them,  1200  to 
1500  men,  as  ours  made  a brave  defence.  But  on  our  side  M.  de 
Boisot,  commander  of  Walcheren,  was  left  dead,  a loss  which  weighs 
heavily  on  me  as  he  was  a clever,  energetic  gentleman,  and  devoted 
to  our  cause.”  Groen,  Archives , v.,  282. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1575 


1 16 


that  ensued.  The  patriots  fled  to  their  vessels  and 
to  the  forts,  but  were  soon  compelled  to  surrender. 
The  Spaniards  secured  their  conquest,  and  then 
braved  the  rising  tide  and  marched  on  across  the 
second  and  narrower  creek  to  Schouwen  where  they 
immediately  reduced  Brouwershaven  on  the  North 
Sea,  and  laid  siege  to  Bommenede  and  Zierikzee. 
Both  towns  resisted  bravely,  the  former,  falling  Octo- 
ber 26th,  and  the  latter  holding  out  until  June  of 
1576.1 2 3 

These  gains  of  the  enemy  and  the  difficulty  of 
raising  sufficient  funds  to  present  to  them  a front, 
determined  the  prince  to  urge  a new  course  of  action 
upon  the  people. 

On  October  4th,  the  states  of  Holland  and  Zea- 
land met  at  Rotterdam  in  obedience  to  their  stadt- 
holder’s  summons,’  and  he  showed  them  that  their 
fortunes  were,  indeed,  at  so  low  an  ebb  that  sub- 
mission must  be  made,  unless  effectual  aid  could  be 
obtained  from  a new  source. 

Up  to  this  date  the  fiction  of  loyalty  to  the  king’s 
person  had  been  officially  maintained.  All  the 
prince’s  proclamations  had  been  issued  in  the  name 
of  his  liege  lord,  Philip  of  Spain,  he  acting  as  his 
Spanish  majesty’s  stadtholder.  Orange  now  de- 
clared that  it  was  necessary  to  adopt  a sovereign 
protector  capable  of  giving  the  battered  and  impov- 
erished provinces  substantial  aid.’ 

This  plain  speaking  startled  some  of  the  deputies. 

1 Hoot'd,  x.,  407. 

2 Groen,  Archives,  v.,  313  ; Hoofd,  x.,  411. 

3 Wagenaar,  xxv.,  80  ; Resol.  Roll.,  Oct.  3d. 


15751 


Forced  Inaction. 


1 1 7 


The  nobles,  Dordrecht,  Gorcum,  and  Brill  agreed 
that  this  step  might  be  both  necessary  and  justifiable ; 
Delft,  Leyden,  Gouda,  and  Schiedam  felt  doubt- 
ful. A deputation  of  two  nobles  and  the  represen- 
tatives of  Dordrecht,  Delft,  and  Rotterdam  1 were 
empowered  to  discuss  the  matter  with  the  prince, 
who  proposed  to  share  the  responsibility  of  the  de- 
cision by  taking  the  sense  of  the  municipalities,  thus 
rendering  the  action  a popular  movement  instead 
of  being,  merely,  the  result  of  delegates’  resolution. 
The  estates,  therefore,  took  a recess  of  a few  days  to 
enable  the  deputies  to  consult  their  constituents. 
When  they  reassembled  at  Delft,  it  was  resolved 
“ that  they  could  find  no  other  means  of  delivery 
than  to  cut  loose  from  the  kingdom  of  Spain  and 
seek  the  protection  of  some  powerful  Christian 
potentate.”2  After  long  discussion  it  was  decided 
that  the  sovereign  best  suited  to  their  requirements 
was  the  Queen  of  England.3  Elizabeth  had  not  in- 
deed shown  uniform  kindness  to  her  struggling 
neighbours.  At  the  request  of  the  Spanish  am- 
bassador in  London,4  she  had  forbidden  the  entry  of 

1 Wagenaar,  xxv.,  8o. 

2 Dan  met  aenneminge  van  eenen  anderen  Christelychen  poten- 
tat  van  den  koninckrycke  van  Spangien  te  scheiden. — Bor,  i.,  651 — 
(ref.  from  Groen). 

3 It  was  urged  that  she  professed  the  evangelical  faith,  was  de- 
scended from  the  ancient  Counts  of  Holland,  and  there  would  be, 
moreover,  a commercial  advantage  in  allying  themselves  to  England. 
— Groen,  Archives,  v.,  313.  Na  vele  beraedslaginge  is  geresolveert 
dat  men  op  sekere  conditien,  de  souveraniheit  van  de  Graefschappen 
van  Holland  en  Zeeland  presenteren  soude  aen  de  Coninginne  van 
Engeland. — Bor,  i.,  651. 

4 Hoofd,  x.,  41 1. 


1 1 8 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


her  realm  to  the  chief  patriot  leaders.  When,  how- 
ever, she  heard  that  Aldcgonde  and  Junius  had  gone 
to  France  on  a secret  mission,  she  grew  alarmed  and 
dispatched  Daniel  Rogers  to  “ carry  her  friendship  ” 
to  the  rebel  stadtholder.  At  the  same  time  she 
sent  another  messenger  to  Requesens  and  offered 
her  mediation.  Affairs  in  France  were  uncertain, 
and  it  looked  at  one  time  as  though  a marriage 
might  be  patched  up  between  the  British  maiden  and 
the  French  king’s  brother,  which  would  change  inter- 
national relations. 

Orange  was  in  great  perplexity.  On  Nov.  29th, 
he  wrote  to  John,  bitterly  regretting  the  inaction 
forced  on  him  by  the  lack  of  money,  and  describing 
the  negotiations  with  Elizabeth.  John  replied  to 
this,  and  to  two  previous  letters  at  the  same  time, 
as  the  raging  of  the  pest  in  Nassau  had  prevented 
him  from  writing  earlier.  He  gives  him  German 
news,  but  promise  of  aid  he  cannot  offer.1 

At  the  New  Year,  Zierikzee  was  in  a state  of 
siege  and  there  was  little  prospect  of  aiding  the 
plucky  burghers  to  prolong  their  resistance.  On 
Jan.  4th,  the  prince  wrote2  to  John,  from  Rotterdam, 
anxiously  asking  if  there  were  any  chance  of  succour 
from  John  Casimir,  the  Count  Palatine’s  son. 

On  Feb.  4th,  he  wrote  3 * 5 again  : “ Zierikzee  has  been 
revictualled  twice,  and  they  have  succeeded  in  lay- 

1 In  this  letter  he  mentions  that  la  Mark  is  spreading  a report 

everywhere  that  the  Prince  of  Orange  intends  to  poison  him  and  so 
he  has  sworn  vengeance  on  him  and  the  whole  House  of  Nassau. — 

Groen,  Archives , v.,  313. 

s Ibid..  326. 

5 Ibid. , 327. 


1576] 


Plan  of  Emigration. 


119 


ing  siege  to  three  forts  held  by  the  Spaniards  on  the 
Lecke  and  the  Meuse.”  John  had  asked  advice  as 
to  the  desirability  of  his  going  to  Thuringia  with  his 
brother-in-law  Count  Schwarzburg  and  his  sister. 

Orange’s  answer  is  characteristic  1 : 

“ I agree  with  you  that  it  is  very  requisite  that  there 
should  always  be  someone  of  authority  in  your  house  at 
Dillenburg,  but  I am  also  afraid  that  your  staying  at 
home  may  be  taken  ill  by  our  friends,  and  as  you  know, 
the  more  closely  we  maintain  friendship  with  everyone 
the  better,  so  it  seems  to  me  that  it  is  advisable  for  you 
to  go  to  Thuringia  even  if  you  only  stay  a couple  of 
days.  Do,  however,  as  you  think  best.” 

On  March  5th,  the  Grand  Commander  Requesens 
died,  after  a short  illness  of  five  days.2  His  regime 
had  been  a very  different  one  from  that  of  his  prede- 
cessor. Alva  came  to  crush  a discontented  nation 
with  an  iron  heel.  The  idea  of  there  being  any 
strength  in  the  protests  of  this  people  of  butter 
seemed  to  him  simply  ridiculous.  When  the  grand 
commander  arrived  to  assume  the  reigns  of  govern- 
ment, he  found  Alva  utterly  worn  out  with  the 
hatred  he  had  excited  in  fulfdling  his  task.  The 
new  regent  saw  that  there  had  been  too  much  sever- 
ity, and  his  attitude  was  that  of  a military  citizen  of 
the  world,  who  could  smooth  all  difficulties  with  a 
little  worldly  wisdom,  combined,  of  course,  with 
necessary  firmness,  but  not  unnecessary  cruelty. 

1 He  still  believed  in  the  necessity  of  catering  to  public  opinion, 
though  he  had  respected  it  so  little  in  regard  to  his  marriage. 

2 Groen,  Archives,  v.  330  ; — Hoofd,  x.,  4x3. 


I 20 


William,  the  Silent. 


[1576 


Motley  calls  him  a thoroughly  commonplace  person, 
placed  in  a high  position,1 2  but  he  compares  very 
favourably  with  his  predecessors  in  the  difficult  office 
he  assumed.  His  most  brilliant  exploit  was  the  cap- 
ture of  Schouwen,  but  he  omitted  to  follow  up  his 
advantage  as  well  as  he  might  have  done.  He  had 
naturally  been  rather  annoyed  at  the  reluctance  of 
the  estates  to  furnish  him  with  funds.  In  a letter  to 
Spain  he  wrote,  “ Dios  libera  nos  de  essos  estados ,” 3 a 
wish  in  which  his  royal  master  fervently  echoed  him. 

Bor  relates  as  a fact  which  he  heard  from  a trust- 
worthy noble,3  that  just  before  the  death  of  Reque- 
sens  Orange  grew  so  utterly  discouraged  at  prolong- 
ing the  struggle  without  funds,  that  he  thought  of 
collecting  all  the  vessels  he  could  find  in  Holland 
and  Zealand,  putting  on  board  all  the  inhabitants, 
men,  women,  and  children,  together  with  all  their 
movable  property,  and  setting  off  across  the  sea  to 
found  a new  republic.4  Just  before  sailing,  the 
windmills  were  to  be  burned,  and  the  dykes  pierced, 
so  that  the  enemy  would  find  themselves  masters  of 
nothing  but  an  overflowing  sea.  Though  this  pro- 
ject may  have  come  into  the  prince’s  mind  in  the 
moments  of  discouragement  that  he  felt  only  too 
often,  it  seems  very  improbable  that  it  was  a plan. 

1 Rise  of  Dutch  Rep.,  iii. , 50. 

2 Groen,  Archives,  v.,  331. 

3 See  also  Bor,  i.,  664.  Ik  hebbe  uit  den  mond  van  een  geloof- 
waerdig  Edelman,  etc. 

4 Groen,  Archives,  v. , 372.  Renon  de  France  says  : “ Ontenoit 

pour  certain  que  le  prince  d’Orange  avoit  depesche  son  maistre 
d’hctel  avec  partie  de  ces  meubles  pour  preparer  logis  en  Ecosse  ouil 
destinoit  se  retirer.” 


15763 


The  Interregnum. 


1 2 1 


There  is  no  mention  of  it  in  his  letters  to  John.  If 
such  a scheme  were  really  under  consideration,  it 
was  promptly  cast  aside  on  the  death  of  Requesens, 
which  left  Philip  without  a personal  representative. 

Requesens  had  not  realised  that  death  was  immi- 
nent, and  had  made  no  arrangements  for  a successor. 
The  council  of  state,  therefore,  assumed  the  reins  of 
government.1  The  Duke  of  Aerschot,  Count  Berlay- 
mont,  and  President  Viglius  were  still  members  of 
the  council,  as  they  had  been  in  the  old  days.  The 
number  was  completed  by  Assonleville,  Baron  Ras- 
senghien,  Arnold  Sasbout,  and  Jerome  de  Roda,  the 
last  named  being  the  only  Spaniard.  Count  Mans- 
feld  was  appointed  by  this  council  to  the  supreme 
military  command  and  to  the  government  of  Brussels. 
When  the  news  of  these  events  was  reported  to 
Philip,  he  was  furious.  Requesens  had  no  business 
to  die  at  a moment  so  inconvenient  to  his  sovereign. 
Though  Philip  disapproved  of  the  arrangement  of 
the  government,  he  did  not  take  immediate  measures 
to  change  it.  He  had  not  decided  on  a new  regent, 
nor  on  the  precise  policy  he  wished  Requesens’s  suc- 
cessor to  pursue,  and,  disadvantageous  as  was  any 
uncertainty  of  government  in  a revolted  country,  he 
took  the  advice  of  Hopper,  and  allowed  events  to 
take  their  own  course  for  a time. 

If  Orange  had  ever  seriously  entertained  the  above 
mentioned  scheme  of  emigration,  he  straightway 
abandoned  it  now.  Old  Viglius  was  the  only  one  of 
Philip’s  representatives  who  saw  that  to  permit  an 
interregnum  was  to  play  into  the  hands  of  the  rebel 


1 Hoofd,  x.,  413  et  .uy,-— Groen,  Archives , v.,  331. 


122 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


leader.  Philip  seemed  to  be  asleep,  but,  as  the 
worthy  president  said  in  a letter  to  Plopper 1 2 : “ The 
Prince  of  Orange  and  his  Beggars  do  not  sleep,  nor 
will  they  be  quiet  until  they  have  made  use  of  this 
interregnum  to  do  us  some  immense  grievance.”3 

Certainly  the  prince  did  not  sleep.  There  was  no 
Spanish  watch-dog  on  the  scene,  and  he  took  action 
accordingly.  He  immediately  opened  correspon- 
dence with  many  leading  gentlemen  in  Brussels  and 
in  other  places  in  the  Netherlands.  The  prince  was 
fully  informed  of  the  existence  of  a germ  of  national 
feeling,  and  watched  his  opportunity  to  foster  it. 

On  April  4th  Orange  wrote  3 to  John  : 

“ M.  de  St.  Aldegonde,  with  the  other  deputies  whom 
I and  the  estates  of  this  country  4 sent  to  England,  have 
not  yet  returned,  as  they  have’  no  decision  from  the 
Queen  of  England,  who  would  do  us  a great  favour  by 
making  up  her  mind  quicker,  as  you  can  well  believe  we 

1 Joachim  Hopper  was  a learned  Doctor  of  Laws,  a Fleming,  a 
Catholic,  and  a Nationalist— that  is,  he  was  loyal  to  Philip,  but  wished 
the  Spanish  to  be  withdrawn.  In  1566,  he  went  to  Spain  to  give  the 
king  information  on  the  affairs  of  the  Netherlands,  and  remained 
there  as  representative  of  the  provinces.  His  counsel  to  Philip  to 
permit  an  interregnum  at  this  crisis  shows  how  little  he  understood 
the  situation  at  home.  As  a practical  man  of  affairs  he  was  not  con- 
sidered very  effective.  On  March  18,  1577,  Granvelle  wrote  : “The 
letter  seems  to  me  very  odd,  and  evidently  from  the  forge  of  poor 
Sieur  Hopper  us,  who  did  not  write  the  best  French  in  the  world, 
God  pardon  him.  He  was  learned,  but  knew  little  of  business,  as 
can  be  plainly  seen.” 

2 Analecta  Belgica  (Viglii  epistolas),  113,  862  ; Groen,  Archives , 
v.,  374- 

* Ibid.,  334. 

4 This  means  only  the  estates  of  Holland  and  Zealand. 


1576] 


Maurice  of  Nassau. 


123 


lose  many  good  opportunities  by  a delay.  I am  hourly 
expecting  tidings  with  the  first  wind,  and  will  not  fail  to 
let  you  know.  We  have  no  certain  news  from  France, 
though  I am  assured  that  the  peace  is  a sure  thing,  the 
king  being  quite  inclined  to  grant  it.  If  it  really  result, 
it  will  be  good  for  all  Christianity.  Let  me  know  your 
news  ; how  about  the  levies  which  are  rumoured  there, 
and  whether  the  emperor  will  continue  his  journey  to 
Poland.  I must  not  omit  to  tell  you,  that  it  pleased  God 
to  deliver  my  wife  of  a little  girl  the  last  day  of  March, 
early  in  the  morning,  for  which  I thank  the  All-Power- 
ful, with  a prayer  that  it  may  be  for  the  advance  of  His 
glory. 

“ From  Delft.” 

In  a postscript  he  tells  John  not  to  worry  about 
the  elector  and  the  landgrave  molesting  him  for 
Anne’s  dowry.  They  have  no  real  claim. 

“ And  in  regard  to  my  son  Maurice,  I would  be  glad  to 
have  them  1 take  him  and  bring  him  up,  but  I would  be 
sorry  if  he  had  an  education  like  that  of  Duke  Franz  of 
Lauenburg.  However,  if  they  come  after  Maurice,  you 
can  answer  that  you  must  consult  me  first,  and  thus  gain 
time,  and  we  can  decide  according  to  circumstances.” 

On  April  30th,  John  answers2  this  letter  in  his  usual 
affectionate  manner,  congratulating  his  brother 
pleasantly  on  the  birth  of  the  child,  whom  he  must 
have  regarded  as  an  additional  burden.  Of  his 
nephew  he  says : 

“ That  Maurice  should  be  sent  to  that  place  would  be 
a shame,  for  he  gives  prospect,  thank  God,  of  being  very 

1 The  Elector  of  Saxony  had  proposed  to  take  charge  of  Maurice, 

2 Groen,  Archives , v.,  344. 


124 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


useful  to  you  and  to  the  fatherland.  My  children’s  tutor 
cannot  praise  him  sufficiently.  He  wrote  to  me  a few 
days  ago  from  Heidelberg  that  he  gave  evidence  of  an 
inspired  intellect  [divinum  ingenium].” 

In  spite  of  Maurice’s  tender  years  he  was  already 
at  Heidelberg  with  John’s  four  sons,  William  Louis, 
John,  George,  and  Philip,  and  the  four  sons  of  Count 
de  Berghes.  The  nine  young  cousins  were  under  the 
charge  of  one  hof-meister. 

This  interim  gave  the  patriot  party  hope,  and  it 
spurred  them  to  look  again  to  their  internal  affairs.1 2 
The  union  of  Holland  and  Zealand  in  1575,  though 
an  improvement  on  their  arrangements  of  1574, 
proved  ineffective.  There  were  many  hitches  in  its 
practical  working,  and  there  was  constant  conflict  of 
interests,  as  there  always  is  in  loose  confederations. 
Finally,  the  prince  told  the  estates  that  unless  they 
could  come  to  a better  understanding  he  wished  they 
would  find  someone  else  to  take  his  place.  As  a re- 
sult of  his  protests,  a second  act  of  union,  known  as 
the  Union  of  Delft,  was  formed  between  the  two 
provinces,  and  was  signed  at  Delft,  April  25,  1576, 
in  a congress  of  representatives  from  the  states, 
nobles  and  citizens  of  Holland  and  Zealand.3  The 
previous  provisions  were  reenacted  and  strengthened. 
The  union  between  the  provinces  was  made  firmer, 
and  this  bond  still  held  between  the  two,  when  the 
others  joined  them.  The  power  of  the  prince  was 

1 Groen,  Archives , v. , 340. 

2 This  was  a very  important  event,  as  the  document  was  the  real 

foundation  of  the  United  Netherlands,  and  the  model  for  many  later 
confederations. 


1576] 


The  Union  of  Delft. 


125 


made  provisory,  and  he  was  empowered  “ to  treat 
with  the  King  of  France,  his  brother,  or  any  other 
potentate,  to  receive  these  lands  of  Holland  and 
Zealand  under  his  protection.” 

The  new  union  consisted  of  eighteen  articles.1  The 
deputies  from  the  states  were  obliged  to  meet  when 
summoned  by  the  prince,  or  otherwise,  on  penalty  of 
a fine.  New  causes  of  litigation  were  to  come  under 
the  prince’s  jurisdiction.  The  confederates  promised 
to  assist  each  other  mutually  in  preventing  all  injus- 
tice, wrong,  or  violence,  even  towards  an  enemy. 
[Hoewel  00k  vijancl.]  The  administration  of  justice 
and  the  authority  of  the  law  were  promised  by  the 
contracting  parties.  The  common  expenses  were  to 
be  apportioned  between  the  provinces.  Nine  com- 
missioners, appointed  by  the  prince  on  nomination 
by  the  estates,  were  to  be  in  permanent  session  as 
his  advisers,  and  as  assessors  and  collectors  of  the 
taxes.  The  tenure  of  the  union  was  not  perpetual, 
but  was  from  six  months  to  six  months,  with  six 
weeks’  notice.2  The  prince  was  named  as  chief  of  the 


'April  25th.  Groen,  Archives,  v.,  340.  See  Bor,  i.,  668  ; Motley, 

iii. , 58. 

2 According  to  Lettenhove,  this  act  was  signed  by  sixteen  deputies 
from  the  towns,  and  three  representatives  of  the  nobles.  Opinion 
was  not  unanimous  throughout  the  province.  There  was  especial  re- 
pugnance to  the  idea  of  offering  the  sovereignty  they  withdrew  from 
Philip  to  a stranger.  A certain  anonymous  memoir  addressed  to  the 
states  of  Holland  [now  in  the  Record  Office  at  London.  See  Les 
Huguenots , etc.,  iv.,  45],  voiced  this  feeling  : “ In  default  of  the  legiti- 
mate ruler,  the  sovereignty  belongs  to  the  people,  and  not  to  you,  gen- 
tlemen, who  are  only  the  servants,  members,  and  deputies  of  the  said 
people,  with  your  commissions  and  instructions  definitely  limited. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


I 26 


government,  and  his  powers  were  definitely  defined. 
He  was  commander-in-chief  by  land  and  sea,  with 
power  to  appoint  all  officers,  from  high  to  low.  In  his 
hand  was  the  protection  of  the  land.  He  could  send 
garrisons  into  every  city  or  village  at  his  will,  with- 
out consultation  with  the  estates,  town  magistrates, 
or  anyone.  He  was,  in  behalf  of  Philip,  as  Count  of 
Holland  and  Zealand ,'  to  cause  justice  to  be  admin- 
istered by  the  supreme  court.  The  estates  were  to 
nominate  three  candidates  for  every  vacant  post  in 
political  and  judicial  offices,  out  of  which  three, 
Orange  was  to  appoint  one.  He  was  to  appoint 
magistrates  and  other  civil  functionaries,  and  to  pre- 
vent governors  and  military  officers  from  meddling 
in  political  and  judicial  affairs.  He  was  to  maintain 
the  exercise  of  the  reformed  religion,  and  to  cause  to 
cease  the  exercise  of  all  religion,  contrary  to  the  gospel 
— that  ambiguous  phrase  which  he  had  introduced  in 
the  articles  of  1575.  “ No  inquisition,  however,  was 

to  be  made  into  any  man’s  belief  or  conscience,  or 
that  any  man  by  cause  thereof,  should  suffer  trouble, 
injury,  or  hindrance.” 

In  this  league,  each  municipality  acted  as  a little 
sovereign,  sending  envoys  to  the  congress,  to  vote 
and  to  sign  as  plenipotentiaries.  The  vote  of  each 
city  was  indivisible,  so  the  number  of  its  deputies 
was  immaterial.  The  nobles  represented  not  only 

not  only  as  to  time,  but  as  to  the  immediate  business  on  hand.  These 
conditions  are  as  far  from  sovereignty,  as  a subject  is  from  a prince, 
or,  to  state  it  better,  as  the  heavens  from  the  earth.” 

1 That  is,  Philip  was  still  considered  Count.  They  did  not  with- 
draw his  hereditary  title  until  later,  but  all  his  power  was  lodged  in 
his  governor,  and  the  new  protector  was  to  be  chosen  over  his  head. 


1576] 


The  Union  of  Delft. 


127 


their  own  order,  but  were  supposed  to  act  for  the 
peasants  on  the  land.1  There  was  thus  a fair  repre- 
sentation of  the  nation  at  large.  It  was  not  till  later 
that  the  corporations  suppressed  the  popular  ele- 
ment, usurped  self-election,  and  were  stiffened  into 
fictitious  personages,  who  never  died  and  never  were 
thoroughly  alive.  The  various  members  of  the  con- 
federacy were,  locally,  republics,  but  the  general 
government  they  established  was  monarchical. 
Orange  was  really  made  a sovereign  ad  interim , 
for,  while  the  king’s  authority  was  suspended,  the 
prince  was  invested  not  only  with  executive  and 
appointing  power,  but  with  a large  share  in  the  legis- 
lative functions  of  the  state.2 

The  prince  was  not  a theoretical  statesman.  At 
this  epoch  he  was  simply  working  from  step  to  step 
as  seemed  expedient.3  It  was  entirely  in  his  hands 
to  make  his  provisory  authority  perpetual.  He  was 
at  the  height  of  his  popularity,  and  was  in  truth  the 
only  man  really  trusted.  The  expression  “ Father 
William  ” was  already  used,  although  he  was  a com- 
paratively young  man.  It  was  he  who  insisted 
strenuously  on  the  necessity  of  seeking  foreign  pro- 
tection. He  saw  the  difficulties  of  being  the  only 
helmsman  of  the  new  ship  of  state,  which  he  was 
trying  to  unmoor  from  the  royal  docks.  The  respon- 
sibility weighed  very  heavily  on  him.  He  looked 
far  older  than  his  forty-three  years,  and  he  had  no 
desire  to  try  to  bear  the  burden  alone. 

1 See  Motley,  iii.,  60.  2 Groen,  Archives,  v.,  340. 

3 In  this  small  state  the  executive,  legislative,  and  judicial  powers 
mingled  more  than  an  a priori  philosophy  would  allow. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


I 28 


Elizabeth  at  last  “ did  us  the  favour  of  making  up 
her  mind,”  but  her  resolution  did  not  prove  satis- 
factory.1 She  said  it  was  not  fitting  for  her  to 
assume  the  protectorate  of  Holland  and  Zealand 
until  she  had  made  every  effort  to  reconcile  them  to 
their  lawful  sovereign.2  She  would  write  a nice 
frank  letter  to  her  brother  of  Spain,  who  would 
surely  take  her  sisterly  advice  when  he  heard  her 
straightforward  language. 

While  the  people  greatly  desired  the  English  alli- 
ance, Orange  himself  never  had  much  confidence  in 
the  probability  of  making  it.  He  had  far  greater 
hopes  from  France.  As  soon,  therefore,  as  his  own 
authority  was  strengthened  by  the  new  union,  he 
turned  his  attention  towards  the  east.  There,  the 
cause  of  the  Protestants  seemed  to  be  in  the  ascend- 
ant. On  May  10th,  a treaty  called  the  Peace  of 
Monsieur  was  concluded  between  Henry  III.  and 
the  Iluguenots,  with  the  Duke  of  Alengon  at  their 
head.3  The  terms  were  apparently  most  favourable 
to  the  reform  party,  as  it  was  stipulated  that  free 
exercise  of  their  religion  was  to  be  permitted  through- 
out the  realm,  and  that  Protestants  were  eligible  to 
all  offices,  and  as  deputies  to  the  chambers,  and  all 

1 See  Froude,  xi.,  pp.  gq  el  al. 

2 Groen,  Archives , v.,  333.  See  also  AW.  Politiques,  viii.,  188,  el  seq. 

3 Alemjon  had  formed  an  alliance  with  the  King  of  Navarre,  the 
Prince  of  Conde,  and  the  other  Huguenot  chiefs,  to  oppose  his 
brother.  He  declared  himself  a Calvinist,  and  consented  to  assist  in 
Protestant  rites  to  show  his  zeal  for  the  cause,  but  as  he  snapped 
cherry-stones  over  the  congregation  during  the  sermons,  his  zeal  could 
hardly  have  been  very  inspiring  to  his  allies. — Les  Huguenots,  etc., 
iii.,  620. 


1576] 


The  Peace  of  Monsieur. 


1 29 


courts  were  to  dispense  justice  impartially.1 2  Every- 
thing, in  short,  was  promised,  but  no  guarantees  were 
offered. 

Henry  III.  is  said  to  have  wept  when  these  terms 
were  reported  to  him  as  necessary.  He  feared  the 
strength  of  the  coalition  against  him,  and  signed  the 
treaty  as  the  easiest  means  of  quelling  the  difficulty. 
There  was,  therefore,  for  a time,  a fine  show  of  good 
feeling  between  France  and  the  cause  of  reform,  and 
Orange  was  quite  ready  to  reap  what  advantage  he 
could.  The  chance  of  active  aid  from  the  German 
states  was  very  slight.  The  prince  had  alienated 
many  of  his  former  supporters  by  his  marriage,  and 
then  a new  crop  of  hair-splitting  differences  between 
the  Protestants  was  doing  much  damage  to  any 
prospect  of  concerted  action  among  them.3 

On  May  16th,  the  prince  wrote  to  John3  that 
Zierikzee  was  still  holding  out,  “ but  I must  say  that 
all  those  who  ought  to  help  us  are  very  deliberate.” 
His  faithful  secretary,  Brunynck,  took  advantage  of 


1 There  was  a special  article  assuring  the  principality  of  Orange  to 
the  prince.  Hoofd,  xi.,  416. 

2 While  the  prince  was  working  for  a political  union  in  the  prov- 
inces, Count  John  was  endeavouring  to  bring  about  an  effective 
religious  concord  in  upper  Germany.  But  the  sects  would  insist  on 
laying  more  stress  on  their  differences  than  on  their  points  of  agree- 
ment. On  May  9th,  John  writes:  “Landgrave  William  spares  no 
pains  in  trying  to  make  a concord  among  the  evangelical  sects  ; he 
wishes  to  ally,  not  only  Lutherans  and  Calvinists,  but  also  the 
Flacians,  Majorists,  Adiaphorists,  Ubiquitists,  and  Brentians.”  No 
one  would  realise  that  “ II et  Geschil  is  te  kleen , o»i  dieshalven,  gesplijl 
te  blijven.” — Groen,  Archives , v. , 349. 

3 Ibid. , 358. 

VOL.  11. — 9 


130 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


the  dispatch  of  the  prince’s  messenger  to  write1  to 
Count  John  on  the  same  date : 

“ His  Excellency  is  very  well,  thank  God,  but  he  is  so 
overburdened  with  business  troubles,  labours,  and  works, 
that  he  has  hardly  time  to  breathe  from  morning  to 
night.  If  your  Honour’s  private  affairs  would  only 
allow  you  to  come  hither  as  often  as  I and  all  worthy 
citizens  desire,  it  would  be  the  greatest  relief  to  his 
Excellency  in  these  times,  but  as  that  be  unadvisable  for 
various  considerations,  we  must  have  patience.  Our 
enemies  talk  no  more  of  peace.  I believe  they  are  now 
waiting  the  issue  of  the  siege  of  Zierikzee.  If  peace 
can  be  made  in  France  we  hope  that  will  free  us  from 
many  ills.” 

On  June  1st,  Brunynck  writes2  again  to  John  that 
a plan  for  rescuing  Zierikzee  had  failed.  Admiral 
Boisot  attempted  to  succour  it  by  sea  on  May  25th, 
but  Mondragon  had  thrown  piles  of  rubbish  into  the 
shallow  harbour,  and  Boisot  went  aground  on  the  un- 
known obstacles.  He  found  it  impossible  to  free 
his  ship,  the  Red  Lion , and  he  feared  lest  the  ebbing 
tide  would  leave  him  an  easy  prey  to  the  enemy,  if 
he  waited  for  day  to  reveal  that  he  was  limed  like  a 
bird.  He  therefore  decided  not  to  await  sunrise,  and 
sprang  into  the  water  to  swim  to  the  nearest  friendly 
shelter.  Three  hundred  men  followed  him,  but  when 
his  strength  failed,  they  could  not  aid  their  leader  in 
the  pitchy  darkness,  and  he  sank  in  the  midnight 
waters. 


1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  360. 

2 Ibid. , 364. 


THE  THEATRE  AT  ORANGE. 
(From  a photograph.) 


1576]  Charlotte  to  Prince  of  Orange.  1 3 1 

Charlotte  of  Bourbon  wrote  1 on  June  2d  to  her 
husband : 

“ Monseigneur  : It  is  indeed  to  my  deep  regret,  that 
all  the  labour  and  pains  you  undergo  down  there  have 
not  succeeded  according  to  our  hopes.  I am  especially 
troubled  to  hear  of  the  accident  to  the  big  ship,  and  of 
the  loss  you  have  suffered  in  the  admiral’s  death,  for  I 
do  not  doubt  you  will  be  in  much  perplexity  as  to  whom 
to  put  in  his  place.  The  Sire  de  Viry  told  me  that 
Count  Hohenlohe  had  brought  you  some  assistance, 
which  I was  glad  to  hear,  as  I am  also,  to  know  that  you 
wish  me  to  join  you  ; but  as  I am  still  very  weak  I have 
not  dared  to  ask  your  counsel  since  this  first  report  from 
Zierikzee,  lest  I might  have  new  cause  for  new  fear.  I 
will  wait  here  seven  or  eight  days,  during  which  I will, 
please  God,  take  the  air  as  far  as  The  Hague,  to  see  how 
I feel.  As  to  your  daughter,  she  is  very  well.  I have 
asked  whether  it  would  be  dangerous  to  take  her  on  the 
sea.  Many  say  no.  Nevertheless  I beg  you  to  tell  me 
what  to  do.  I have  not  failed  to  show  your  letters,  as 
you  commanded  me,  to  the  estates.  I hope  the  news 
from  France  will  be  to  your  satisfaction,  and  then  it  will 
be  to  mine.  I am  content  if  you  are,  and  if  I can  be  as- 
sured of  your  good  health,  to  which  I beg  you  to  pay 
attention. 

“Your  very  humble  and  obedient 

“ wife  as  long  as  she  may  live, 

“ C.  de  Bourbon. 

“ At  Delft,  June  2d,  7 in  the  evening.” 

This  was  a soothing  and  refreshing  letter  after 
Anne’s  egoistical  effusions.  Mr.  Motley  continually 


Groen,  Archives , v.,  366. 


132 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


mentions  the  Taciturn’s  independence.  It  is  his 
need  of  sympathy  that  seems  to  me  to  be  his  most 
prominent  characteristic.  In  this  month  of  June, 
the  prince’s  eldest  son,  Philip  William,  Count  of 
Buren,  found  means  to  write  to  his  Uncle  John.  He 
was  pursuing  his  interrupted  studies  at  the  University 
of  Alcala  de  Henaris  in  New  Castile.  Orange  had, 
according  to  Groen,  made  many  unsuccessful  at- 
tempts to  rescue  his  son.  As  the  young  man  was 
evidently  kept  under  close  surveillance,  his  excuses 
for  not  writing  seem  rather  superfluous.  The  letter 
is  as  follows  : 1 

“ Monsieur  : I do  not  doubt  that  you  will  think  it 
strange  to  have  received  no  news  from  me  in  this  long 
time,  considering  the  great  obligation  I feel  myself  under 
to  you  and  to  all  my  relations  and  friends  over  there, 
both  from  the  natural  bond  of  affinity  between  us,  as 
from  the  continual  assistance  you  have  so  loyally  shown 
my  father  during  his  adversities.  But,  knowing  the  little 
convenience,  and  dangers  of  the  time  and  place  where  I 
am,  I hope  that  my  failure  to  write  will  be  attributed  to 
that,  rather  than  to  default  of  my  duty  or  negligence. 
The  bearer  of  this  will  give  you  fuller  information,  and 
I beg  you  to  give  entire  credence  to  him.  May  the  all- 
powerful  God  send  me  the  means  of  deserving  all  His 
mercies,  and  give  you,  monseigneur  my  uncle,  good 
health  and  long  life  and  the  whole  of  your  desires. 

“In  recommending  myself  to  your  good  graces, 

“ Entirely  your  very  affectionate 

“nephew  ready  to  serve  and  obey  you, 

“ P.  William  of  Nassau. 

“ To  Count  John  of  Nassau. 

“ From  Alcala,  June  30,  1576.” 


1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  369. 


1576] 


The  Count  of  Buren. 


133 


It  is  curious  to  note  that  the  poor  exile  does  not 
mention  either  his  individual  title  or  his  name  Philip. 
It  is  William  of  Nassau  that  he  makes  prominent. 
He  was  not  quite  alone  among  Spaniards.  His  own 
steward  at  Louvain,  Wiltberg,  had  been  allowed  to 
accompany  him,  and  he,  too,  seizes  this  opportunity, 
which  may  have  come  to  them  by  chance,  to  write 
to  Count  John,1 2  assuring  him  in  general  terms  of 
their  gratitude  for  his  loyalty  to  the  prince.  Evi- 
dently the  bearer  was  charged  to  say  more.  Wilt- 
berg’s  letter  is  dated  July  10th. 

All  efforts  to  aid  the  stout-hearted  Zierikzee  citi- 
zens proved  vain.  Nine  months  had  they  held  out, 
but  the  loss  of  Boisot  was  so  serious  that  further 
resistance  seemed  hopeless.  On  June  21st,  accord- 
ing to  the  prince’s  instructions,  they  surrendered. 
The  following  is  the  account  sent  by  Brunynck  to 
John3: 

“ Monseigneur  : You  may  be  sure  it  is  not  my  fault 
that  you  do  not  get  news  from  us  oftener.  I have  urged 
his  Excellency  every  day  to  dispatch  the  bearer  of  this, 
but  every  day  he  was  overwhelmed  with  business,  and 
every  day  he  hoped  for  better  news  from  Zierikzee.  But 
such  was  not  God’s  will.  Your  Honour  will  see  here- 
with all  the  particulars  of  the  surrender  of  the  said  city. 
Your  Honour  can  imagine  whether  his  Excellency  has 
not  his  hands  full,  all  alone  as  he  is.  It  is  true  that  the 
Count  Hohenlohe3  does  his  part  well  and  diligently. 
He  begins  to  gain  all  hearts,  so  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  in 

1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  370. 

2 Ibid.,  v.,  371. 

3 November  12,  1575,  the  estates  of  Holland  appointed  Hohenlohe 
as  the  prince’s  right-hand  man,  with  a salary  of  5000  livres. 


134 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


time  he  will  do  great  service  to  his  Excellency  and  to 
the  country.  The  deputies  his  Excellency  sent  to 
France  have  not  yet  returned.  The  country  is  unanimous 
in  holding  out.  His  Excellency  is  well,  but  madame 
has  been  ill  ever  since  her  confinement.” 

It  was  not  until  July  16th,  that  the  prince  found 
leisure  to  write  to  John.1  He  had,  besides  his  mili- 
tary operations,  been  working  hard  to  make  a treaty 
between  Flushing  and  the  English  merchants,  who 
were  inclined  to  be  too  favourable  to  the  Spaniards. 

“ Mv  Brother  : From  my  other  letters  you  will 
know  the  condition  of  things  here.  Since  I wrote,  it  has 
proved  advisable  for  the  citizens  of  Zierikzee  (as  they 
feared  the  rigour  of  the  enemy  if  they  waited  till  the 
last  extremity)  to  submit  to  an  accommodation.  This 
was  done  the  penult  of  the  last  month,  and  the  said 
Zierikzee  surrendered  by  composition.  I send  you  a 
duplicate  so  you  can  see  just  what  the  conditions  are. 
The  loss  of  the  said  city  at  first  took  the  people  some- 
what by  surprise,  but  they  begin  to  take  courage  now. 

“ If  any  one  on  any  side  had  given  us  the  least  assist- 
ance in  the  world,  or  if  from  the  beginning  we  had  all 
done  our  utmost  duty,  the  poor  city  would  never  have 
fallen  into  the  enemy’s  hands,  especially  as  we  have  been 
assured  that  the  enemy  were  themselves  so  reduced  that 
they  could  not  longer  have  continued  the  siege.  But 
every  attempt  that  I made  both  in  France  and  England 
has  been  utterly  in  vain.  We  had  always  hoped  that  the 
French  peace  would  at  least  have  enlarged  their  benefices 
to  us,  but  it  seems  to  me  that  every  one  is  content  with 
looking  after  his  private  affairs,  without  troubling  him- 


Orange  to  John.  Groen,  Archives , v.,  379. 


1576] 


The  Fall  of  Zierikzee. 


135 


self  about  those  of  others.  We  can  still  trust  in  God, 
but  I leave  to  your  imagination  whether  I have  not  had 
reason  for  anxiety.  I am  working  my  best  to  prevent 
the  enemy  from  making  further  headway,  but  we  do  not 
know  what  their  plans  are.  Our  soldiers,  mostly  Wal- 
loons, coming  from  Zierikzee,  have  been  a great  gain  to 
us,  because  they  are  well-trained,  good  men. 

“ July  16th.” 

There  is  a long  postscript  about  the  money  due 
the  landgrave,  which  he  has  advanced  for  the  Neth- 
erland  cause.  Just  at  this  epoch  it  is  impossible  for 
Orange  to  think  of  paying  it,  and  he  can  only  send 
fair  words  and  promises  of  payment  when  affairs 
look  up. 

There  was,  fortunately,  no  sack  of  Zierikzee.  The 
citizens  agreed  to  an  indemnity  of  200,000  guilders, 
and  were  allowed  to  retain  their  privileges  and 
charters.  They  joyfully  brought  their  household 
silver  to  a mint  which  was  immediately  set  up  in  the 
town  hall,  and  the  necessary  cash  for  the  first  pay- 
ments was  turned  out.  This  arrangement  did  not, 
however,  suit  one  of  the  parties  to  the  transaction, 
viz.,  the  Spanish  soldiers.  A quiet,  orderly  payment 
went  to  headquarters,  and  did  not  find  its  way  into 
their  pockets.  A good,  wild  sacking  of  a fallen  town, 
with  distribution  of  booty,  was,  according  to  the  sol- 
diers’ laws,  their  notion  of  the  fitting  course  of  ac- 
tion.1 One  of  those  curious,  well-organised  mutinies, 
which  seemed  a regular  occurrence  in  the  Spanish 
army,  broke  out.  For  twenty-three  months  they 


1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  381. 


136 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


had  received  no  pay.  The  soldiers  considered  the 
Netherlands  as  a mine  that  they  were  exploiting  in 
common  with  their  chiefs,  and  that  a composition 
with  a town  that  their  valour  had  brought  to  sub- 
mission, robbed  them  of  their  legal  share  of  the 
spoils.  They  did  not  clamour  for  their  wages  when 
they  saw  near  prospect  of  booty,  but  when  the 
peaceable  arrangement  with  Zierikzee  was  an- 
nounced, their  discontent  broke  bounds,  and  a regu- 
lar mutiny  was  organised  with  all  the  customary 
forms.1 2 *  Their  commanders  tried  in  vain  to  pacify 
their  companies  with  promises  of  speedy  payment. 
Money  did  not  follow  the  fair  words,  the  mutineers 
proceeded  in  their  organisation,  and  soon  the  Eletto 
reigned  supreme  over  the  army  in  Schouwen.  When 
the  officers  found  their  authority  set  at  naught,  they 
turned  to  the  state  council  for  help,  and  that  respect- 
able body  was  in  as  great  a dilemma  as  the  corpora- 
tion of  Hamelin  Town.  All  Brabant  was  filled  with 
fear  and  terror.5 

During  these  years  of  oppression  the  people  had 
never  grown  reconciled  to  the  presence  of  the  Span- 
ish army,  which  ate  up  the  good  of  the  land  before 
the  eyes  of  the  inhabitants.  In  this  respect  the  two 
provinces  which  had  formally  revolted  were  certainly 
better  off  than  their  fifteen  loyal  neighbours.  There 
was  a lack  of  concord  between  the  north  and  the 
south  on  religion  and  authority,  but  there  were  no 


1 See  Chapter  XX. 

2 In  his  Apology  Orange  says  that  the  mutiny  was  a blessed  instru- 

ment to  open  the  people’s  eyes. 


1576] 


The  Spanish  Mutiny. 


1 37 


two  opinions  about  the  Spanish  soldiery,1  though 
one  portion  of  the  land  was  paying  for  its  support, 
and  the  other  for  its  expulsion.  Brussels  was  not  so 
far  from  Schouwen  that  the  inhabitants  could  feel 
themselves  free  from  personal  danger.  Their  fears 
proved  well  grounded.  The  mutiny  spread  rapidly, 
and  the  unpaid  soldiers  proceeded  to  levy  contribu- 
tions on  the  poor  Brabantine  inhabitants.  The  coun- 
cil of  state  sent  out  Mansfeld  to  treat  with  the  in- 
surgents, but  as  his  offers  were  not  backed  by  the 
money  they  demanded,  his  mission  was  fruitless,  and 
he  returned  sadly  to  the  distracted  council  of  state. 
Soon  the  mutineers  grew  bolder  and  made  a sudden 
descent  on  the  city  of  Alost  and  carried  the  town  by 
storm.  Everyone  who  did  not  immediately  submit 
was  butchered,  and  the  mutineers  established  them- 
selves within  the  walls  and  laid  a hundred  adjacent 
parishes  under  contribution.  This  was  sufficient  to 
inflame  the  hatred  that  had  been  suppressed  for  nine 
years.  The  Brussels  populace  acted  as  one  man, 
besieged  the  council  chamber,  and  insisted  that  the 
Spanish  troops  should  be  declared  outlaws.  On  J uly 
26th,  that  frightened  body  issued  a proclamation  in 
Philip’s  name,  declaring  his  Spaniards  traitors  and 
murderers,  beyond  the  pale  of  the  law. 

Jerome  de  Roda,  the  only  Spanish  member  of  the 
council,  joined  in  the  edict,  though  he  as  well  as 
Romero  and  other  prominent  Spaniards  were  re- 

1 In  1572,  a Flemish  priest  who  had  every  reason  to  dislike  the 
Protestant  rebels,  exclaimed  : “ Ay  ghy  Spangiaerts,  ghy  Spangiaerts 
ghy  maeckt  ons  la  Geus.”  O Spaniards,  Spaniards,  you  are  making 
Beggars  ! 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


138 

garded  with  so  much  distrust  by  the  citizens,  that 
they  were  almost  in  the  condition  of  prisoners  on 
parole. 

The  Prince  of  Orange  saw  at  once  how  this  steam 
of  popular  excitement  might  be  turned  to  power  for 
creating  a nation.  In  addition  to  the  freedom  of 
worship,  Holland  and  Zealand  had  gained  a footing 
on  the  pathway  towards  freedom  from  Spanish  domi- 
nation. It  might  be  possible  to  induce  the  Catholic 
nationalists  to  follow  them  on  this  path.  The  chief 
of  the  two  united  provinces,  therefore,  being  politic 
before  he  was  Protestant,  was  willing  to  make  the 
way  easy  for  them,  and  to  propose  a union  of  all  the 
provinces  with  all  religious  differences  set  aside. 

He  wrote  to  the  estates  of  Brabant,  Artois,  Hai- 
nault,  and  Guelderland.  He  showered  letters  on  pro- 
vincial officers,  municipal  authorities,  and  private 
people  on  every  side,  urging  individuals  and  corpo- 
rate bodies  alike  to  be  slaves  no  longer.  He  reminded 
them  of  their  common  grievances,  and  pointed  out 
the  necessity  of  concerted  action,  offering  what  aid 
lay  in  his  power,  and  promising  to  do  nothing  con- 
trary to  the  wishes  of  the  estates.1 

Middelburg  was  then  his  headquarters,  and  thence 
all  his  numerous  communications  are  dated. 


1 These  letters  were  not  reproductions  from  one  draft.  Orange 
knew  the  tempers  of  the  separate  provinces,  and  his  arguments  were 
vigorously  ad  hominem.  To  the  states  of  Brabant  he  pointed  out 
that  they  had  already  taken  measures  that  Philip  would  never  for- 
give. “ They  [the  Spaniards]  have  conquered  you  already  as  they 
boast,  for  the  crime  of  lese-majesty  has  placed  you  at  their  mercy.  I 
warn  you  that  your  last  act,  by  which  you  declare  the  army  to  be 


1576] 


Confusion  in  Brussels. 


139 


At  Brussels  things  went  from  bad  to  worse.  The 
exasperation  of  the  inhabitants  increased.  The 
council  of  state  were  powerless,  and  the  few  Span- 
ish officers  still  within  the  city  walls  were  in  constant 
danger. 

Jerome  de  Roda  managed  to  escape  from  the  city 
and  proclaimed  himself  governor  pro  tem.  of  the 
Netherlands,  but  his  authority  was  no  more  respected 
than  was  that  of  his  colleagues.  All  were  bound 
hand  and  foot  and  acted  only  as  the  estates  dictated. 
Roda  therefore  considered  that  the  whole  Spanish 
authority  was  embodied  in  him.  He  caused  a new 
seal  to  be  struck,  and  thundered  forth  proclamations 
galore,  which  were  attended  to  with  as  much  humil- 
ity by  the  incensed  populace  as  were  Canute’s  com- 
mands to  the  raging  sea. 

Brussels  was  thus  left  with  the  many-headed  estates 
of  Brabant  as  the  real  ruler  of  city  and  province,  for 
the  state  council  were  almost  helpless.  The  time  was 
ripe  for  a demagogue,  and  he  appeared  on  the  scene  in 
the  person  of  one  William  of  Horn,  Seignior  de  Heze, 
who  had  been  placed  in  command  of  the  troops  levied 
to  protect  the  municipality.  He  was  a young  man; 
full  of  audacity  and  energy.  From  the  beginning  of 
the  mutiny  he  had  made  friends  with  the  people,  and 
inflamed  popular  indignation  against  the  Spanish 


rebels,  is  decisive.  You  have  excited  the  populace  against  them. 
. . . Be  assured  that  the  measure  dealt  to  you  will  be  ignominy  as 

well  as  destruction.  Let  not  your  leaders  expect  even  the  honourable 
scaffolds  of  Counts  Egmont  and  Horn.  The  whipping-post  and  gib- 
bet will  be  their  certain  fate.” — Bor.,  i.,  694  et  seq.  ; Gachard,  Cor., 
iii.,  no  et  seq.  ; Groen,  Archives,  v.,  409  et  seq. 


140 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


soldiery  and  foreign  domination.  In  August,  Orange 
opened  a correspondence  with  him,  and  for  a time  he 
was  devoted  to  the  prince  although  an  ardent  Catho- 
lic.1 His  position  gave  him  power,  and  by  Septem- 
ber his  plans  were  ripe  for  active  measures.  On  the 
5th,2  he  appeared  suddenly  before  the  council  of  state 
with  five  hundred  men-at-arms.  In  the  name  of  the 
estates  of  Brabant,  he  arrested  all  the  councillors,  and 
assumed  the  reins  of  government  in  addition  to  his 
military  command.3  Berlaymont  and  Mansfeld  were 
imprisoned  in  the  Broodhuis , and  others  in  their  own 
houses.  At  the  end  of  a few  weeks  all  were  liberated, 
but  their  authority  was  annihilated.  This  coup  d'etat 
in  Brussels  was  followed  by  popular  uprisings  in  other 
cities.  As  the  people  showed  signs  of  resistance,  the 
mutiny  waxed  in  strength,  and  the  mutineers  gained 
possession  of  many  of  the  citadels  built  by  Charles 
V.  and  by  Philip.  The  forts  of  Antwerp,  Valen- 
ciennes, Ghent,  Utrecht,  Vianen,  and  Alost  were  all 
in  the  hands  of  the  Spanish  veterans,  who  were  not 
very  numerous,  but  were  all  skilled  soldiers  and 


1 There  is  no  doubt  that  Orange  aided  him  in  his  coup  d'etat. 
Gaehard,  Cor.,  iii. , 106.  Letter  of  Aug.  1st  et  seq. 

5 Lettenhove  gives  September  4th. 

3 Orange  wrote  to  John  : “ Things  went  so  far  that  the  Brussels 
folk,  determined  to  have  their  liberty,  on  the  5th  of  this  month,  in 
open  day,  arrested  and  imprisoned  some  of  the  chief  nobles  and  mem- 
bers of  the  council  of  state,  Count  Mansfeld,  M.  de  Berlaymont, 
Viglius,  Assonleville,  and  several  others.  Other  cities  of  Brabant 
seem  ready  to  rise,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  God  is  going  to  take  pity 
on  these  poor  countries.”  Groen,  Archives,  v.,  409,  Sept.  9th.  Aer- 
schot  was  ill  at  home  and  there  seems  some  doubt  about  Viglius  being 
present.  See  also  Motley,  iii.,  91. 


1576]  Orange  to  Francois  of  Bourbon.  14 1 

fitted  to  cope  with  twice  their  number  of  untrained 
volunteers. 

While  hoping  for  co-operation  from  the  other  prov- 
inces, Orange  did  not  neglect  his  attempts  to  weld 
a foreign  alliance.  Among  his  private  letters  there 
is  the  following,  dated  September  14th,  from  him  to 
Frangois  of  Bourbon  1 : 

“ It  has  seemed  to  me  that  I could  not  do  better  than 
to  humbly  beg  you  to  employ  your  favour  towards  the 
Duke  of  Anjou,  as  he  has  already  done  us  the  honour  of 
evincing  an  interest  in  the  preservation  of  this  country. 
Would  you  not  be  willing  to  do  your  part  to  encourage 
this  disposition,  especially  when  things  look  favourable 
for  us  and  many  important  people  are  exerting  themselves 
to  re-establish  our  ancient  liberties  as  Sieur  la  Garde  will 
tell  you  ? ” 

1 This  was  a brother  of  Charlotte.  Groen  says  that  he  was  on  an 
affectionate  footing  with  the  prince  shortly  after  the  marriage.  — 
Archives , v.,  422. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

THE  PACIFICATION  OF  GHENT.  THE  UNITED 
NETHERLANDS. 

15  76- 

S the  bonds  between  each  province  and 
its  sovereign  were  strained  beyond 
endurance,  the  prince  doubled  his 
efforts  to  snap  them  asunder,  and  to 
induce  the  states  to  link  themselves 
together  and  present  a united  front  to 
the  king.  As  a result  of  his  entreaties, 
and  of  their  own  convictions  that  the  existing  con- 
ditions were  unbearable,  the  estates  of  Brabant 
invited  her  fourteen  sister  provinces  to  send  delegates 
to  an  assembly  of  the  states-general  at  Brussels.1 
This  invitation  was  accepted.  Orange  had  scattered 
letters  and  documents  broadcast  over  the  land,  to 
public  bodies  and  private  individuals.  Now  as  soon 
as  the  states-general  were  assembled  he  wrote 2 to 

1 Gachard,  Cor.,  iii.,  xli.  Motley  mentions  this  assembly  only  by 
indirect  reference,  and  Gachard  gives  no  particulars  on  the  subject. 

2 Ibid.,  140.  This  letter,  which  was  found  in  Paris,  is  not  dated. 
Gachard  puts  it  in  November,  but  it  looks  as  though  the  assembly  at 
Ghent  either  was  not  yet  in  session  or  was  at  the  very  outset  of 
its  deliberations. 


142 


1576] 


Appeals  to  the  People . 


143 


them  collectively,  repeating  in  substance  what  he  had 
said  to  each  provincial  estate  individually. 

He  begged  them  to  be  energetic  and  to  refuse  to 
be  ruled  by  the  arbitrary  will  of  a king  instead  of  in 
accordance  with  their  cherished  charters — of  a king 
who  was  notoriously  misinformed  in  regard  to  the 
affairs  of  the  land. 

“Understand  your  own  position.  Steer  yourselves 
free  from  this  dire  confusion,  which  is  the  true  founda- 
tion of  tyranny  and  has  been  the  source  of  ruin  to  repub- 
lics from  time  immemorial.  To  do  this,  union  among 
yourselves  is  important  above  all.  If  you  will  examine 
both  the  famous  disasters  of  ancient  history  and  the 
calamities  of  modern  times,  you  will  see  that  in  France, 
Italy,  and  Germany,  as  well  as  in  Hungary,  Africa,  and 
Barbary,  where  the  Turks  ravage  at  will,  internal  dissen- 
sions in  a nation  have  been  the  root  of  all  ill.  My  advice, 
subject  to  your  correction,  is,  write  to  the  king  that  you 
resolutely  refuse  to  endure  longer  the  incubus  of  his 
foreign  troops,  or  to  submit  to  the  annihilation  of  all 
your  rights.  Express  yourselves  clearly,  without  ambigu- 
ous statements.  Let  no  phrase  creep  in  which  could  be  to 
your  future  prejudice.  Let  this  letter  be  signed  by  all  the 
provincial  estates,  and  even  by  the  chief  monastic  orders,1 
and  by  all  individuals  of  dignity  in  the  land,  or  in  credit 
with  the  king,  or  who  ought  to  look  to  public  weal. 
This  action  would  act  like  a spur  to  your  deliberations. 
Your  position  would  be  defined.  You  would  no  longer 
be  swimming  between  two  waters.  You  would  then  be 


1 “ Et  que  ceste  dicte  lettre  fut  signee  de  tous  les  estatz,  et  mesmes 
des  principaulx  ordres  des  couvents,  et  de  tous  ceulx  en  ge'neral  qui 
sont,  ou  en  aulcune  dignite  au  pays,  ou  en  aulcun  credit  vers  le  roi.” 


144 


William  the  Silent . 


[1576 


in  a position  to  act  together  and  to  feel  mutual  obliga- 
tion to  defend  your  action.  Weighty  deeds  must  bear 
the  seal  of  their  own  importance.  The  ancients  un- 
derstood this.  They  used  to  inaugurate  their  societies 
and  brotherhoods  with  elaborate  ceremonials,  so  that 
each  individual  felt  the  sanctity  of  the  common  bond.1 2 
. . . Defensive  confederations  are  no  new  thing  in  this 
land.  In  the  year  1261,  Louvain,  Brussels,  Tirlemont, 
and  other  Brabantine  cities  formed  an  alliance,  and 
there  were  other  similar  leagues  in  1339,  1368,  1371, 
1372,  and  at  many  other  times.  It  was  by  this  persist- 
ent course  of  united  effort  among  weak  parties,  each 
defenceless  alone,  that  our  vaunted  privileges,  rights, 
and  customs  have  been  so  long  maintained. 

“The  king  thinks  that  the  only  malcontents  here  are 
a band  of  mutinous,  so-called  heretical  rebels,  while  the 
country  in  general  is  peaceable  and  content.  In  the 
year  1559,  when  there  was  question  of  the  departure  of 
the  Spanish  soldiers,  the  king  himself  said  to  me,  * Si  los 
estados  no  tuviessen  pilares , no  hablarian  tan  alto.'  1 
Let  him  see  that  the  estates  are  now  supported  in  their 
protest  by  great  and  small,  by  prelates,  abbots,  monks, 
and  ecclesiastics,  as  well  as  by  lords,  gentlemen,  citizens, 
and  peasants.  In  short,  show  him  that  there  is  no  age, 
sex,  condition,  or  quality  of  persons  who  do  not  cry  out 
with  one  voice  and  one  will.  Then,  if  he  disregard 
your  cry,  all  the  world  will  declare  him  wrong,  and  sup- 
port your  right  to  oppose  such  iniquitous  tyranny  by 
every  means  in  your  power. 

1 “ Car,  tout  ainsi  qu’  il  est  impossible  qu’  un  chariot  marche  droit, 
ayant  les  roues  mal  et  inegalement  proportionnees,  ainsi  ne  se  peult- 
il  faire  qu’  une  confederation  ne  se  rompre,  quand  il  n’  y a point  une 
egalle  obligation  de  tendre  a un  but  commun  et  general.” 

2 If  the  estates  had  no  pillars  they  would  not  talk  so  loud. 


1576] 


In  Union  there  is  Strength. 


145 


“ Finally,  let  him  see  that  you  are  united  to  us,  and 
that,  moreover,  you  intend  to  throw  yourselves  into  the 
arms  of  the  ancient  enemy  of  the  House  of  Austria 
rather  than  to  endure  further  insults.1 2 

“ Then  what  can  he  do  ? Separate  twigs  can  be 
snapped  in  two  easily,  but  no  one  is  strong  enough  to 
break  a fagot.3  Even  so,  if  you  are  firmly  united,  Spain 
and  Italy  together  will  not  be  sufficient  to  work  you  ill. 
See  what  Holland  and  Zealand  have  done  in  five  years, 
and  the  natives  who  have  held  aloof,  as  Amsterdam  and 
Utrecht,  have  wrought  us  more  injury  than  our  foreign 
foe.  What  is  our  handful  of  cities  to  all  the  Nether- 
lands ? . . . Everything  is  ready.  A touchstone 

alone  is  needed,*  and  such  a touchstone  would  be  to 
sign  a plain  declaration  of  your  rights.  With  the  publi- 
cation of  such  a declaration,  friends  would  declare  for 
you  on  every  side.  Now,  the  princes  of  Germany,  the 
gentlemen  of  France,  the  Queen  of  England,  and  all 
other  Christian  potentates  think  you  do  not  wish  help, 
because  you  do  not  help  yourselves.  Do  this,  and  the 
people  will  be  a shield  and  buckler  of  their  rights  and 
will  no  longer  ebb  and  flow  like  waves  of  the  sea.  Do 
this,  and  there  will  be  no  one  who  will  not  haste  to  your 
assistance  and  be  faithful  to  the  last  drop  of  blood.  Do 
this,  and  you  will  be  an  example  to  all  free  peoples  and 
to  all  unjust  oppressors  of  republics.” 


1 France.  This  is  good  evidence  that  the  prince’s  foreign  negotia- 
tions were  not  secret. 

2 At  about  this  time  a medal  was  struck  in  Holland,  expressing  this 
idea.  On  one  side  is  a lion  holding  a sword  and  a bundle  of  arrows 
with  the  legend  Libertas  concordia  vindicates. — Les  Huguenots,  etc., 
iv.,  100. 

3 “ II  faut  doneques  avoir  une  pierre  de  touche.” 

VOL.  11. — 10 


146 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


The  keynote  of  this  letter,  and  of  all  the  appeals 
he  sent  east,  south,  and  west,  was  “ L’union  fait  la 
force,”  the  legend  adopted  by  the  Belgian  kingdom 
when  she  separated  from  modern  Holland  in  1830. 
Iteration  of  a self-evident  truth,  backed  by  the  gen- 
eral state  of  anarchy  which  the  Spanish  mutiny  had 
induced  in  the  land,  bore  fruit.  The  general  assem- 
bly of  the  fifteen  provinces  agreed  to  allow  deputies 
to  confer  with  the  delegates  of  Holland,  Zealand, 
and  the  prince.  Ghent  was  chosen  as  the  seat  of 
this  conference,  although  the  citadel  was  in  the 
hands  of  the  Spaniards.1  On  October  nth,  letters 
of  safe-conduct  were  sent  to  the  patriot  representa- 
tives by  the  council  of  state.2  They  were  received 
at  Ghent  with  joy  by  the  deputies  of  the  states-gen- 
eral,3  and  on  October  19th  the  deliberations  began. 
Among  the  nine  delegates  from  the  prince  and  the 
two  united  states  were  St.  Aldegonde  and  the  faith- 
ful Paul  Buys.  Elbertus  Leoninus  and  three  abbots 
were  among  the  ten  delegates  from  the  fifteen 
provinces.  Orange  did  not  go  to  Ghent  himself, 
but  received  daily  reports  of  the  proceedings  at 
Middelburg. 

The  steps  towards  bridging  over  the  chasm  that 
had  opened  between  the  North  and  South  were 


1 Hoofd,  x.,  429  et  seq.  ; Bor.,  i.,  719. 

5 “ Den  elfden  van  wynmaant,  verleende  de  Raadt  van  Staate 
brieven  van  vrijgeleide.”  At  the  date  when  the  delegates  met  at 
Ghent  the  states-general  only  consisted  of  representatives  from  Flan- 
ders, Brabant,  and  Hainault.  Those  from  the  other  provinces  came 
later. 

3 “ Zy  werden  met  vreuyde  tot  Gent  ontfangen,” — Hoofd,  x.,  430. 


1576] 


Means  to  Gain  the  Union. 


147 


taken  with  the  utmost  caution.  There  was  distrust 
on  both  sides,  and  each  party  was  keenly  alive  to  the 
danger  of  a covert  attack  on  their  religion.  Two 
points  in  the  negotiations  are  noteworthy.  The 
Catholics  showed  a disposition  to  insist  on  the  res- 
toration of  orthodox  rites  everywhere,  even  in  Hol- 
land and  Zealand,  and  recognised  the  Protestants 
very  reluctantly  when  they  made  territorial  restric- 
tions ; and  Orange  stipulated  that  when  the  articles 
were  approved  by  the  delegates,  they  should  be  con- 
firmed by  the  provinces  and  the  people.  He  lost  no 
opportunity  of  trying  to  check  the  encroachments  of 
corporations,  municipalities,  and  the  power  of  the 
aristocracy  by  a democratic  balance.  The  opinion 
of  Orange  on  the  course  he  wished  pursued  is 
summed  up  as  follows  in  a memorandum  1 : 

(1)  Let  all  points  of  difference  be  put  aside,  and 
all  points  of  agreement  strengthened  by  some  form 
of  union. 

(2)  The  best  means  of  arriving  at  such  a union  is 
to  make  a confederation  or  compromise  between  the 
provinces. 

(3)  To  consult  on  some  good  and  legitimate  finan- 
cial measures  to  furnish  the  sinews  of  war. 

(4)  In  order  to  have  means  of  providing  the  land 
with  necessities,  it  will  be  needful  to  devise  means 
of  keeping  passages  open  through  which  supplies 
can  be  introduced.  As  for  example,  to  keep  on 
good  terms  with  Liege,  so  as  to  have  free  entry  into 


1 Groen,  Archives , v.(  436.  This  paper  bears  no  date.  Groen 
thinks  it  was  written  at  the  beginning  of  October. 


148 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


Germany,  and  to  see  what  can  be  done  about 
Friesland  and  Groningen,  now  in  the  power  of  the 
Spaniards. 

(5)  To  examine  immediately  the  state  of  present 
supplies  in  the  land.  It  might  be  as  well  that  all 
the  wheat  in  Liege  and  the  Walloon  country  should 
be  stored  in  fortified  cities,  such  as  Tirlemont,  Lou- 
vain, Diest,  Mechlin. 

(6)  Supply  ammunition,  etc. 

“And  since  Don  John  will  soon  come  to  proclaim 
himself  chief  of  the  Spaniards,  and  declare  null  and 
void  all  that  has  been  done  by  the  council  of  state,  it 
will  be  necessary  to  forestall  him,  to  take  the  bull  by  the 
horns,  and  to  ratify  all  acts  of  the  said  council,  and  then 
to  lodge  all  authority  in  a general  council  composed  of 
certain  distinguished  lords  and  gentlemen.” 

It  was  now  well  known  in  the  Netherlands  that 
Philip  had  appointed  Don  John,  his  young  half- 
brother,  to  succeed  Requesens.  In  October,  rumours 
were  afloat  that  this  new  governor  was  on  his  way 
to  the  Netherlands,  without  flourish  of  trumpets. 
Orange  saw  clearly  that  the  proposed  confederation 
must  be  pressed  forward  as  quickly  as  possible.  If 
nothing  were  crystallised  by  pledges,  the  faint- 
hearted could  draw  back  when  there  was  again  a 
personal  representative  of  their  sovereign  among 
them.  If,  however,  an  alliance  between  the  hitherto 
loyal  provinces  and  declared  rebels  were  signed, 
sealed,  and  consolidated,  self-defence  would  require 
all  participants  to  uphold  their  work. 


15761 


Negotiations. 


149 


Among  the  prince’s  instructions  to  his  deputies 
there  is  the  following1  of  October  26th: 

“ I would  have  liked,  for  greater  assurance,  that  Dun- 
kerque and  Eccloo  had  been  delivered  to  us,  both  for 
the  convenience  of  the  harbours,  which  are  better  in  the 
said  places  than  at  Nieuwport,  and  also,  to  tell  the  truth, 
the  said  city  of  Nieuwport  is  in  nowise  fortified,  and, 
situated  as  it  were  in  open  country,  it  can  not  be  counted 
as  a seaport.  All  which  makes  me  urge  you  to  insist  as 
well  as  you  can  on  getting  Eccloo  and  Dunkerque,  so 
that  I could  be  nearer  Ghent.  You  will  be  in  a better 
position  to  do  this,  as  the  estates  assembled  at  Brussels 
have  again  written  to  the  four  members  of  Flanders,  that 
for  the  welfare  of  the  country  they  wish  an  accord  with 
us  as  soon  as  possible.  Nevertheless,  if  you  can  not  get 
any  other  place  than  Nieuwport,  see  that  there  is  a pro- 
vision that  we  shall  be  perfectly  free  to  fortify  it  within 
and  without,  and  even  sur  la  teste  and  elsewhere,  as 
seems  best  for  our  safety.” 

Two  days  later,  Orange  wrote 3 again  to  urge  haste 
in  concluding  the  confederation,  and  on  the  follow- 
ing day  again,  to  express  his  fear  that  the  negotia- 
tions are  not  being  carried  on  in  perfect  sincerity : 
“ If  they  act  with  more  delay  than  is  necessary,  it  is 
enough  to  make  us  suspect  that  we  are  not  treated 
a la  Flamande , but  a V Italienne  and  a V Espagnolle." 

During  the  peaceable  parleying  at  Ghent,  the 
Spanish  mutineers  were  pursuing  their  unpeaceable 
way.  On  October  20th,  Maestricht  fell  into  their 
hands  and  suffered  as  horribly  as  though  it  had  been 


1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  464. 
8 Ibid. , 467. 


William  the  Silent \ 


t1576 


150 

captured  in  regular  warfare.1  Antwerp  was  the  next 
place  on  which  interest  was  centred.  It  was  one  of 
the  richest  cities  in  Europe,  and  the  soldiers  looked 
forward  to  its  plunder.  The  strong  citadel  was  in 
the  hands  of  the  regular  Spanish  troops  who  had 
not  allied  themselves  with  the  mutineers.  Sancho 
d’Avila  was  in  command,  and  his  authority  was 
backed  by  J ulian  Romero,  and  de  Roda,  the  late  mem- 
ber of  the  council  of  state.  This  latter  considered 
himself  the  embodiment  of  the  king’s  authority  until 
the  arrival  of  the  new  governor,  and  was  naturally 
far  more  inclined  for  an  alliance  with  the  mutineers 
than  with  the  united  Netherlanders.  The  city  itself 
was  under  Champagny,  Granvelle’s  brother,  and  its 
defence  was  a body  of  German  troops  under  Colonel 
van  Ende  and  Count  Oberstein.  The  former  was 
quite  ready  to  join  the  mutiny,  and  the  latter  was 
drawn  into  a plot  for  so  doing  by  treachery.2  It  be- 
came evident  at  Brussels  that  Antwerp  was  seriously 
menaced,  and  the  Marquis  of  Havrd,  brother  to  the 
Duke  of  Aerschot,  led  a force  of  Walloons  and  Ger- 
mans to  the  rescue.  In  his  train  were  de  Heze  and 
Philip,  son  of  Count  Egmont,  besides  a number  of 
other  young  and  reckless  nobles.3 

Champagny  was  a staunch  Catholic,  but  he  was 
also  a sturdy  Netherlander  and  had  evinced  his  will- 
ingness to  fraternise  with  the  Protestants,  if  a coali- 
tion could  be  made  against  the  Spaniards  whom  he 
hated  bitterly,  and  he  had  already  opened  a friendly 

1 Hoofd,  x.,  429. 

2 Motley,  iii.,  98  ; Hoofd,  x.,  430  et  seq. 

3 Bor,  i.,  722. 


1576] 


The  Spanish  Fury. 


I5i 


correspondence  with  the  prince.  When  the  troops 
arrived  from  Brussels,  he  hesitated  at  admitting  so 
large  a foreign  body  within  the  city  walls.  It  was 
impossible  just  then  to  gauge  the  temper  of  any  sol- 
diers accurately,  but  the  Antwerp  burghers  hailed 
the  marquis  as  a deliverer  from  the  threatening  cita- 
del, and  insisted  on  the  admission  of  his  men.  On 
November  2d,1  accordingly,  with  Champagny’s  reluc- 
tant consent,  de  Havre  marched  in.  He  brought 
with  him  a bundle  of  intercepted  letters  between 
d’Avila,  the  commander  of  the  citadel,  and  the  muti- 
neer leaders  in  various  parts  of  the  country.  No 
doubt  was  left  of  the  treachery  and  manifest  inten- 
tion of  the  Spanish  leaders  to  betray  the  people  to 
the  army.  A desperate  effort  was  made  to  erect 
some  kind  of  a fortification  to  oppose  the  castle,  but 
the  new  troops  were  ill  disciplined,  and  the  main 
work  was  accomplished  by  the  volunteer  efforts  of 
the  burghers,  though,  finally,  nearly  everything  was 
intrusted  to  Champagny  and  to  his  personal  servants. 
By  daybreak  it  was  evident  that  there  had  been  an 
accession  of  troops  in  the  citadel.  At  10  o’clock 
another  troop  of  2000  mutineers  from  Alost,  were 
seen  arriving  there.  The  smell  of  blood  and  the 
prospect  of  plunder  had  filled  them  with  a Berseker 
rage.  They  had  easily  made  the  twenty-four  miles 
between  Alost  and  Antwerp  since  three  o’clock  of 
that  November  morning.  Scornfully  rejecting  Avila’s 
offer  of  refreshments,  with  the  statement  that  they 
would  have  a good  supper  in  Antwerp,  or  in  another 


1 Iloofd,  x.,  432. 


152 


William,  the  Silent . 


[1576 


world,  they  were  ready  to  rush  on,1  and  in  an  hour 
the  whole  force,  armed  to  the  teeth,  issued  from  the 
citadel,  delaying  a moment  to  offer  fervent  prayers 
to  the  Virgin,  and  leaving  hardly  a man  on  guard, 
so  confident  were  they  of  complete  success. 

Champagny,  meanwhile,  ordered  the  captains  to 
draw  up  all  the  available  troops  in  the  Horse-market, 
to  which  were  added  all  citizens  capable  of  bearing 
arms,  and  the  governor,  unwearied  from  his  night’s 
work,  rode  along  the  line  with  cheering  words.  The 
first  onslaught  of  the  Spaniards  revealed  the  utter 
weakness  of  the  bulwark.  It  crumbled  like  dust  be- 
fore the  veterans’  charge.  In  the  meke  the  muti- 
neers’ leader,  the  so-called  Eletto , was  slain,  but  the 
fury  of  the  onslaught  did  not  slacken.  The  Walloon 
soldiers  lost  heart  and  fell  back,  and  the  Germans 
were  unable  to  reanimate  their  courage.  Cham- 
pagny put  himself  at  the  head  of  a small  troop  and 
tried  to  rally  the  broken  ranks,  but  it  was  useless. 
Broken  courage  cannot  be  easily  mended,  and  the 
retreat,  once  begun,  went  on  in  full  disarray.  Then 
Champagny — who  showed  himself  of  good  metal 
that  day  2— galloped  through  the  streets  and  called 
on  the  citizens  to  defend  their  homes.  They  did 
indeed  fight,  tooth  and  nail,  but  it  was  useless ; the 
Spaniards  were  in  the  city  and  panic  was  rife.  The 
Germans  died  hard,  but  die  they  had  to,  and  the 
tangled  mob  of  fugitives  and  conquerors,  Spaniards, 


' Maar  hun  antwoordt  was(een  zeldtzaame  fierheit)  zy  wilden’t  laa- 
ten  deurstan,  op  een  goedt  aavondmaal,  te  houden  in  d’andre  weerelt 
oft  binnen  Antwerpen.  Hoofd,  x. , 435. 

2 Ibid. 

t 


1576] 


Result  of  Spanish  Fury. 


153 


Walloons,  Germans,  and  burghers,  struggling,  shout- 
ing, striking,  cursing,  praying,  and  dying,  swayed 
hither  and  thither  like  a stormy  sea.1 * 

Champagny  held  on  bravely  till  he  saw  the  game 
was  entirely  up,  and  then  succeeded  in  escaping  to 
the  fleet  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.3  Havrd  did  like- 
wise, but  Oberstein  was  weighed  down  by  the  weight 
of  his  armour  and  was  drowned.  The  carnage  that 
followed  was  horrible  and  brutal  beyond  measure. 
All  those  still  resisting  were  butchered  or  shoved 
back  into  the  Scheldt.  Women,  children,  and  old 
men  were  killed  ruthlessly  in  countless  numbers,  the 
whole  tale  of  the  dead  being  reported  as  8000. 
The  thirst  for  gold  grew  as  it  was  slaked,  and  life 
was  nothing  compared  to  coin.  A wild  fury  raged, 
and  the  massacre  stands  out  from  its  fellows  as 
the  Spanish  Fury.  Antwerp  was  long  in  recovering 
from  that  day.3  Contrary  to  the  usages  of  war,  the 
foreign  merchants  were  spared  no  more  than  the 
Flemings. 

The  numbers  of  the  slain  are  variously  given,  but, 
undoubtedly,  more  were  massacred  than  at  St.  Bar- 
tholomew, while  the  Spanish  loss  was  limited  to  a 
few  hundred, — two  hundred  being  the  largest  num- 
ber mentioned  by  any  authority.  Wild  indignation 
was  felt  through  the  land  at  this  result  of  the  repu- 
table Spanish  leaders  again  coalescing  with  the 


1 Hoofd,  x.,  436. 

3 Nov.  4th,  Groen,  Archives , v.,  484. 

3 The  establishment  of  an  English  merchant  house  at  Hamburg  has 
already  been  mentioned.  From  this  date  on,  Hamburg  commerce 
flourished. 


i54 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


outlawed  mutineers.  The  estates  of  Brabant  ad- 
dressed an  appeal  to  the  states-general  urging  imme- 
diate action  : 

“ It  is  notorious  that  Antwerp  was  but  yesterday  the  first 
and  principal  ornament  of  all  Europe,  the  refuge  of  all  the 
nations  of  the  world,  the  nurse  of  all  arts  and  industries  ; 
. . . the  protector  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion,  she 

was  ever  faithful  and  obedient  to  her  sovereign  prince 
and  lord.  The  city  is  now  changed  to  a gloomy  cavern, 
filled  with  robbers  and  murderers,  enemies  to  God,  to 
the  king,  and  to  all  good  subjects.”  1 2 

Then  followed  an  appeal  for  redress,  and  a special 
recommendation  that  a general  edict  should  be 
passed  forbidding  the  exportation  of  goods  in  any 
form  from  Antwerp,  together  with  the  concession  to 
the  proprietors  of  the  right  of  reclaiming  their  stolen 
property,  summarily,  whenever  and  wheresoever  it 
might  be  found. 

On  November  8th,’  the  debating  deputies  at 
Ghent,  spurred  on  by  the  blood-curdling  Spanish 
Fury,  brought  their  deliberations  to  a close,  and 
signed  twenty-five  articles  of  confederation,  which 
were  known  as  the  Pacification  of  Ghent.  This  was 
an  immense  triumph  for  the  Prince  of  Orange.  The 
treaty  was  a masterpiece  of  diplomacy.  Prejudices 

1 Bor,  i.,  733. 

2 Op  den  aclitsten  daagh  van  slaghtmaant  des  jaars  vyftienhondert 
zessen-zeventigh. — Hoofd,  x.,  443. 

Evidently  they  reached  a conclusion  on  October  28th,  as  is  shown 
by  a letter  of  November  1st,  from  the  prince  to  Count  John,  but  the 
document  was  not  signed  till  November  8th. 


1576] 


The  Pacification  Signed. 


155 


were  considered,  non-essential  points  yielded  or  set 
aside,  and  the  all-essential  point  of  union  to  gain  the 
strength  lacked  by  the  individual  contractors  was 
attained.  Two  important  articles  of  the  treaty  were 
the  third  and  fourth,  providing  that  the  inhabitants 
of  both  sections  should  have  full  liberty  of  going 
where  they  pleased  for  purposes  of  trade,  etc.,  and 
that  all  placards  on  religion  should  be  suspended 
until  otherwise  ordered  by  the  states-general.  There 
was  to  be  a convocation  of  the  states-general  on  the 
basis  of  the  assembly  before  which  Charles  V.  had 
abdicated,  in  which  all  points  should  be  settled. 
The  prince  was  to  remain  lieutenant,  admiral,  and 
general  for  his  Majesty,  in  Holland,  Zealand,  and 
the  associated  places,  until  otherwise  provided  by 
the  states-general.  Cities  and  places  in  the  prince’s 
commission  which  did  not  acknowledge  his  authority 
should  receive  satisfaction  from  him  as  to  religion, 
etc.,  before  accepting  the  union.  All  prisoners, 
and  Count  de  Buren  by  name,  should  be 
freed  without  ransom.  All  estates,  not  already 
alienated,  should  be  returned,  and  all  confis- 
cations since  1566,  declared  null  and  void.  The 
Countess  Palatine,  widow  of  Brederode,  and  Count 
de  Buren,  Orange’s  son,  were  expressly  named  in 
this  provision.  Prelates  and  ecclesiastics  who  had 
suffered  confiscation  in  Holland  and  Zealand  should 
be  re-imbursed  in  all  cases  where  the  property  could 
not  be  restored.  The  states-general  might  decide 
whether  to  assume  the  debt  incurred  by  the  prince 
in  his  two  campaigns.  Provinces  and  cities  should 
not  have  the  benefit  of  this  union  till  they  had 


156 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


signed  the  treaty,  but  they  might  sign  whenever 
they  wished. 

Aldegonde  and  eight  other  commissioners  gave 
their  signature  in  behalf  of  the  prince  and  the  two 
provinces  as  party  of  the  one  part,  and  Elbertus 
Leoninus,  with  deputies  from  Hainault,  Valenciennes, 
Lille,  Douay,  Orchies,  Namur,  Tournay,  Utrecht,1 2 
as  parties  of  the  second  part.  It  was  an  advance  in 
toleration  for  the  fifteen  provinces  to  ally  themselves 
with  heretics  as  such,  and  to  consent,  moreover,  that 
that  heresy  should  be  hedged  in  with  safeguards. 
The  old  imperial  edicts  were  abolished.  Private 
reformed  worship  was  to  be  allowed  in  the  Catholic 
provinces,  and  Catholic  rites  could  not  be  forbidden 
in  Holland  and  Zealand. 

The  announcement  of  the  Pacification  was  received 
with  universal  joy  throughout  the  provinces,  as  it 
seemed  to  promise  freedom  from  the  irksome  Spanish 
yoke.  Cannon  were  fired  and  bonfires  lighted.  In 
Holland  and  Zealand  it  was  published  with  the  fol- 
lowing formula 3 : 

“ As  God  has  wrought  a union  between  the  provinces, 
long  separated  by  discord  and  the  Spanish  war,  let  it 
now  be  known  to  one  and  all,  that  a good,  fast,  and  un- 
breakable peace  is  made  between  the  states  of  the  lands 
of  Brabant,  Artois,  Flanders,  Hainault,  Valenciennes, 
Yssel,  Douay,  Orchies,  Namur,  Tournay,  Utrecht,  and 
Mechlin,  in  behalf  of  the  same  lands,  cities,  and  villages 
therein,  not  being  under  the  subjection  or  power  of  the 


1 Bor,  i.,  739. 

2 Ibid.,  741. 


THE  PACIFICATION  OF  GHENT,  1577.  (Redrawn  from  a contemporaneous  print.") 

The  provinces  are  shown  safe  within  an  enclosure  symbolising  the  Pacification.  The  Belgian  lion 

guards  the  entrance. 


1576] 


Oath  of  Allegiance. 


157 


aforesaid  Spaniards,  on  the  one  side,  and  my  lord  the 
Prince  of  Orange,  with  the  states  of  Holland  and 
Zealand  on  the  other  ; all  ...  of  whom  shall  duly 
observe  the  stipulations  therein  contained.  It  is  under- 
stood that  this  does  not  include  Harlem,  Amsterdam, 
Schoonhoven,  Oudewater,  and  all  other  cities  1 of  Hol- 
land in  the  possession  of  foreign  garrisons.  It  is  for- 
bidden to  have  any  trade  or  intercourse  with  such  cities 
until  they  have  come  to  an  agreement  with  the  states- 
general,  and  have  fulfilled  their  obligations.” 

It  was  further  decreed  in  another  proclamation 
(issued  at  Delft,  Decembers,  1576)  that  all  fugitives 
from  the  above  cities  to  those  which  had  accepted 
the  Pacification,  should  be  required  to  take  the  fol- 
lowing oath  a : 

I swear  to  be  true  to  the  king,  as  Count  of  Holland, 
under  the  government  of  the  Prince  of  Orange  as  lawful 
stadtholder,  governor,  and  captain-general,  as  well  as  to 
the  states-general  of  the  same  lands.  I swear 

(1)  That  I shall  help  to  the  utmost  of  my  power  to  re- 

instate the  above-named  states  and  lands  of  Holland,  and 
to  drive  the  Spaniards  not  only  from  Holland,  but  from 
all  the  Netherland  provinces.  . . . 

(2)  That  I shall  obey  all  ordinances  and  political  com- 
mands of  the  states-general,  of  his  Excellency,  and  the 
states  of  Holland  to  the  furtherance  of  common  affairs, 
and  be  concerned  in  no  secret  plots  to  the  injury  of  the 
state  of  Holland  or  of  the  prince. 

(3)  That  I shall  neither  by  word  nor  deed  do  any- 
thing against  the  reformed  religion,  at  least  in  Holland 


1 Weesp,  Muiden,  and  Naarden. 
s Oath  of  December  8,  1576. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


158 


and  Zealand  . . . nor  practise,  nor  introduce,  any 

other  religion  into  the  land  than  what  is  permitted  by 
the  authorities  and  by  the  states  . . . until  other- 

wise ordered  by  the  advice  of  the  states-general  law- 
fully convened. 

(4)  That  I will  uphold  all  the  points  of  the  treaty  made 
on  November  8th,  at  Ghent,  by  the  states  of  Brabant, 
Flanders,  and  other  provinces  of  the  Netherlands  with 
his  Excellency  and  the  states  of  Holland  and  Zealand. 

So  help  me  God  and  His  holy  writ. 

The  Prince  of  Orange  objected  to  burdening  every 
new-comer  with  so  heavy  an  oath,  and  thought  it 
was  enough  for  both  sides  to  promise  to  keep  the 
treaty.  But  the  resolution  was  carried  by  the 
states. 

Thus  the  whole  united  strength  of  the  seventeen 
provinces  was  now  free  to  drive  the  Spanish  army 
from  the  soil,  even  if  they  retained  a Spaniard’s  rule. 
This  was  really  the  work  of  the  man  who  had  not 
personally  assisted  at  the  deliberations  of  Ghent. 
Without  him  the  thing  would  have  been  impossible. 

This  appearance  of  unanimity  among  the  divided 
Netherlands1  led  to  one  important  result  immedi- 
ately. Mondragon,  who  was  holding  Zierikzee,  was 
deserted  by  his  troops,  and  the  whole  island  of 
Schouwen,  except  Tholen,  was  retaken  by  Hohen- 
lohe.  On  November  1st,  in  a letter2  to  Count  John, 
the  prince  says : 

'On  Christmas  Day,  1576,  the  University  of  Louvain  approved 
this  treaty  and  declared  that  it  did  not  endanger  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion. 

2 Groen,  Archives , v. , 470. 


15761 


Charlotte  to  Francois  of  Bourbon.  1 59 


“ Our  deputies,  who  have  spent  a fortnight  at  Ghent, 
have  wrought  so  well  that,  by  the  grace  of  God,  peace 
was  concluded  between  us  and  the  other  provinces,  the 
28th  of  last  month.  The  items  have  not  yet  been  sent 
me.  I expect  them  hourly  and  will  let  you  know  all 
. . . The  Spaniards  still  hold  some  fortified  places  and 
are  trying  to  get  possession  of  Antwerp,  which  God  for- 
bid, for  that  would  mean  complete  ruin  to  the  city.  We 
shall  have  plenty  of  work  to  clear  the  land,  but  I hope 
when  it  is  seen  that  the  country  is  united,  and  the  soldiers 
are  gone  that  the  game  will  soon  be  thrown  up,”  1 

During  the  progress  of  these  events,  Orange  had 
not  let  French  negotiations  drop.  He  dispatched 
letters  to  Anjou,  to  Henry  of  Navarre,  and  to  vari- 
ous nobles  of  high  degree.  Though  all  of  Charlotte’s 
family  had  not  been  pleased  with  her  marriage,  the 
prince  had  succeeded  in  establishing  affectionate  re- 
lations with  her  only  brother,  Frangois.  Charlotte, 
too,  exerted  herself  in  this  matter.  On  October  10th, 
she  wrote2  as  affectionate  a letter  to  her  brother  as 
sixteenth-century  epistolary  style  permitted,  wishing 
that  she  could  show  him  her  little  daughter,  of  whom 
M.  de  la  Beosse  will  give  him  good  accounts. 

1 In  the  Apology  (p.  120  et  seq),  the  prince  speaks  very  bitterly  of 

the  difficulties  he  encountered  in  making  this  treaty.  “ En  ce  temps, 
messieurs,  fust  traictee  et  conclue  la  Pacification  de  Gand  avecq  une 
si  grande  joie  et  contentement  du  peuple, — qu’il  n’est  memoire 
d’homme  qui  puisse  se  souvenir  d’une  pareille.  Un  chacun  se  peult 
souvenir  des  promesses  mutuelles  d’amitie,  etc.  Mais  quoi  ? Ceus 
mesmes  qui  ont  bien  faict  depuis  cognoistre  quelle  estoit  la  malice 
inveteree  de  leur  coeur  . . . en  la  traictant  jettoient  a la  traverse 

tous  les  empeschmens  a eus  possibles  pour  la  faire  mourir  en  herbe.” 

2 Groen,  Archives , v.,  422. 


i6o 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


“ For  the  rest,  monsieur  will  tell  you  the  state  of  the 
land  ; at  present  there  is  a new  treaty  of  peace  with  the 
estates  and  other  Catholic  seigniors  of  Brabant,  Flanders, 
and  Hainault,  from  which  we  expect  a good  issue.  The 
prince,  your  brother,  has  already  sent  some  companies  to 
aid  Ghent  against  the  Spaniards,  who,  having  taken  pos- 
session of  several  places,  give  considerable  trouble,  so 
that  it  is  very  necessary  for  us  to  be  united  to  resist 
Spanish  oppression  more  effectually.  We,  privately,  are 
more  hopeful  than  we  have  been  before  because  we  keep 
gaining  something  on  the  enemy,  as  M.  de  la  Beosse  will 
tell  you  at  length.” 

Among  the  letters  from  Germany  at  this  epoch  is 
the  following,  from  the  prince’s  eldest  daughter 
Marie.1  It  is  written  when  affairs  began  to  look 
more  hopeful,  but  before  the  Pacification  was 
formed  : 

“ Monsieur,  my  well  loved  Father  : On  the  12th  I 

received  your  letter  that  you  were  kind  enough  to  write 
me.  I was,  I assure  you,  very  happy  to  have  news  of 
you  and  to  hear  that  you  and  madame  were  well.  . . . 

As  to  my  uncle  and  aunt,  I do  not  know  what  to  tell 
you,  except  that  they  are  in  good  health  and  we  are  all 
here  with  Count  Albert,  hunting,  where  we  have  shot  a 
goodly  number  of  stags.  I only  wish  Monsieur  were 
here,  so  that  you  2 might  have  a little  pastime,  for  I am 
sure  you  have  none,  only  a great  deal  of  business  and 
annoyance  \rompement  de  teste ],  which  grieves  me  when- 
ever I think  of  it,  but  I hope  by  the  grace  of  God  that 

1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  428. 

2 Marie  changes  continually  from  the  formal  third  to  the  second 
person. 


1576] 


Family  News. 


1 6 1 


He  will  soon  deliver  you  as  I pray  Him  from  the  bottom 
of  my  heart. 

“ I am  also  glad  to  hear  from  your  letter  that  affairs 
go  better  in  Brabant.  I hope  this  improvement  will  con- 
tinue and  that  God  may  soon  grant  a good  firm  peace, 
which  I heartily  wish,  so  as  to  see  monsieur  and  madame 
one  day  in  quiet  and  repose.  Moreover,  as  monsieur 
has  also  written  me  about  our  steward  and  others  who 
have  charge  of  my  brother  Maurice,  telling  me  to  give 
them  what  seems  proper,  I do  not  know  just  what  to  do. 
I am  afraid  of  giving  too  much  or  too  little.  I wish  you 
had  told  me  exactly  how  much,  but  as  you  did  not  I will 
ask  my  uncle  what  he  thinks  I should  give  and  will  act 
in  accordance  with  his  advice.  It  will  not  be  money 
thrown  away,  for  certainly  the  steward  takes  great  pains, 
and  as  far  as  I hear  Maurice  is  behaving  very  well.  I 
hope  all  will  continue  thus. 

“Your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  daughter  until 
death. 

“Marie  of  Nassau. 

“From  Otweiller  in  Welterich. 

“ Oct.  15,  1576. 

“ My  sister  Anne  begs  me  to  give  her  humble  respects. 
She  would  have  written  too,  but  it  was  impossible,  as  she 
is  suffering  from  a severe  headache.” 

The  old  Countess  Juliana,  too,  did  not  lose  her  in- 
terest in  the  progress  of  Netherland  events,  with  her 
advancing  age.  She  often  took  advantage  of  John’s 
messengers  to  send  a loving  message  to  her  eldest 
son,  whom  she  addressed  respectfully  as  “ High-born 
prince,  heart-dearest  sir,”  though  in  the  midst  of  her 
formal  phrases  a tender  expression  sometimes  creeps 

VOL.  II. — IO 

5 


162 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


in.  In  a note  of  October  26th,1  she  congratulates 
him  on  the  brighter  outlook,  and  says  she  will  not 
burden  him  with  lengthy  letters,  but  ventures  to  in- 
form him  of  an  interesting  family  event  in  the  house- 
hold of  her  daughter  Juliana,  wife  of  Count  Albert 
Schwarzburg,  “ to  whom  I am  going  in  a few  days.” 
Thus  in  the  midst  of  absorbing  state  affairs,  with  their 
fluctuations  of  hope  and  fear,  there  come  these  little 
glimpses  of  home  life. 


1 Groen,  Archives , v. , 449. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

DON  JOHN  OF  AUSTRIA  AND  THE  PRINCE  OF 
ORANGE. 


1576-1577. 


§HILE  the  northern  territories  under 
Philip’s  sovereignty,  were  taking  their 
own  precautions  to  preserve  them- 
selves from  a state  of  anarchy  and 
confusion,  that  monarch  was  slowly 
coming  to  the  point  of  executing  the 
scheme  of  government  upon  which  he 
had  really  resolved  within  two  months  after  the 
death  of  Requesens.  In  the  spring  of  1576,  he  had 
appointed  his  half-brother,  Don  John  of  Austria, 
Lieutenant-General  and  Governor  of  the  Nether- 
lands. 1 This  youngest  and  most  brilliant  child  of 


1 “Aldus  standen  de  saken  der  Nederlanden  in  desen  tijde  als  men, 
terstand  na  het  maken  van  dese  pacificatie,  quam  te  verstaen  en  te 
vernemen  dat  de  Conink  van  Spangien  in  der  haeste  en  te  poste,  sec- 
retelijk  Don  Johan  d’Austria  zijne  bastaert  broeder  . . . na 

het  Nederland  voor  Gouverneur-Generael  gesonden  hadde.”  Bor 
[ii. , 742]  says  further,  that  Don  John  went  to  see  the  king  eat  in 
Paris,  out  of  pure  curiosity,  and  Charles  thought  he  was  Gonzaga’s 
servant.  See  also  Gachard,  Cor.  de  Philippe  //.,  v.,  51  et  al. 

163 


164 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


Charles  V.  was  bom  in  1545,  at  Ratisbon,  his  mother 
being  one  Barbara  Blomberg,  a peasant  of  low  birth. 
The  boy  was  taken  to  Spain  in  his  infancy  and  brought 
up  secretly  by  Louis  Quixada,  a member  of  the  impe- 
rial household.  In  his  twelfth  year  he  was  publicly 
acknowledged  by  Philip  as  the  emperor’s  son,  and 
completed  his  education  with  his  two  nephews, 
Alexander  Farnese  and  Don  Carlos.  1 In  appearance 
he  did  not  in  the  least  resemble  the  illustrious  side 
of  his  house,  being  one  of  the  handsomest  youths 
ever  known  in  Europe.  Philip  destined  him  for  the 
Church,  but  this  prospect  did  not  suit  Don  John’s 
daring,  adventurous,  and  chivalric  spirit.  Pie  ac- 
tually succeeded  in  braving  his  royal  brother’s  will 
and  in  following  his  own  desires.  Probably  the  sin- 
gular personal  fascination  which  he  exercised  towards 
young  and  old  aided  him  in  winning  the  king  to  his 
way  of  thinking,2  and  Philip  allowed  him  to  assume 
a helmet  instead  of  a cowl,  and  entrusted  him  with 
the  command  of  an  expedition  against  the  Moors  in 
Granada,  when  he  was  but  twenty-three  years  of  age. 
Brilliant  success  crowned  this  maiden  venture,  al- 
though, unfortunately,  the  victory  was  stained  by 
terrible  cruelty. 

Meantime  the  Turks  fell  on  Venice  and  threatened 
the  safety  of  all  Italy.  Don  John  was  dispatched  to 


1 His  relations  with  the  royal  heir  were  not  harmonious.  In  a boy- 
ish dispute  Don  John  said  contemptuously  that  he  had  a better  father 
than  Don  Carlos,  a remark  which  Philip  never  forgave. 

2 In  comparing  him  to  Alexander  Farnese,  Strada  (i.,  p.  615)  says  : 

“Longe  anteibat  Austriacus  et  corporis  habitudine  et  morum  suavite. 
. . . Eminebat  in  adolescente  comitas,  industria,  probitas.” 


DON  JOHN  OF  AUSTRIA. 
(From  an  old  engraving.) 


1576] 


Don  John. 


165 

repulse  them  and  gained  a naval  battle  in  the  bay  of 
Lepanto,  as  much  by  luck  as  by  skill.  Europe  was 
in  constant  trepidation  lest  the  Turkish  empire 
should  be  extended,  and  the  news  of  this  check  to 
their  advances  was  received  everywhere  with  ex- 
travagant joy.  The  fact  that  nearly  as  many  Chris- 
tians as  Moslems  were  numbered  among  the  dead 
was  not  taken  into  account.  It  was  a famous  vic- 
tory and  the  young  hero  was  almost  idolised  for  his 
achievement. 

Philip  was  not  altogether  pleased  with  the  adora- 
tion lavished  on  his  protege,  and  he  quickly  recalled 
him,  lest  the  laurels  of  success  might  give  more  glory 
to  the  youngest  son  of  Charles  V.  than  the  golden 
crown  to  his  eldest. 

The  youth  was  full  of  all  kinds  of  romantic 
schemes.  Among  other  adventurous  plans,  he 
dreamed  of  rescuing  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  from  her 
English  prison,  marrying  her,  and  then  proclaiming 
her  Queen  of  United  Britain,  with  himself  as  king- 
consort.  In  the  autumn  of  1576,  he  was  in  Italy. 
The  above  scheme  was  running  in  his  head  when  he 
was  informed  of  his  appointment  to  the  governor- 
ship of  the  Netherlands,  and  this  seemed  a step  in  the 
direction  of  accomplishing  his  desires.  He  hastened 
joyfully  back  to  Spain  for  orders,  and  then  proceeded 
on  his  journey,  in  a manner  rather  befitting  the 
romantic  Richard  Cceur  de  Lion,  than  a sober  regent 
of  modern  times.  He  disguised  himself  as  a Moor, 
and  his  whole  escort  consisted  of  a devoted  friend, 
Ottavio  Gonzaga,  six  men-at-arms,  and  a courier. 
The  leader  of  the  band,  in  his  counterfeit  present- 


William  the  Silent. 


11576 


1 66 


ment  of  dusky  color,  posed  as  Gonzaga’s  servant. 
They  stopped  one  night  in  Paris,  where  Don  John 
had  an  interview  with  Guise,  and  discussed  his  mar- 
riage with  Mary  Stuart.  It  is  said  that  he  contrived 
to  attend  a ball  at  the  Louvre,  where  he  saw  Mar- 
garet of  Valois,  and  straightway  fell  a victim  to  her 
charms. 

On  November  2d,  six  days  before  the  signatures 
were  given  to  the  Pacification  of  Ghent,  he  arrived 
at  Luxemburg,1  within  the  confines  of  the  territory 
confided  to  his  jurisdiction.  Here  he  washed  off  his 
disfiguring  dye,  and  appeared  in  his  fair-skinned, 
blue-eyed,  and  fair-haired  beauty. 

How  the  floating  rumours  of  his  appointment, 
which  preceded  his  arrival,  induced  Orange  to  urge 
forward  the  completion  of  the  treaty,  has  been 
related.  It  was  evident  that  Philip  had  no  further 
intention  of  fighting  with  Alva’s  methods,  and  the 
very  fact  that  Don  John  was  thought  to  be  coming 
as  a mediator,  made  Orange  more  eager  to  form  a 
union  while  the  new  regent  was  still  an  unknown 
quantity. 

The  prince  was  but  twelve  years  older  than  this 
brilliant  young  man,  who  seemed  the  very  personifi- 
cation of  the  youth  that  Orange  had  left  behind 
him.  William  of  Nassau  was,  to  be  sure,  only  forty- 
three  years  old,  but,  as  he  portrayed  himself,  he  was 
already  calvns  et  calvinist  a,  an  old  man  before  his 
time. 

The  government  at  Brussels  sent  a greeting  to 

1 He  had  ridden  1500  miles  in  eight  days. — Les  Huguenots , etc., 
iv.,  169. 


1576]  The  Prince  Unwilling  to  visit  Brussels.  167 


Don  John.  At  the  same  time  there  was  some  at- 
tempt to  persuade  Orange  to  come  to  the  capital, 
and  publicly  take  the  helm,  which  his  hand  was,  in 
reality,  directing  from  a distance.  He  was  unwilling 
to  do  this  until  an  invitation  was  extended  to  him  by 
the  states-general.  He  did  not  wish  to  put  full  faith 
in  his  allies  until  they  had  shown  what  was  to  be 
their  policy  towards  the  Spaniards.  In  answer  to  St. 
Aldegonde’s  entreaty  that  he  should  go  to  Brussels, 
he  wrote  1 2 : 

“ Monsieur  de  St.  Aldegonde  : 

“ Since  your  departure,  I have  received  letters  from  M. 
de  Bersele,  M.  de  Liesfelt,  and  from  Theron  . . . They 
all  think  it  requisite  for  me  to  come  to  Brussels,  judging 
that  my  presence  would  go  far  towards  putting  affairs  in 
good  train  ...  I wish  nothing  more  than  the  welfare 
of  the  country  and  of  the  estates  . . . but  the  present 
situation  is  ambiguous,  and  some  of  those  who  have 
leanings  rather  in  favour  of  the  Spanish  party  than  of 
the  country,  are  trying  by  all  kinds  of  underhand 
methods  to  cause  dissensions  in  the  said  estates,  and 
those  would  be  the  very  people  to  find  something  to  bite 
at  in  my  presence  in  Brussels,  both  on  account  of  our 
religious  differences,  and  of  other  things.  I began  to 
write  out  my  reasons  to  M.  de  Liesfelt,  but  having 
changed  my  mind,  think  it  better  to  send  you  the  begin- 
ning of  the  letter.  You  two  can  then  consult  with  other 
good  friends,  and  send  me  your  opinion  before  I resolve 
on  the  journey.11  . . . 

“ I have  seen  the  letter  which  the  states-general  sent 


1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  532. 

2 There  are  many  erasures  in  this  letter. 


1 68 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


to  Don  John  by  M.  de  Rassenghien,  and  consider  it  very 
inadequate.  I preferred  the  draft  M.  de  Liesfelt  sent 
me.  Ask  him  to  show  that  to  you.  It  would  be  well  to 
warn  these  lords  and  estates  that,  notwithstanding  the 
treaty  which  may  be  a fact  with  Don  John,  they  would 
be  wise  to  make  provision  for  self-defence  while  they 
have  leisure,  so  as  to  be  safe  if  the  king  take  the  offen- 
sive. . . . On  the  other  hand,  as  I constantly  fear 

lest  the  other  estates  may,  at  the  instigation  of  ill  wishers, 
separate  themselves  from  the  states  of  Brabant,  or  even 
from  the  Brussels  citizens,  it  might  be  a good  scheme  to 
depute  some  of  their  own  burghers  to  discuss  matters 
with  all  the  most  friendly  cities,  so  that  if  any  demand 
be  made,  the  actions  may  be  unanimous,  otherwise 
there  may  be  some  hitch  in  the  proceedings.  If  you  see 
that  they  insist  on  my  coming,  try  to  make  it  a general 
movement,  participated  in  both  by  all  the  estates  and 
the  council  of  state. 

“ November  23,  1576.” 

The  prince  delayed  in  showing  himself  in  Brussels, 
but  before  the  date  of  this  letter  he  had  sent  some 
of  his  own  troops  thither,  and  thus,  in  a manner,  was 
preparing  for  his  entry.  One  Oliver  van  den  Tern- 
pel,  thus  reports  the  arrival  of  Orange’s  soldiers  in 
the  capital 1 : 

“ Monseigneur  : We  entered  the  city  on  the  22d  in- 
stant, with  ten  ensigns,  much  against  the  wish  of  the 
Duke  of  Aerschot,  but  with  the  hearty  consent  of  M.  de 
Heze  and  of  the  people,  who  began  to  riot  and  to  say 
that  they  would  force  an  entry.  We  have  followed  the 


1 Groen,  Archives , v.,  540. 


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FAC-SIMILES  OF  LETTERS  AND  AUTOGRAPHS. 

(1)  Letter  of  Orange  to  Marnix  with  his  erasures.  Signatures  : (2)  Philip  William,  Count  of  Buren.  (3)  Juliana  of  Nassau.  (4)  Philip,  Count  of  Ho- 

henlohoe.  (5)  Duke  of  Anjou.  (6)  Archduke  Matthias. 


1576] 


The  Demands  of  the  States. 


169 


advice  of  M.  de.  St.  Aldegonde,  and  as  there  were  no 
quarters  ready  for  us  on  our  arrival,  I lodged  with  three 
companies  in  the  palace 1 of  your  Excellency.  The 
eleven  remaining  companies  sent  by  your  Excellency,  are 
lodged  in  the  faubourgs  and  neighbouring  villages.  I 
will  not  mention  any  news,  trusting  to  the  diligence  of 
M.  de  St.  Aldegonde. 

“ It  seems  to  me,  though,  that  things  will  not  go  on 
very  well,  on  account  of  the  lack  of  concord  between  the 
nobles,  unless  some  remedy  be  applied  by  your  Excel- 
lency, for  whom  every  one  cries  and  sighs.2  The  arrival 
of  Don  John  has  wrought  us  much  ill.  I venture  to  beg 
your  Excellency  to  send  friendly  messages  from  me  to 
the  commanders  of  the  regiments  in  Holland.  As  they 
are  not  all  together,  I cannot  have  my  eye  everywhere  at 
once,  and  have  enough  to  do  with  the  companies  your 
Excellency  placed  in  my  charge. 

“ From  Brussels,  November  23,  1576. 

“ Your  Excellency’s  very  humble  and 
“ obedient  servant, 

“ Oliver  van  den  Tempel.” 

Towards  the  end  of  November,  the  states  sent  a 
formal  deputation  to  Luxemburg.  There  was  along, 
stormy  parley  with  Don  John  as  to  terms.  Strada  3 
asserts  that  an  unofficial  suggestion  was  made,  that 
if  the  regent-elect  would  assume  the  government  in 
his  own  name  and  renounce  allegiance  to  his  brother, 
he  might  count  on  adequate  support.  Whether  this 


1 This  had  been  confiscated  for  eight  years.  I have  been  unable  to 
find  any  particulars  concerning  its  use  during  that  time. 

5 “ Vostre  Exc.  apres  laquelle  tout  le  monde  crie  et  sospire.” 

3 Strada,  I.,  vjii,,  17  ; Wagena,ar,  X.,  xxvii.,  237. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


1 70 


idea  emanated  from  Orange  is  not  proven.  This 
figure-head  of  authority  with  the  states-general  in 
control,  would  undoubtedly  have  suited  him.1  Don 
John,  however,  indignantly  put  aside  the  suggestion, 
and  the  negotiations  proceeded. 

On  December  6th,  the  deputies  presented  the  con- 
ditions on  which  they  were  willing  to  accept  their 
new  governor.2  They  demanded  the  immediate  re- 
moval of  the  Spanish  troops,  the  maintenance  of  the 
Pacification  of  Ghent,  a general  act  of  amnesty,  and 
the  convocation  of  the  states-general,  on  the  basis  of 
the  assembly  before  which  Charles  V.  had  abdicated.3 
Further,  they  required  an  oath  from  Don  John  to 
maintain  the  charters,  privileges,  and  customs  of  the 
provinces.  If  he  would  comply  with  all  these  stipu- 
lations he  should  be  forthwith  acknowledged  as 
governor,  and  the  Catholic  religion  and  Philip’s 

1 That  was  one  scheme.  Orange  went  further  and  proposed  that 
the  states  should  possess  themselves  of  Don  John’s  person,  and  hold 
him  prisoner  until  Philip  had  complied  with  all  their  demands. — 
Groen,  Archives,  v. , 494. 

The  birth  of  Charlotte’s  children  had  revived  her  anxieties  about 
the  legality  of  her  marriage.  On  December  2d,  her  husband  sent  the 
faithful  and  untiring  Tafhn  to  Dillenburg,  to  urge  upon  John  the  ne- 
cessity of  giving  him  all  the  documents  relating  to  Anne  of  Saxony. 
Charlotte  enclosed  a pleasant  little  note  to  her  brother-in-law,  in  the 
prince’s  dispatches. — Ibid.,  594. 

2 These  were  substantially  what  Orange  had  reiterated  in  letters  of 
November  gth,  loth,  14th,  and  in  many  other  private  notes  to  vari- 
ous people. 

3 1 1 was  acknowledged  that  the  present  states-general  was  an  irregu- 
lar body.  The  ancient  privileges  of  the  land  had  never  implied  that 
the  assemblies  might  come  together  at  the  call  of  the  people.  A sum- 
mons was  required  from  the  ruler  ; it  was  only  expected  that  such 
summons  should  be  given  from  time  to  time. 


1576] 


Negotiations . 


1 7i 


authority  should  be  maintained.  On  their  side,  the 
estates  offered  to  renounce  foreign  leagues,  disband 
their  foreign  mercenaries,  and  provide  a body  of 
native  Netherlanders  as  a guard  of  honour  to  their 
new  regent. 

Much  discussion  ensued  over  these  rather  high- 
handed propositions.  Don  John  was  greatly  influ- 
enced, on  his  part,  by  reasons  which  were  not 
brought  to  the  fore.  From  the  moment  of  his  ap- 
pointment he  had  been  fired  by  a desire  to  use  his 
present  office  to  further  his  scheme  of  rescuing 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots.  He  was  perfectly  willing  to 
withdraw  the  Spanish  troops  from  the  Netherlands, 
because  he  wished  to  make  a sudden  descent  on  Eng- 
land, with  them  at  his  back.  To  accomplish  this  with 
the  secrecy  necessary  to  ensure  success,  it  was  im- 
portant that  the  army  should  set  sail  from  a Flemish 
port,  with  Spain  as  an  ostensible  destination.  It 
would  thus  be  possible  to  take  Elizabeth  completely 
by  surprise.  Therefore,  in  replying  to  the  demands 
of  the  deputies,  he  at  once  acceded  to  the  with- 
drawal of  the  troops,  but  insisted  that  the  Spaniards 
should  return  home  by  sea. 

He  urged  the  point  so  strenuously  that  the  estates, 
to  whom  at  first  the  route  was  a matter  of  indiffer- 
ence, grew  suspicious  and  became  equally  strenuous 
on  the  departure  of  all  the  soldiery,  Germans  and 
Spaniards  alike,  by  land.1  Don  John  could  not  give 
his  true  reasons  for  wishing  the  sea  passage.  He 
could  only  reiterate  that  it  was  not  convenient  to 


1 Hoofd,  xi.,  452. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1576 


I 72 

travel  by  land  when  frost  and  snow  blocked  up  the 
mountain  passes,  and  the  pest  was  lying  in  wait  for 
tourists.1  The  estates  held  firm  for  their  demands, 
and,  though  chafing  at  the  restraint  in  which  he  was 
held,  Don  John  yielded  point  after  point.  On  De- 
cember 8th,  the  Marquis  of  Havre  wrote  to  Aerschot 2 
that  his  Highness  was  the  best  intentioned  person  in 
the  world,  was  acting  with  frankness  and  integrity, 
and  cordially  desired  to  see  the  country  restored  to 
its  ancient  splendour. 

The  deputies  seemed  at  times  inclined  to  yield  to 
Don  John,3  and  when,  on  December  20th,  some  Brus- 
sels citizens  began  to  urge  that  Orange  should  be 
officially  invited  to  Brussels  to  give  his  opinion  on 
the  negotiations,  and  especially  on  the  point  of  the 
states-general  going  to  Namur,4  it  was  resolved  “ by 
a plurality  of  votes,  that  no  invitation  be  extended 


1 “ Maar 't  was  te  spaade  in’t  jaar,  oin  te  lande  te  gaan,  mits  de 
vorst  en  sneeueval  in’t  geberghte,  ’t  gebrek  van  lyftoght  in  Savoy.”— 
Hoofd,  xi.,  452. 

2 Groen,  Archives,  v.,  567. 

3 On  December  3d,  Wilson  wrote  to  Lord  Burleigh  that  all  Chris- 
tendom had  their  eyes  fixed  on  Don  John,  Alenjon,  and  the  Prince 
of  Orange  : “ If  the  commissioners  agree  not,  it  is  thought  verilie 
he  [Orange]  will  come  in  person,  and  then  the  trial  will  be  between 
us  there  and  the  Prynce  for  the  best  game  without  hope  of  peace  or 
any  accorde  at  all.  And  surelie  if  the  Prynce  with  the  states,  had 
readie  money,  it  is  lyke  some  greate  exploit  would  sertainlie  be  done. 
And  no  doubt  the  prince  is  a rare  man  of  greate  authoritie,  univer- 
salie  beloved,  verie  wise  in  all  things  and  voyd  of  pretence,  and  that 
which  is  worthie  of  special  prayse,  he  is  not  dismayed  with  any  losse 
or  adversitie.” — Rel.  Politiques,  ix. , 69. 

4 Groen,  Archives,  v.,  567. 


1577] 


The  Perpetual  Edict . 


173 


to  the  prince  until  they  had  Don  John’s  final  deci- 
sion.” 1 

Before  that  result  was  reached,  however,  the  nego- 
tiations were  almost  broken  off  on  several  occasions. 
Don  John  became  exasperated  at  what  he  termed 
the  insolent  demands  of  the  states,  and  they  lost  all 
patience  with  him.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Orange 
exerted  himself  to  foment  this  distrust.  In  the  end 
of  January,  the  citizens’  party  in  Brussels  tried  to 
insist  that  the  states-general  should  say  roundly  that 
unless  Don  John  would  accept  all  their  conditions 
four  days  from  January  23d,  they  would  appeal  to 
the  Prince  of  Orange.2  Havre,  Lalain,  de  Heze,  and 
other  radical  nobles  were  at  the  head  of  this  agita- 
tion, and  sent  Henry  de  Bloyere  to  Orange  to  inform 

1 December  22d,  a quorum  of  the  states-general  went  to  Namur  in 
a body.  They  expected  to  meet  Don  John,  but  he  did  not  appear. 
“ If  his  Highness  refuse  to  come  to  Namur,  let  him  go  whither  he 
will,”  said  the  ever  loyal  Aerschot,  even  he  yielding  to  exasperation. 
See  Gachard,  Cor.  de  Philippe  II.,  v.,  650. 

Lettenhove  says  that  deputies  from  Holland  and  Zealand  arrived 
in  Brussels  on  December  25th,  and  formed  an  assembly  with  the 
members  of  the  states-general  who  had  not  gone  to  Namur,  and  in- 
sisted on  the  return  of  the  latter.  After  this,  greater  stiffness  was 
manifested  towards  Don  John,  who  wrote  to  Philip  on  January  8th  : 
“ In  truth  these  cursed  spirits  have  no  other  purpose  than  to  prevent 
peace.” — Les  Huguenots , etc.,  iv. , 267 . 

In  December,  two  intercepted  letters  said  to  have  been  written  by 
Philip  II.  to  Roda  were  shown  in  Brussels.  In  these  a very  different 
plan  of  treating  the  country  was  announced  than  that  proposed  in  the 
treaty.  A greater  distrust  of  Don  John  was  the  immediate  result. 
Lettenhove  thinks  these  were  concocted  by  Orange.  He  says  : “A 
ceux  qui  hesitaient  k ajouter  foi  aux  perfidies  des  Espagnols,  il 
aimait  a dire,  ‘ N’avez  vous  pas  vu  leurs  lettres  ?’  ” See  above. 

’ Gachard,  Cor.,  iii. , 189. 


*7  4 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 

him  of  this  resolution.  On  the  following  day  they 
wrote  again,  urging  him  to  come  to  Brussels.  Aer- 
schot,  now  president  of  the  council  of  state,  and  his 
orthodox  royalist  party  took  alarm  at  this  movement 
and  exerted  themselves  to  smooth  over  affairs  with 
Don  John.  The  conferences  were  continued  at  Huy, 
between  the  deputies  of  the  states  and  the  governor- 
elect,  and  though  the  discussion  waxed  so  hot  that 
Don  John  once  seized  a candlestick  to  throw  at 
Sweveghem’s  head,1 2  they  concluded  the  peace  on 
January  30th. 

On  February  7th,  the  states-general  wrote  to  Or- 
ange to  inform  him  of  the  details  of  the  articles  and 
of  their  intention  to  accept  them,  as  they  were  “ un- 
willing to  take  a resolution  without  communicating 
with  your  Excellency.”  He  did  not  answer  defi- 
nitely, though  several  other  communications  passed 
between  Brussels  and  Middelburgon  other  subjects.3 
On  February  12th,  Don  John  performed  his  part  by 
signing  the  articles  at  Marche-en-Famene.  On  Feb- 
ruary 16th  the  states  wrote  3 again  to  Orange  : 

“ Finding  ourselves  in  this  perplexity,  and  having  re- 
ceived no  opinion  from  your  Excellency  ; finally,  con- 
quered by  many  very  urgent  reasons,  among  which  the 
fact  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  said  treaty  prejudicial 
to  your  Excellency,  but  on  the  contrary,  that  there  are 
conditions  distinctly  to  your  advantage  in  respect  to 
your  son,  the  Count  of  Buren,  the  Pacification  of  Ghent, 
and  the  retreat  of  the  Spaniards,  and  as  a longer  delay 


1 Les  Huguenots,  etc.,  iv. , 307. 

2 Gachard,  Cor.,  iii. , 204. 

3 Ibid. , 2 12. 


1577] 


The  Prince  s Objections. 


175 


in  signing  this  treaty  could  not  ensue  without  great 
danger  to  this  country,  and  without  risk  of  our  losing  an 
excellent  opportunity  and  thus  blemishing  our  reputa- 
tion, we  see  no  reason  to  defer  giving  our  signatures  be- 
yond this  evening,  in  the  hopes  of  a response  from  your 
Excellency.” 

A postscript  on  the  morrow  says  that  they  de- 
layed until  noon  of  February  17th.  No  message 
came,  and  the  treaty  of  Marche-en-Famene,  called 
the  Perpetual  Edict,  was  signed  by  the  deputies  of 
the  fifteen  provinces.1 2 

In  this  document  far  more  was  conceded  than  had 
been  anticipated  by  the  most  sanguine.  The  Pacifi- 
cation of  Ghent  was  approved  and  ratified,  as  the 
new  regent  had  been  assured,  both  by  prelates  and 
by  those  learned  in  the  law,  that  it  contained  noth- 
ing detrimental  to  ecclesiastical  or  royal  authority. 
The  soldiers  were  to  depart  “ freely  and  frankly  by 
land,”  never  to  return  except  in  case  of  foreign  war, 
the  Spaniards  to  set  forth  in  forty  days,  and  the 
Germans,  as  soon  as  they  had  received  their  pay.’ 
All  prisoners  on  both  sides  were  to  be  released,  ex- 
cept the  Count  of  Buren,  who  was  to  be  detained 
until  his  father  should  have  fulfilled  conditions  to  be 
resolved  upon  by  the  estates.  Maintenance  of  all 
privileges,  charters,  and  constitutions  was  promised, 
as  well  as  that  of  the  Catholic  religion.  Don  John 
was  to  be  received  as  governor-general  immediately 

1 Gachard,  Cor.  de  Philippe  II..  v.,  679  et  al.  On  the  17th,  that 
ephemeral  accord  was  signed,  to  which  was  given  the  incongruous 
name  of  the  Perpetual  Edict.  Groen,  Archives , v. , 626. 

2 Ibid. , 626  et  seq. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


I 76 

after  the  departure  of  all  Spaniards,  Italians,  and 
Burgundians.  The  states-general  should  be  duly 
convened.  In  return  for  all  these  mighty  concessions 
forced  from  Philip’s  representatives,  the  estates  made 
but  one  important  promise.  They  undertook  to 
furnish  the  funds  needed  to  pay  off  the  soldiers. 

Not  content  with  their  previous  explanation,  the 
states-general  sent  Sweveghem  1 and  Meetkerk  to  the 
prince  with  further  details  in  regard  to  their  motives 
in  accepting  the  peace.  After  a statement  of  the 
conditions,  the  commissioners  assured  Orange  that 
the  states  were  on  their  guard  against  Spanish  wiles, 
and  that  they  meant  to  insist  that  Don  John  should 
send  the  document  to  Spain  to  be  ratified  by  his 
brother’s  signature.  Orange  replied  to  this  message 
in  behalf  of  Holland  and  Zealand,  as  well  as  in  his 
own  name,  on  February  19th.2  He  recognised  the 
good  intentions  of  the  estates,  but  thinks  that  their 
zeal  is  misplaced.  They  should  not  have  been  con- 
tent with  old  privileges,  but  should  have  seized  the 
opportunity  for  demanding  new  ones.  The  stipula- 
tions in  regard  to  the  convention  of  the  states- 
general  were  not  adequate ; they  should  not  have 
permitted  any  further  detention  of  his  son,  and  the 
failure  to  mention  both  the  King  of  France  and  the 
Queen  of  England  was  unsuitable.3  They  should 

1 This  gentleman  \yas  directed  to  proceed  to  England,  after  seeing 
the  prince.  Instructions,  etc.  Gachard,  Cor.,  iii. , 218. 

2 Ibid.,  222. 

3 The  Emperor  Maximilian  had  died  October  12,  1576.  He  was  a 
great  loss  to  the  prince,  although  he  had  been  too  over-cautious  in 
his  actions  to  give  him  steady  countenance.  It  was  as  though  he 
tried  to  wash  himself  without  wetting  his  skin.  [MS.  quoted  by 


1577] 


The  Union  of  Brussels. 


177 


have  insisted  on  the  restitution  of  certain  places  in 
Burgundy  and  the  Franche-Comte.  He  concludes 
with  the  advice  that  a definite  day  should  be  fixed 
for  the  departure  of  the  Spaniards,  and  that,  if  they 
had  not  evacuated  the  land  at  that  time,  the  negotia- 
tions and  the  truce  should  be  considered  as  ended, 
and  arms  resumed.  At  the  same  time  Orange  prom- 
ised to  sign  the  edict,  if  certain  conditions  were  ful- 
filled. 

On  March  6th,  the  prince  sent  M.  Mansard  to 
Brussels,  to  urge  that  several  further  stipulations 
should  be  made  before  Don  John  was  acknowledged 
as  governor.  The  point  upon  which  he  laid  the 
greatest  stress  was  the  demolition  of  the  citadels,* 1 2 
whose  very  existence  he  considered  a menace  to  the 
land. 

Orange  announced  3 this  event  to  John  as  follows: 

“ Monsieur  my  Brother  : As  I commissioned  M. 
Taffin  to  write  you  full  particulars  of  affairs  here,  and  to 
send  you  the  duplicate  of  the  treaty  made  a week  ago 
with  Don  John  of  Austria,  I will  not  make  a long  story, 
for  you  will  understand  it  all  from  his  letters.  I will  only 
say  that  I have  received  your  last  letters,  and  the  copy 

Groen,  Archives , v.,  425.]  His  successor,  Rudolph  II.,  was  a zealous 
Catholic,  and  far  less  friendly  to  Orange  than  his  father  had  been. 
His  emissaries  had  been  present  at  Marche-en-Famene,  and  had 
urged  forward  an  accommodation  between  the  estates  and  Don  John. 

1 Gachard,  Cor. , iii.,  257  ; Groen , Archives,  v.,  580.  After  careful 
examination  of  all  letters  and  documents  relative  to  these  negotiations, 
it  is  evident  that  the  prince’s  real  objection  to  the  treaty  was,  that  he 
did  not  wish  any  composition  with  Don  John,  and  that  he  placed 
absolutely  no  trust  in  any  promises  made  by  the  Spaniards. 

2 Groen,  Archives , v. , 632,  Feb.  24th. 

VOL.  11. — 12 


178 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


you  enclosed  of  a friend’s  letter  to  you,  together  with  the 
answer  you  made  him.  I thought  the  said  answer  very 
well  put,  and  excellently  suited  to  the  times  and  present 
affairs,  having  touched  all  to  the  quick  ; for  it  is  greatly 
to  be  feared  that  if  the  Spaniards  again  enter  into  the 
government,  the  future  subjection  of  the  country  will  be 
greater  than  the  past.  I thank  you  for  the  pains  you 
continually  take  for  the  good  of  affairs.  They  are  urging 
forward  the  said  peace  in  which  the  emperor’s  ambassa- 
dors have  aided,  but  I do  not  know  whether  this  will  be 
to  the  advantage  of  their  country  and  of  their  master, 
who  was  frustrated  1 in  his  hope  of  gaining  anything  for 
the  said  country.  I hope  we  can  soon  discuss  things  to- 
gether, if  I can  only  be  happy  enough  to  have  you  here.” 

During  the  parleyings  with  Don  John,  two  import- 
ant events  had  happened.  On  Jan.  9th,  the  Union 
of  Brussels  was  formed.2  This  was  a coalition  some- 
thing like  the  famous  Compromise  of  1 566,  having  for 
its  aim  the  expulsion  of  the  Spaniards,  but  it  further 
promised  the  execution  of  the  Ghent  Treaty,  main- 
tenance of  the  Catholic  religion,  and  defence  of  all 
the  constitutions  of  the  Netherlands.  The  first  sig- 

1 This  phrase  in  the  prince’s  letter  is  not  quite  clear  : “ lequel  de- 
meure  maintenant  assez  frustre  de  l’espoir  qu’il  pouvoir  avoir  de  par- 
venir  cy-apres  audit  pays.”  Groen,  Archives , 632  ; Hoofd,  xi.,  457. 

2 Groen,  Archives,  v.,  589.  Groen  says  the  opinion  was  long  cur- 

rent that  Holland  and  Zealand  took  no  part  in  this  union.  But  an 
original  copy  was  found  by  M.  de  Jonge,  bearing  the  signatures  of 
deputies  from  those  two  provinces.  It  was  understood  that  this  action 
boded  no  ill  to  the  exercise  of  Protestantism  within  those  provinces  : 
“ ’t  poinct  van  de  Religie  . . . wesende  gereserveert  totte  verga- 

deringhe  van  de  Generale  Staten.” — Rtfs,  des  Eiats-Ghi. 

A certain  Agylaeus  said  of  this  union,  Disunio  potius  quam  Utiio 
nuncupari  merito  debuit. — Groen,  ibid. 


1577] 


The  Union  of  Brussels. 


179 


natures1 2  were  those  of  the  Abbe  of  St.  Gertrude, 
Lalain,  Bossu,  Champagny,  and  four  other  prominent 
men.  The  idea  was  to  show  that  the  movement 
against  the  Spaniards  was  popular  and  universal,  and 
to  force  Don  John  into  acceding  to  the  demands  of 
the  estates.  The  document  was  passed  around 
through  the  provinces,  and  received  signatures  every- 
where except  in  Luxemburg.  The  paper  differed 
from  the  Compromise  in  being  officially  sent  by  the 
council  of  state  to  each  province.  When  the  signa- 
tures were  obtained,  one  copy  was  sent  to  Brussels, 
while  a duplicate  was  kept  in  the  provincial  archives. 
The  signatures  were  given  freely  and  comprised 
nobles,  ecclesiastics,  and  citizens.  The  Pacification 
had  been  in  the  nature  of  a treaty  between  the  North 
and  the  South.  This  union  was  a popular  and  indi- 
vidual ratification  of  the  action  of  the  united  prov- 
inces.1 It  was  six  weeks  after  the  promulgation  of 
this  union  that  the  Perpetual  Edict  was  signed. 

Another  important  event  had  been  a revolution  in 
Friesland,  Groningen,  and  their  dependencies.  The 
king’s  stadtholder,  De  Billy,  was  ejected,  and  the 
estates  appointed  Baron  de  Ville,  Hoogstraaten’s 
brother,  in  his  stead.  The  Union  of  Brussels  was 

1 Lettenhove  ( Les  Huguenots , etc. , iv. , 294)  states  that  this  docu- 
ment was  signed  by  the  council  of  state  and  the  “ three  orders.” 
(Groen,  Archives,  v.,  590)  describes  the  paper  as  receiving  personal 
signatures,  in  which  Motley  (iii. , 152)  follows  him.  The  statements 
are  not  necessarily  contradictory  however.  It  was  also  stated  that  the 
undersigned  were  not  responsible  for  the  arrest  of  the  council  of  state 
in  September,  1576. 

2 On  the  day  after  the  promulgation  of  this  union  the  states  of 
Holland  raised  the  pension  of  the  prince  to  40,000  florins. 


i8o 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


eagerly  accepted,  and  signed  all  through  this 
region. 

Don  John  was  accepted,  but  he  plainly  saw  that 
without  Orange’s  support  nothing  could  be  done. 
The  story  of  his  negotiation  with  the  arch  rebel 
against  his  royal  brother’s  authority,  is  an  odd  one. 
On  March  16th,  he  wrote  1 to  the  king  : “ He  [Orange] 
is  the  pilot  who  is  guiding  this  bark,  and  he  alone 
can  lose,  or  save  it.  The  greatest  obstacle  would  be 
abolished  if  we  could  gain  him  over.”  Don  John 
first  proposed  to  ask  the  prince  to  resign  all  his  offices 
to  the  Count  of  Buren,  and  to  retire  to  Germany. 
Philip  agreed  to  this  arrangement,  but  after  a closer 
view  Don  John  saw  that  it  would  not  be  accepted. 
William  of  Nassau  was  too  deeply  involved  in  and 
attached  to,  the  cause  of  his  adopted  country.  While 
Don  John  was  still  at  Louvain,  he  determined  to 
make  personal  efforts  to  win  over  the  man  the  coun- 
try delighted  to  honour,  and  on  March  8th,  dispatched 
that  same  Leoninus  who  had  treated  with  Orange 
before,  to  see  what  he  could  do.  He  was  directed  to 
point  out  to  Orange  what  a vast  service  he  could  do 
the  king,  if  he  would  only  support  him  now.  Fulfil- 
ment of  all  engagements  was  promised.  Leoninus 
was  further  ordered  to  tell  the  prince,  that  he  should 
receive  not  only  a gracious  pardon  for  all  his  past 
faults,  but  that  the  future  of  his  House  should  be 
assured.  “ He  really  ought  to  resolve,  not  only  to 
maintain  the  peace  for  which  every  one  panted,  but 
to  re-establish  the  Catholic  religion  and  the  king’s 
authority  in  Holland  and  Zealand.” 

1 Gachard,  Cor.,  iii.,  li.  et  seq. 


1577]  Don  yohris  Overtures  to  the  Prince.  181 


The  prince  distrusted  Don  John,  perhaps  beyond 
his  deserts,  as  the  sincerity  of  his  overtures  is  proved 
by  his  letter  of  March  16th  to  Philip.1  After  men- 
tioning to  that  monarch  that  his  name  was  as  much 
despised  in  the  Netherlands,  as  that  of  the  prince 
was  loved  and  feared,  he  proceeded  : 

“ I am  negotiating  with  the  prince,  and  mean  to  give 
him  all  sureties,  for  I see  that  the  establishment  of  the 
peace,  as  well  as  the  maintenance  of  the  Catholic  religion 
and  the  obedience  due  your  Majesty  in  these  provinces 
depend  entirely  on  him , and  that  things  are  come  to  such 
a pass  that  we  must  make  a virtue  of  necessity.2  If  he 
lend  an  ear  to  my  propositions  it  will  only  be  on  condi- 
tions very  advantageous  for  him,  but  it  will  be  necessary 
to  take  this  course  or  to  lose  everything.” 

Orange,  however,  did  not  lend  his  ear  as  readily 
as  was  hoped.  Leoninus  spent  four  days  at  Middel- 
burg,  was  received  pleasantly  by  the  prince,  who 
expressed  his  high  appreciation  of  the  honour  done 
him.  The  envoy  dined  and  supped  several  times  at 
Orange’s  table,  and  “had  his  fill  of  good  cheer, 
but  of  promises  he  got  none.”  The  prince  said 
he  could  not  forget  the  fate  of  Egmont  and 
Horn,  and  the  manner  in  which  the  Duchess  of 
Parma  had  kept  the  pledges  made  to  the  confeder- 
ates, nor  the  conduct  of  the  King  of  France  toward 
Coligny.  He  had  been  warned  from  Spain,  Italy, 
Germany,  and  the  Netherlands,  that  it  was  decided 
to  make  war  on  him  as  well  as  on  Holland  and 

1 Gachard,  Cor.,  iii.,  liii. 

2 “ Las  cosas  han  llegado  a terminos  que  es  fuerza  hazer  de  la  neces- 
sidad,  virtud.” 


lS2 


William  the  Silent. 


11577 


Zealand.  He  knew  that  a papal  nuncio  had  arrived 
in  the  Netherlands  to  conclude  a league  against 
them.  Leoninus  assured  Orange  that  Don  John  was 
not  a bit  like  his  predecessors,  and  that  the  instances 
of  breach  of  faith  he  mentioned  were  not  at  all 
parallel  to  the  present  state  of  affairs.1 

Still  Orange  remained  cold,  and  would  only  say 
that  he  must  lay  the  whole  matter  before  the  estates 
of  Holland  and  Zealand,  as  otherwise  he  would  ex- 
pose himself  to  the  suspicion  of  having  behaved 
treacherously  towards  them.  His  final  word  was, 
that  he  had  no  hope  of  coming  to  an  understanding, 
but  that  Leoninus  might  appear  at  Dordrecht  when 
the  estates  met  there  and  make  his  statement. 

Don  John  had  not  in  the  least  expected  such  a 
result  from  the  mission,  but  still  he  was  not  disposed 
to  relinquish  his  scheme.  It  seemed  to  him  in- 
credible that  the  prince  would  not  finally  yield.  It 
was  only  that  he  had  not  been  properly  approached. 
They  must  try  it  again.  The  best  thing  would  be 
to  meet  him  face  to  face. 

“ This  is  not  the  time  for  us  to  be  particular,  or  to 
stick  at  points  of  etiquette  ; we  must  try  to  re-establish 
the  state  by  every  possible  means,  for  our  true  authority, 
our  true  reputation,  consists  in  preserving  it,  and  I know 
of  no  other  way  to  prevent  its  ruin  than  to  win  over  this 
man  who  has  such  a hold  on  the  people.9 

At  about  the  time  of  the  failure  of  this  mission, 

1 Gachard,  Cor.,  iii. , lx.  et  seq. 

5 “ Y yo  ninguna  remedio  veo  para  que  aqui  no  se  pierda,  sino  es 
reducir  k este  hombre  que  tanto  parte  tiene  en  los  demas.” 


1577] 


Departure  of  Spanish  Troops. 


iS' 


Don  John  determined  to  go  farther  into  the  land  of 
his  government.  He  advanced  to  Louvain,  escorted 
by  eighty  halberdiers,  and  was  received  in  state  by 
the  burghers.  His  game  was  to  show  how  different 
he  was  from  Alva.  His  imperial  father  had  been 
popular  and  he  meant  to  be  equally  so.1  He  exerted 
himself  to  the  utmost,  and  won  all  hearts  by  his  lib- 
erality and  kindness  towards  all  sorts  and  conditions 
of  men.  He  bestowed  a dignity  here,  a pension 
there,  and  fair  words  everywhere.  He  even  ap- 
peared in  person  at  the  banquet  of  the  guilds, 
haunted  the  shooting  clubs2  and  took  part  in  their 
social  life,  bore  himself,  in  short,  as  a good  comrade 
towards  the  high  and  the  low,  and  thus  knitted  to 
himself  many  simple  hearts.  He  also  met  the  bow- 
men on  their  own  ground  so  successfully  that  he 
outshot  them  all,  and  was  proclaimed  king  of  the 
cross-bowmen  before  he  was  acknowledged  as 
governor  of  the  land. 

In  spite  of  Orange’s  belief  that  there  was  no  inten- 
tion of  sending  off  the  foreign  soldiery,  preparations 
went  on  rapidly  to  that  end.  The  states,  indeed, 
found  difficulty  in  raising  the  sum  necessary  to  pay 
off  the  arrears,  but  Don  John  lent  them  cash  out  of 
his  own  pocket  for  the  purpose.  The  thing  was 
really  accomplished  with  wonderful  celerity,  consid- 
ering all.  In  March,  the  Spaniards  evacuated  Ant- 
werp and  the  city  of  Lierre.  On  April  7th,  Philip 
ratified  the  Perpetual  Edict,3  and  at  the  end  of  April 

1 Hoofd,  xi.,  462. 

5 “ Hanterde  de  t’zaamenkomst  der  schutteryen.” 

3 Hoofd,  xii.,  464-468. 


184 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


the  Spanish  troops  set  off  and  marched  straight 
ahead  till  they  reached  Lombardy.1  They  had  not 
left  in  good  humour,  feeling  that  their  pay  had  not 
been  equivalent  to  their  services.  Don  John  wrote 
again  and  again  to  Philip  to  urge  him  to  make  fitting 
presents  to  the  captains,  Romero,  Avila,  Valdez, 
Montesdocca,  Verdugo,  and  Mondragon,  who  had  all 
been  his  devoted  servants. 

The  states-general  had  promised  to  receive  Don 
John  as  governor,  as  soon  as  the  land  was  rid  of  the 
incubus  of  the  Spaniards.  There  was  no  further 
ostensible  excuse  for  delay,  and  on  May  1st  he  made 
his  triumphant  entry  into  Brussels.  No  pains  were 

1 According  to  Bor  (i.,  806),  Don  John  advanced  27,000  crowns 
to  aid  the  states  in  paying  off  the  soldiers.  On  their  part  they  sent 
Sweveghem  to  Elizabeth,  asking  her  to  help  them  with  300,000  angels. 
She  consented  to  loan  40,000  angels  for  eight  months,  if  they  would 
be  obedient  to  Philip  and  accept  the  religion  he  judged  proper  for 
them.  This  loan  arrived  in  the  nick  of  time  (tanquam  Jupiter  ex 
machinse)  ; 20,000  were  sent  in  bullion,  and  the  rest  followed  soon 
after.— Letter  of  Sweveghem  to  Walsingham,  January  19,  1577. 

Froude  (xi.,  ch.  xxv.)  claims  that  Elizabeth’s  credit  was  so  high, 
owing  to  her  economical  measures,  that  she  could  borrow  money 
in  any  bourse  at  5 per  cent.  Mary  had  often  paid  16  per  cent.,  and 
Philip  could  get  no  loans  at  all. 

Bor  (i.,  807)  gives  the  following  couplet,  which  was  perpetrated  at 
the  time  of  the  troops’  departure  : 

Boetica  gens  abiit ; cur  ploras  Belgica  ? dicam 
A quod  in  O non  est  litera  versa  queror. 

Hoofd(xii.,  468)  renders  this  in  Dutch  : 

De  Spanjaarts  zyn  nu  dooR  : Wat  schreit  ghy  Neerlandsch  zaat? 

Ich  kerm,  omdat,  in  stee  van  d’R.  de  T.  niet  staat. 

Forth  are  the  Spaniards  /ed.  Tears,  Belgium,  can  it  be? 

I weep  because,  alas,  that  L is  not  a Z>[e a]. 


THE  HOTEL  DE  VILLE  IN  BRUSSELS. 

(Based  on  an  old  print.) 


15771 


Don  John  at  Brussels. 


i35 


spared  to  make  this  a brilliant  occasion,  and  as  the 
folk  of  Brabant  were  skilled  artists  in  scenic  effects,  it 
was,  undoubtedly,  a very  gorgeous  festival.  There 
were  a succession  of  triumphal  arches,  through  which 
the  procession  wound.  A wagon  decked  with  gold- 
cloth and  drawn  by  a pair  of  white  steeds  led  the 
way.  This  was  laden  with  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  a 
proud  burden.  There  was  also  a mountain  of  broken 
weapons  ; all  this  to  show  what  was  to  be  expected 
from  the  peace.  The  windows  were  filled  with  wives 
and  daughters,  young  and  old,  gentle  and  burgher, 
all  in  brave  array.  Flowers  and  wreaths  thrown  by 
these  greeted  the  comer — a charming  rain  from  such 
lovely  clouds.’ 

As  Don  John  rode  into  the  Brabantine  capital,  the 
Bishop  of  Liege  was  on  one  side,  and  the  papal  am- 
bassador on  the  other,  while  3000  persons  followed 
in  his  train.  Suitable  emblems  on  all  sides  testified 
the  zeal  of  the  Brabanters  in  honouring  the  hero  of 
Lepanto,  whom  they  acknowledged  as  their  ruler, 
after  letting  him  cool  his  heels  so  long  at  their  door. 
Three  days  later  Don  John  took  the  oath  of  office  at 
the  town  house,  and  the  Spanish  monarch  was  him- 
self again. 

Meanwhile,  Orange  remained  quietly  at  Middel- 
burg.  As  they  had  not  signed  the  Perpetual  Edict, 
Holland,  Zealand,  and  the  prince  took  no  part  in  the 
May  festivals.  Not  that  Orange  was  ignored,  how- 
ever.1 2 He  was  in  constant  and  close  correspondence 

1 Hoofd,  xii.,  471  ; Groen  ( Archives , vi.,  82)  gives  May  2d. 

2 See  letters  of  February  19th,  20th,  24th,  25th  ; March  12th,  18th, 
24th,  30th  ; April  3d,  6th  ; Gachard,  Cor. , iii.,  265  et  seq. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


1 86 


with  the  states-general  and  the  council  of  state.  No 
point  of  general  interest  escaped  him,  though  there 
was  infinite  adjustment  of  detail  to  be  done  in  his 
own  governments,  entirely  by  his  own  hand.  The 
strain  told  heavily  on  him,  as  may  be  seen  by  the 
following  letter  1 : 

“ Well-eorn,  friendly,  dear  Brother  : I do  not 
wish  to  hide  from  you  at  the  present  opportunity,  that  on 
the  19th  instant  I was  attacked  by  a severe  tertian  fever, 
and  have  been  obliged  to  stay  in  bed  for  the  most  part 
since.  I feel  some  relief  now,  thank  God,  and  hope  that 
the  Almighty  will  soon  send  recovery.  Pray  pardon  me 
that  I cannot  now  enter  on  a certain  subject,  owing  to 
my  physical  condition,  but  I will  write  about  it  soon. 
You  say  you  are  going  to  send  your  son  to  Geneva,  but, 
though  it  would  be  an  opportunity  for  Maurice,  on  the 
whole,  I prefer  his  remaining  at  Heidelberg,  in  Doctor 
Eheim’s  care.  I have  written  to  him  to  have  patience 
and  to  keep  him  for  a time.” 

John  answers  this  letter  on  May  26th.2  He  has 
decided  not  to  let  his  youngest  boy  and  his  wards  go 
to  Geneva,  on  account  of  the  great  expense,  but  is 
going  to  let  them  stay  at  Siegen  with  their  tutor,  and 
he  thinks  Maurice  might  as  well  be  with  them,  in- 
stead of  at  Heidelberg.  Orange  has  asked  to  have 
his  eldest  daughter,  Marie,  sent  to  him.  John 
writes  : 

“ I shall  be  very  sorry  to  do  this,  but  will  help  in  it  if 
you  wish.  Only,  if  your  Grace  thinks  that  she  is  any 


1 Groen,  Archives,  vi.,  81. 

2 Ibid. , 89. 


1577] 


International  Correspondence. 


187 


burden  1 2 to  me  I should  be  very  sorry,  and  would  beg 
your  Grace  to  let  her  stay  with  us  as  long  as  possible, 
though  if  you  really  want  to  have  her  with  you  and  your 
wife,  of  course  I will  not  oppose  it.  Besides,  being  no 
trouble  to  me  and  my  housewife,  and  it  being  a pleasure 
to  us  to  have  her,  I should  be  sorry  to  see  her  go,  except 
for  urgent  reasons,  on  account  of  my  lady  mother.  My 
mother  is  really  failing  visibly,3  grows  feeble,  and  if  she 
is  alone,  becomes  very  melancholy  and  depressed.  It  is 
a great  boon  to  her  to  have  your  Grace’s  daughter,  my 
niece,  here,  as  she  can  spend  the  greater  part  of  the  day 
with  her,  and  is  very  helpful  with  reading  and  writing, 
besides  being  able  to  dress  her,  give  out  the  medicines, 
preserves,  and  such  things.  Her  Excellency  will  indeed 
be  very  sorry  if  she  has  to  lose  my  niece  and  sit  all 
alone,  as  she  said  she  would  have  to  do  after  the  death 
of  my  daughter  Anna,  who  was  very  devoted  to  her.  My 
housewife  has  so  much  to  do  with  the  children  and  the 
housekeeping,  that  she  can  only  be  with  her  a short  part 
of  the  day. 

“ Dated  Dillenburg  in  haste. 

“ May  26th.” 

International  correspondence  of  this  year  is  a 
tangled  web  with  the  threads  inextricably  involved. 
Before  the  Union  of  Ghent,  Orange  had  opened  ne- 
gotiations with  Elizabeth,  as  has  been  related.3  Her 

1 Surely  never  did  younger  brother  more  graciously  accept  heavy 
burdens  than  John. 

2 Yet  this  same  failing  spirit  could  write  on  April  4th,  to  her  eldest 
born,  that  ardently  as  she  desired  peace,  it  was  not  a peace  which 
would  leave  pious  Christians  in  sorrow. 

3 “ Below  the  outward  unanimity  [after  May  2d]  a thousand  coun- 
ter currents  were  already  seething  and  eddying.” — Froude,  History 
of  England,  xi.,  77. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


1 88 

capricious  behaviour  had  confirmed  his  belief  that  no 
effective  help  was  to  be  expected  from  her.  Yet  an 
exchange  of  letters  continued  between  them,  the 
show  of  confidence  varied  as  the  channel  winds.1 2 
When  the  states-general  opened  negotiations  on  their 
behalf,  again  she  neither  said  them  yea  nor  nay, 
and  when  she  lent  them  money  on  terms  favourable 
to  herself,  she  assured  her  brother  of  Spain  that  she 
did  so  wholly  in  his  interest.3 

In  France,  meanwhile,  Alengon  fluttered  between 
the  weakened  Huguenot  party,  and  his  brother,  on 
uncertain  wing  ; and  what  were  the  sentiments  of 
that  faction,  headed  by  the  Guises,  was  unequivo- 
cally declared  by  the  formation  of  the  Holy  League 
in  1576.  This  was  an  association  in  which  Catholic 
princes,  lords,  and  gentlemen  bound  themselves  to 
“ re-establish  the  law  of  God  and  the  Apostolic  Ro- 
man Church.”  3 

This  seemed  to  promise  little  help  to  struggling 
Protestants,  from  France,  yet  that  was  the  source  to 
which  Orange  looked. 

1 Charlotte’s  second  daughter  was  christened  Elizabeth,  and  Philip 
Sydney  stood  godfather  by  proxy. 

2 See  Froude,  xi.,  chap.  xxv. 

3 They  also  pledged  themselves  to  restore  the  ancient  privileges  of 
the  land,  and  to  support  the  king  and  the  House  of  Valois,  thus 
excluding  the  Bourbons  from  the  succession.— Groen,  Archives , 
v.,  441. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

GERTRUIDENBERG  AND  NAMUR. 

*577- 

N the  midst  of  all  the  brave  welcome 
given  him  by  his  new  subjects,  Don 
John  did  not  feel  himself  at  ease. 
His  descriptions  of  the  Netherland- 
ers  in  his  home  letters  are  not  as 
complimentary  to  them,  as  were  the 
gracious  phrases  that  fell  from  his 
mouth.  He  wrote  that  he  was  in  a Babylon  of 
disgust,  a hell,  surrounded  by  drunkards,  wine  skins, 
and  the  like.  His  heart  had  never  been  in  the  office 
he  had  joyfully  accepted  as  a means  to  a private 
end,  and  no  sooner  was  he  installed  in  it  than  he  be- 
gan to  beseech  his  brother  to  remove  him.'  Why 
not  appoint  Margaret  of  Parma  again  or  some  other 
woman.  This  was  no  place  for  a warrior. 

As  soon  as  his  authority  was  recognised,  the  gov- 
ernor determined  to  make  one  more  effort  to  seal  an 


1 One  thing  that  had  increased  the  difficulties  of  Don  John’s  posi- 
tion had  been  Philip’s  delay  in  giving  him  any  positive  instructions. 

189 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


I9O 

alliance  with  Orange.1  In  mid-May  a commission, 
consisting  of  Aerschot,  Hierges,  Willerval,  Meet- 
kerk,  and  Doctor  Gaill,3  Philip’s  ambassador,  went  to 
Gertruidenberg  “ to  confer  with  the  Prince  of  Orange 
and  his  councillors.”  There  is  in  existence  a de- 
tailed report  of  the  discussions  which  took  place  on 
this  occasion,  possibly  written  by  St.  Aldegonde. 
The  substance  is  as  follows.3 

Meetkerk  opened  the  conference  with  a long  eulogy 
on  Don  John.  His  intentions  had  been  generous, 
open-hearted,  and  simple.  Now  he  would  be  much 
gratified  if  the  Prince  would  do  his  part  and  per- 
suade Holland  and  Zealand  to  accept  the  Perpetual 
Edict.4 

1 “ There  is  greate  workynge  at  this  present  to  Wynne  the  Prynce 
of  Orange,  whose  case  is  better  than  either  Kynge  Philippe’s  or  the 
French  Kynges,  because  he  is  founde  faithful,  constante,  godlie,  and 
most  resolute  for  the  defense  of  publike  welfare  and  libertie.” — Wil- 
son to  Leicester,  May  18th,  Pel.  Politiqucs,  xi.,  600. 

“ Don  John  here  followeth  his  dclite,  rydeth  his  horses  in  the  daie 
tyme  and  masketh  in  the  nyght,  geaveth  audience  easelie  to  al  and 
applieth  himselfe  greatelie  to  the  states’  wil.  His  chief  care  is  to 
wynne  the  Prynce  to  liym  and  to  have  the  peoples’  favor  here,  whiche 
he  hath  gotte  marvellously.” 

2 Elbertus  Leoninus,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  post  of  Viglius,  and 
Gaspar  Schetz  also  assisted  at  the  meeting,  but  they  were  already  in 
Gertruidenberg  as  emissaries  from  the  states-general  to  Orange. 

3 “ Une  vraye  narration  des  propos  de  coste  et  d’aultre  tenuz  entre  les 
deputez  de  don  Jehan  et  monseigneur  le  prince  et  deputez  d’Hollande 
et  Zeelande  a Gheertrudenberghe,  au  mois  de  May,  1577.”  This  is 
in  the  Paris  Archives.  MS.  intitule  Pays-Bas , 1569-83,  fol.  229- 
236.  Gachard,  Cor.,  iii.,  447  et  seq.  Also  Bor,  i.,  815. 

4 In  Don  John’s  instructions  to  his  envoys,  having  recounted  the 
necessity  for  peace,  he  says  : “ Pour  ceste  cause,  veuillans  faire  office 
de  pere  de  la  patrie,  et  pour  acquict  du  lieu  et  charge  que  tenons  de 
sa  Majeste,  nous  a semble  convenir  vous  envoier  vers  ledict  prince 


1577J 


Conference  at  Gertruidenberg . 


191 


When  Meetkerk  finished  speaking,  the  prince  re- 
tired with  the  deputies  of  Holland  and  Zealand. 
After  a short  time  he  re-entered  the  room,  and  said 
he  wished  to  have  a scribe  appointed  to  record  the 
above  and  what  was  to  follow.  After  there  had  been 
a little  whispering,  Leoninus  took  the  floor  and  said 
it  was  far  better  to  have  no  reporter  present.  What 
was  the  use  of  accumulating  a pile  of  manuscript 
which  would  simply  confuse  them  all  ? Why  not 
talk  freely  ? Orange  put  down  his  foot  firmly.  They 
could  not  avoid  having  some  account  written  of  the 
conference,  and  there  was  always  danger  of  things 
creeping  into  an  ex  post  facto  report,  which  only  might 
have  been  said,  or  points  might  be  passed  over  which 
they  had  really  discussed.  For  example,  his  own 
authority  over  Utrecht  was  now  questioned,  because 
an  express  statement  about  it  had  been  omitted  in 
the  Treaty  of  Ghent. 

Leoninus  agreed  to  minutes  of  the  meeting  if  the 
prince  really  cared  about  it.  Then  he  asked  the  lat- 
ter in  a friendly  manner  to  make  known  his  reasons 
for  dissatisfaction,  and  to  state  what  sureties  would 
content  him.  Monseigneur  the  prince  responded  : 
“ But  since  the  solemn  promises  of  Ghent  have  not 
been  kept,  although  confirmed  by  the  oaths  of  all 
the  states,  etc.,  and  ratified  by  Don  John  and  his 

d’Oranges  et  estatz  susdicts  pour  leur  declairer  vouloir  considerer  que 
Sa  Majeste,  et  nous  en  son  nom,  avons  reelement  et  de  faict  satisfait  a 
tout  ce  que  a este  promis,  etc.”  In  the  specific  directions  given  re- 
garding various  items,  the  tenor  is,  promise  that  we  will  do  all  that 
is  right  and  everything  shall  be  arranged,  but  the  prince  must  not 
make  exorbitant  demands,  and  the  ecclesiastics  must  be  protected. — 
Gachard,  Cor. , iii.,  438. 


192 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


Majesty,  what  hope  is  there  for  the  fulfilment  of 
further  promises  ? ” 

Schetz  and  others  answered  that  the  fulfilment  of 
the  Ghent  treaty  was  simply  a question  of  time. 
Besides,  the  prince  seemed  to  expect  some  things 
that  they  did  not  count  as  pledged,  as  the  govern- 
ment of  Utrecht  for  example.  Orange  said  rather 
impatiently  that  there  was  nothing  in  the  world  so 
clear  that  no  opportunity  was  left  for  dispute.  He 
wanted  the  Ghent  treaty  intact,  and  in  his  opinion 
certain  articles  had  been  flagrantly  violated.  As  soon 
as  the  states-general  were  assembled  all  points  of  fact 
could  be  settled.  Leoninus  felt  a little  doubtful 
about  the  advisability  of  that  assembly.  There  was 
always  danger  in  crowds,  etc.  This  was  a cool  setting 
aside  of  a vital  question,  well  calculated  to  rouse  the 
ire  of  the  mildest  man.  “In  France,”  continued 
Leoninus,  “ all  such  assemblies  result  in  profitless 
discussions.”  Orange  said  the  cases  were  not  parallel. 
France  was  full  of  factions.  Here  there  was  one  will.1 
The  discussion  continued  with  much  fervour.  Schetz 
pressed  the  question  as  to  whether  Orange  would 
abide  by  the  decisions  of  the  states-general  on  reli- 
gion, if  the  Pacification  were  kept  by  “ the  other 
side.”  He  answered  in  general  terms.2 

“ So,”  said  Schetz,  “ you  will  not  accept  the  decision 
of  the  states  ? ” 

1 This  is  a slight  draft  on  the  imagination. 

2 Motley  thinks  Orange  was  afraid  of  committing  himself.  He  was 
especially  afraid  of  being  drawn  into  a conditional  prohibition  of  the 
reformed  religion  in  Holland  and  Zealand.  Within  a few  weeks  of 
this  time  the  prince  had  insisted  on  the  recognition  of  the  Anabaptists 
as  citizens.  Pie  had  outgrown  his  prejudice  against  that  sect.  Alde- 
gonde,  on  the  other  hand,  was  very  reluctant  to  concede  the  point. 


1577] 


Failure  of  Conference. 


x93 


“ I do  not  say  that,”  1 answered  the  prince ; “ it 
may  be  one  that  we  can,  it  may  be  one  that  we  can- 
not accept.  But  we  must  hear  it  discussed,  and  see 
clearly  what  concessions  we  may  have  to  make.” 

There  were  further  words  about  both  parties  keep- 
ing to  the  terms  of  the  Pacification,  then  Schetz  said  : 
“You  will  not  submit  to  the  states’  decision  in  regard 
to  the  exercise  of  religion  ? ” “ No,  indeed,”  said  the 
prince,  “ for  to  tell  you  the  truth  we  see  that  you 
mean  to  extirpate  us,  and  we  do  not  want  to  be  ex- 
tirpated.” 2 Both  Aerschot  and  Hierges  protested 
that  they  had  no  such  sanguinary  intention.  So  the 
discussion  continued.  Leoninus  urged  that  they 
should  be  friendly  and  make  a union,  to  which  the 
prince  replied  that  a union  already  existed  and  the 
first  essential  was  to  keep  that.  He  finally  grew  weary 
of  the  parleying  and  withdrew,  leaving  the  others  to 
prolong  the  debate  and  to  exchange  the  necessary 
documents.  Aerschot  and  Hierges,  meanwhile,  had 
a private  talk  with  Orange.  Don  John  reported  to 
the  king3  that  the  prince  had  advised  his  former 

1 “ Je  ne  dis  pas  cela.  mais  telle  pourroit-elle  estre  que  nous  l’accep- 
terions,  telle  aussi  que  non.” 

2 “ Non  certes,  car  pour  vous  dire  la  verite,  nous  voyons  que  vous 
nous  voules  extirper,  et  nous  ne  voulons  estre  extirpes.  ‘ Ho  ’ diet  le 
due  d’Arschot,  ‘ il  n’y  a personne  qui  veuille  cela.’  Ce  qu’aussi  diet 
le  Sr.  de  Hierges.  ‘ Si  faict  certes,’  diet  le  prince.” 

3 Letter  of  May  28th.  “ Dijo  al  duque,  segun  refiere,  que,  si  no  le 
daban  luego  Utrecht,  el  la  tomaria,  y anade  que  el  le  aconsejo  que  no 
se  fiase  de  V.  Md.  ; que  se  considerase  con  la  cabeja  a los  pies,  si  lo 
hacia  ; que  el  jamas  se  fiaria,  porque  lo  habia  V.  Md.  enganado  muchas 
veces  ; y refiere  que  tiene  V.  Md.  por  consejo  que  ‘ haereticis  non  est 
servanda  fides’  ; que  es  ya  calbo  y cabanista  y que  en  esto  morira,  ’ — 
Gachard,  Cor .,  iii, , lxiii. 

VOL.  11.— 13 


194 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


colleagues  to  put  no  trust  in  Philip,  “who  never  in- 
tended to  keep  faith  with  heretics.”  It  was  far  more 
prudent,  he  said,  to  depend  on  the  people,  for  the  will 
of  kings  was  ever  ephemeral.  As  for  himself  he  was 
a bald  Calvinist  and  as  such  he  would  die.  Later  he 
had  an  interview  with  Schetz  and  Leoninus,  who 
begged  him  to  make  peace,  while  he  reproached  them 
for  trying  to  crush  the  struggling  land  back  to 
slavery. 

There  was  no  result  from  this  conference.1  The 
final  reply  given  to  Don  John’s  deputies  was,  that  the 
Perpetual  Edict  differed  radically  from  the  Pacifica- 
tion of  Ghent,  which  it  professed  to  support ; that  the 
Prince  of  Orange  and  the  reformed  religion  were  not 
properly  treated;  that  Don  John  clung  to  his  for- 
eigners, who  held  open  a door  for  the  entry  of  all 
kinds  of  evils  ; that  the  assembly  of  the  states-general 
was  left  somewhat  doubtful,  and  the  restitution  of 
confiscated  property  not  assured.  In  point  of  fact 
the  real  desires  of  the  two  parties  had  not  changed 
in  the  slightest  degree.  In  spirit  they  were  friendly 
because  everyone  saw  the  crying  need  of  peace,  but 
when  it  came  to  the  essential  question  of  freedom  of 
worship  and  home  government,  it  was  plain  that 
nothing  important  was  to  be  yielded.  Don  John’s 
emissaries  returned  to  Brussels.  Though  the  confer- 
ence had  failed,  an  outward  show  of  good  feeling 
between  the  chiefs  continued  for  a time. 

On  May  24th,  Orange  wrote 2 an  autograph  letter 
to  Don  John,  thanking  him  for  his  several  communi- 


1 Bor,  ii. , 819. 

2Gachard,  Cor.,  iii. , 289. 


WILLIAM  THE  SILENT. 

(From  a photograph  of  the  painting  at  Delft.) 


1577] 


The  Prince' s Distrust. 


*95 


cations  and  especially  for  an  epistle  from  his  own 
hand.  He  is  glad  that  his  intentions  are  so  kindly 
towards  the  provinces.  The  people  have  made  clear 
their  desires  in  the  articles  signed  at  Ghent.  Let 
Don  John  see  those  properly  executed  and  every- 
one would  be  satisfied,  and  he  himself  would  remain 
Don  John’s  “faithful  and  affectionate  servant, 
William  of  Nassau.”  This  letter,  in  spite  of  the 
friendly  tone,  voices  the  fact  pretty  plainly  that 
Orange  thanked  the  new  governor  kindly  for  his  in- 
terest in  the  tranquillity  of  the  Netherlands,  but  that 
he  was  quite  capable  of  looking  after  his  own  con- 
cerns and  those  of  Holland  and  Zealand,  with  which 
he  was  fully  identified.1  The  letter  is  a masterpiece 
of  polite  distrust.  In  June,  Schetz  wrote  to  Orange 

1 Gachard,  Cor.,  iii.,  297. 

In  this  month  Philip  Sydney  went  to  Brabant.  “Yesterday  ” (writes 
Wilson  on  May  28th)  “ My  Lord  Ambassador,  Monsieur  Sydney, 
went  from  hence  to  Breda  towards  Gertrudenberge,  where  the  Prynce 
is  nowe  and  the  Ladie  his  wife.” — Brussels  MS.,  Rel.  Politiques,  ix., 

308. 

Towards  the  end  of  May,  Sydney  made  a full  report  of  this 
visit.  Orange  has  told  him  of  all  the  parleying  with  Don  John  and 
his  reasons  for  distrust.  England  would  do  well  to  make  a secret 
league.  Philip  has  never  been  really  friendly  towards  Elizabeth. 
Six  years  ago  he  plotted  two  things,  to  make  ‘ sharpe  warre  ’ in  England 
and  at  the  same  time  to  become  master  of  the  Rhine  by  surprise  of 
Elizabeth’s  true  allies,  the  Hanse  towns  and  German  princes.  “ In 
summa  the  Prince  understandethe  verie  well  all  the  subtilities  of  E>on 
John  and  providethe  duly  for  them.”  He  suggested  “ it  were  wisely 
done  to  enter  into  a league  with  the  Hansteades,  for  that  they  could 
serve  the  Queene’s  tome  better  than  many  Princes  in  Germanie.  . . 

Pie  [the  prince]  woulde  employe  himself  willinglie  for  her  Majestie 
to  the  making  of  a farther  amitie  with  them.” — Ibid.,  309. 

Orange  had  great  confidence  in  an  alliance  founded  on  the  needs 

of  commerce. 


196 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


begging  him  to  divest  himself  of  his  lack  of  confidence 
towards  Philip,  and  not  to  let  a new  rupture  ensue, 
which  would  ruin  the  prospects  of  Orange  and  all 
his  family.  He  also  sends  a memorandum  about 
the  estates  of  Charolais,  which  he  proposed  to  the 
prince  to  exchange  for  his  confiscated  property  in 
Burgundy.  He  says  this  is  not  very  profitable  at  pres- 
ent, but  will  be  later.  To  this  Orange  replies  in  the 
same  terms  he  has  hitherto  used.  He  has  no  reason 
for  believing  in  the  king,  unless  the  Pacification  of 
Ghent  is  kept  to  the  full. 

“ For  the  rest,  I have  looked  at  the  memorandum 
about  Charolais,  and  thank  you  warmly  for  the  trouble 
you  have  taken.  In  reading  the  details  I am  reminded 
of  a remark  of  Peressu,  the  fool  of  the  late  emperor, 
* Poco  menos  honrra  y mas provecho.'  1 Moreover,  it  seems 
to  me  premature  to  make  any  disposition,  as  my  Bur- 
gundy property  is  not  yet  returned  to  me,  and  there 
seems  little  prospect  of  immediate  restitution.  I would 
therefore  prefer  this  matter  to  rest  in  abeyance,  not  only 
because  I never  reckon  without  my  host,  as  the  saying 
runs,  but  also  because  such  a provisional  arrangement 
might  be  to  the  detriment  of  other  gentlemen  who  have 
property  in  Burgundy  and  no  means  of  exchanging  it 
either  in  Charolais  or  in  France.” 

Don  John  had  entered  Brussels  as  the  conquering 
hero  comes.  Discouraged  as  he  had  been  from  the 
beginning,  these  fruitless  negotiations  at  Gertruiden- 
berg  deprived  him  of  his  last  hope  that  he  was  to  be 
a well-loved  peacemaker.  He  exaggerated  the  univer- 

1 A little  less  honour  and  more  profit. 


1577] 


An  English  Letter. 


197 


sality  of  the  prince’s  popularity,  and  felt  that  he  was 
nowhere  in  the  public  estimation,  though  he  was  an 
honoured  guest  in  the  capital  where  William  of 
Nassau  had  not  set  foot  for  eleven  years.  But  the 
governor  suspected  that  events  there  took  the  course 
directed  by  the  patriot,  and  resented  living  under 
the  shadow  of  the  absent  prince.  On  June  8th, 
Elizabeth’s  ambassador  writes 1 from  Brussels  as 
follows  : 

“ Truthe  it  is  Don  Jhon  seeketh  by  al  meanes  to  bee 
populare  . . . and  hath  so  wel  caried  hymselfe 

to  al,  that  manie  of  the  greatest,  yea  and  most  of 
the  meaner  sorte,  are  enchanted  in  his  love,  and  highlie 
esteeme  him  above  al  others.  Yet  this  moche  must  I 
thynke  that  he  is  thus  apparentlie  good  for  necessitie,  be- 
cause he  cannot  otherwyse  brynge  that  to  passe,  whiche 
he  hath  in  his  mynde  to  doe,  seemynge  now  to  bee  some- 
what wearie  of  this  his  cunninge  dealinge,  because  he  is 
overmuch  controwled  by  the  States,  nay  almost  com- 
manded by  them.  . . . Moreover,  the  9 nations 

of  Bryssels  here  have  verie  latelie  exhibited  their  byl  by 
Monsieur  Monteigny,  Conte  Lalan’s  brother,  for  the 
Spaniards  and  their  adherents  to  be  presentlie  removed 
from  the  persone  of  Don  Jhon,  whiche  hath  greatelie 
trowbled  his  Highness.  These  persones  are  Escovedo, 
Nimo,  Valiozo,  Prado  et  at .,  Spanyardes,  Octavo  Gon- 
zaga  of  Mantua,  M.  Gasty,  a Burgundian,  late  in  Eng- 
land, and  Baptista  Taxis,  brother  to  the  postmaster  of 
this  town  . . . because  soche  men  as  these  are 

’Dr.  Wilson  to  Walsingham,  June  8,  1577,  Rel.  Politiques,  ix., 
327.  The  spelling  of  these  letters  is  wonderful.  Even  “John” 
appears  in  many  forms. 


198 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


thought  to  bee  of  his  arrier  counsel,  and  doe  directe  his 
dooinges  to  their  harm  here.  The  Prince  also  towcheth 
this  request  in  his  answer  to  the  Duke  of  Arschot  and 
commissioners  sent  with  hym.  . . . 

“ The  Prince  must  of  necessitie  give  hymselfe  over  to 
some  greater  personage  than  himselfe  for  his  better 
strengthe,  or  els  yeelde  al  to  the  Kynges  mercie.  . . . 

Somewhat  must  bee  done,  or  els  some  wil  bee  undone. 
And  in  my  symple  judgement  an  ouverture  made  of  part 
takynge,  under  the  colour  of  peace  makynge,  would  doe 
rnoche  good  and  geave  a terrour  to  the  prowdest  of  them. 
Yea,  soche  a bolde  dealinge  would  cawse  others  to  joyne 
with  us,  that  now  stande  as  neuters,  lookynge  styl  what 
wee  wyl  doe.  Valiant  workynge  never  wanted  good  for- 
tune. . . . It  is  geaven  out  here  that  the  Queen  of 

Navarre  cummeth  shortlie  to  the  Spawe,  accompanied 
with  the  Duke  de  Nevers,  Memorancie,  Cardinal  Bour- 
bon, Cardinal  Guyse,  the  Bysshope  of  Glasco.  This 
cummynge  hither  of  the  doughter  is  like  her  mother's 
beeing  at  Bayon,  whereupon  folowed  the  massacre  [St. 
Bartholemeu],  so  that  I doe  feare  the  like  wyl  bee  agreed 
upon,  or  els  a mischiefe  for  Englande  by  laing  a plotte 
for  a marriage  by  the  Bysshoppeof  Glascoe’s  advise  and 
others,  yon  knowe  with  whome. 

“ Don  John  himself  myndeth  to  meete  the  Queen  of 
Navarre  at  Valenciennes,  and  so  brynge  her  to  Mouns, 
where  he  myndeth  to  entertayne  her  with  al  the  honour 
that  may  bee.  And  because  the  charges  are  like  to  bee 
greate,  he  hathe  cawsed  to  be  propounded  to  the  States 
that  they  would  defraye  al  the  charges,  whiche  is  not  yet 
grawnted. 

“ The  Spanyardes  wer  in  Burgundie  the  10th  of  Maie 
last,  . . . and  some  feare  that  they  have  animum 

revertendi , and  wante  but  occasion.  Yea,  some  thynkes 


1577] 


Don  John  at  Mechlin. 


z99 


yf  Don  Jhon  colwde  get  clerlie  awaye,  he  would  rather 
bee  in  Luxembourge  than  in  Bryssels,  notwithstanding 
the  greate  brute  that  goeth  of  hym  for  his  wel  dooinge. 

“ Here  is  a greate  want  of  money,  and  dyverse  devises 
used  to  gette  it  . . yea  it  is  proposed  that  every 

man  be  assessed  according  to  his  degree,  and  by  the 
pole.” 

Wilson  encloses  copies  of  documents  relating  to 
the  negotiations  between  Orange  and  Don  John  ; 
among  them,  “ Don  John’s  letters  to  the  Prynce  in 
Spanyshe  and  in  frensh,  and  the  wyse  answers  of  the 
Prynce  to  Don  Jhon.” 

Don  John  chafed  under  the  restraint  in  which  he 
was  held,  and  his  peace  of  mind  was  not  increased 
by  insinuations  that  he  was  in  constant  personal 
danger  of  assassination  or  abduction.  That  there 
was  some  reason  for  this  apprehension  is  shown  by 
the  prince’s  letter  to  the  estates,  before  quoted.1 2 
Finally  he  could  endure  Brussels  no  longer,  and 
went  to  Mechlin  on  June  nth,  after  less  than  six 
weeks’  residence  in  his  appointed  capital.  His 
ostensible  reason  was  that  he  wished  to  make  ar- 
rangements for  the  evacuation  of  Antwerp  by  the 
German  troops,  and  that  the  states  would  not  allow 
him  to  risk  his  person  in  that  city.3  Here  he 
brooded  over  the  failure  of  all  his  schemes,  and 
prepared  for  a change  of  policy.  But  at  the  same 
time  he  did  not  repulse  other  suggestions. 

1 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  141. 

2 His  discontent  was  nursed  by  the  Duke  of  Aerschot,  who  took 
pleasure  in  dwelling  on  the  dangers  that  threatened  him. — See 

Motley,  iii.,  222. 


200 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


Dr.  Wilson  followed  him  to  Mechlin,  and  wrote 
to  Elizabeth  1 that  he  had  called  on  Don  John,  who 
expressed  a fervent  desire  to  see  the  English  queen. 

“ I towlde  hym  his  wyshe  was  good  . . . twoe 

noble  natures  meetinge  together  cowlde  not  but  agree 
. . . Then  somewhat  to  please  hym  for  the  tyme,  I 

shewed  him  your  Majestie’s  picture,  whiche  I had  bor- 
rowed of  Mr.  Fowlke  Greville  . . . and  suerlie, 

Madame,  Don  Jhon  was  moche  pleased  with  the  sight, 
and  perused  it  verie  curiouslie  a good  longe  tyme,  and 
asked  me  yf  Your  Majesty  were  not  attired  some  tymes 
according  to  the  spanyshe  maner.  . . . He  sayde 

the  spanyshe  attire  was  the  most  cummelie,  and  then  he 
desired  earnestlie  of  me  to  have  Your  Majestie  entier 
stature  and  makinge,  and  the  sooner  the  better.  . . ” 

Having  arranged  for  Don  John’s  own  portrait, 
Wilson  continues: 

“ He  towlde  me  he  is  so  enformed  of  Your  Majestie 
that,  if  you  wer  in  the  companie  of  your  ladies  but  in  a 
blacke  velvet  frenshe  gowne  and  a playne  howde  to  the 
same,  he  might  discerne  you  for  the  Queene,  altho  he 
had  never  seen  your  picture  before.  I towlde  hym  in- 
deede  God  had  donne  moche  for  you,  not  onelie  to  cawle 
you  to  the  place  of  a queene  and  so  represente  hymselfe, 
but  also  to  geave  you  soche  a shape  fytte  for  any  queene, 
and  there  withal  a mynde  endowed  with  soche  several 
and  famous  vertues  as  therefore  Your  Majestie  is  had  in 
admiration,  and  a chief  spectacle  to  the  whole  worlde.” 

This  was  diplomatic  correspondence  exactly  after 
the  maiden  queen’s  own  heart  ! 


June  nth,  Pel.  Politiques , ix.,  335. 


1577] 


Margaret  of  Valois. 


201 


Then  another  woman’s  figure  came  within  the 
range  of  Don  John’s  vision.  Several  times  in  the 
course  of  the  Netherland  troubles  were  the  waters 
of  the  Spa  used  as  a cloak  for  political  designs. 
Margaret  of  Valois,  the  beautiful  and  fascinating 
wife  of  Henry  of  Navarre,  who  won  all  hearts  but 
her  husband’s,  felt  the  need  of  the  spring’s  healing 
qualities,  and  chose  this  time  to  make  a journey 
thither.  Her  purpose  was  really  sisterly  ambition, 
and  her  aim,  to  further  her  brother’s  prospects  in  the 
Netherlands.1 2 * * * *  Don  John  made  elaborate  prepara- 
tions to  receive  the  fair  invalid,  and  sold  off  all  his 
furniture  and  wine  at  Mechlin  before  setting  out  to 
speed  the  traveller  on  her  way.8 

Margaret  spent  a night  at  Mons,  where  she  con- 
vinced both  the  governor,  Count  Lalain,  and  his  wife 

1 Margaret’s  own  version  is,  that  she  was  unhappy  at  court  when 
the  French  king  was  at  war  with  her  husband,  whom  her  mother 
would  not  let  her  join.  She  was  also  anxious  to  see  the  poor  people 
of  Flanders  rescued  from  Philip’s  cruel  domination,  and  her  brother 
Alenjon  installed  as  Governor  of  the  Netherlands.  Mondoucet  sug- 
gested her  journey  to  Alenjon.  “ ‘ Cela  viendroit  bien  a propos  pour 
vostre  entreprise  de  Flandres,  ou  elle  pourroit  frapper  un  grand 
coup.’  Mon  frere  le  trouva  fort  bon  et  fust  fort  aise  de  cette  ouver- 
ture,  et  s’ecria  soudain,  ’O  royne  ne  cherchez  plus,  il  faut  que  vous 
alliez  aux  eaux  de  Spa,  ou  va  madame  la  princesse  de  la  Roche  sur 
Yon.  Je  vous  ay  veu  autrefois  une  erisipele  au  bras  ; il  faut  que 
vous  disiez  que  lors  les  medecins  vous  l’avoient  ordonne,  mais  que  la 
saison  n’y  estoit  pas  si  propre.’” — Memoir  es  de  Marg.  de  Valois,  p. 
86  et  seq. 

2 On  June  24th,  Don  John  wrote  to  Philip  : “ I am  looking  for 

means  to  escape.  It  must  be  done  within  three  or  four  days  or  I will 

be  a prisoner,  we  are  reduced  so  low.”  Again  on  July  9th  : “ Arro- 

gance and  insolence  characterise  everyone,  from  the  council  of  state 

to  the  people.  Several  companies  are  approaching  Mechlin  to  seize 


202 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


that  it  would  be  a fine  thing  to  restore  Flanders  to 
France,  and  left  them  to  bring  others  to  that  way  of 
thinking.  Don  John  met  her  at  a little  distance 
from  Namur,  and  escorted  her  and  her  retinue  to  the 
lodgings  he  had  decorated  for  her  visit  with  splendid 
tapestry  representing  the  battle  of  Lepanto.  Two 
days  were  spent  in  gay  feasting,  and  then  the  queen 
floated  down  the  Meuse  towards  Liege.  Don  John 
was  enthralled  by  his  fair  guest  and  never  suspected 
that  the  sole  purpose  of  her  visit  was  to  corrupt  his 
servants  and  undermine  his  authority.  He,  too,  had 
had  another  thought  beyond  that  of  the  hospitality 
he  had  so  gallantly  exercised.  Scarcely  had  the 
royal  barge  floated  out  of  sight  than  he  rode  off  to 
begin  the  work  which  was  completed  July  24th.* 1 
Under  pretence  of  a hunting  party,  the  governor,  pre- 
ceded by  Bcrlaymont  and  his  four  sons,  entered  the 
fortress  of  Namur,  which  towers  so  loftily  on  a high 
wedge-shaped  hill,  rising  between  the  Meuse  and  the 
Sambre,  and  looking  like  the  live  rock.  Soldiers 
were  ordered  to  creep  up  the  hill  stealthily,  and  just 
as  they  reached  the  summit  Don  John  arrested  the 
castellan,  Froymont,  as  he  came  out  to  welcome  him, 
and  then  turned  him  summarily  out-of-doors  with 

me.  . . . They  regret  not  having  put  to  death  the  council  of 

state  when  they  arrested  them.  If  they  take  me,  they  will  not  spare 
me,  and  that  will  be  the  end  of  our  affairs  forever.” — Les  Huguenots, 
etc.,  iv.,  416. 

Don  John  felt  that  his  later  illegal  measures  were  fully  justified  by 
these  things. 

1 Daalyk  naa’t  afscheit  van  haar,  en  eeven  uit  de  schuyt  ghetreeden, 
ging  te  paarde  zitten  om’t  werk  te  beginnen, — Hoofd,  xii.,  4791 
Bor,  ii.,  832  ; also  Memoires  de  Marg.  de  Valois,  p.  114. 


1577] 


Seizure  of  Namur. 


20' 


his  garrison,  consisting  mainly  of  feeble  old  men. 
The  newly  arrived  soldiers  entered  the  fortress. 
“Then,  turning  to  the  Companie,  Don  John  called 
that  Day  the  first  of  his  Government  : for  till  then  he 
had  enjoyed  nothing  thereof  but  an  airy  title.”  1 

On  July  28th,  Aldegonde  wrote  to  John  of  Nassau 
from  Brussels,  giving  news  of  this  event,  with  rumours 
of  Don  John’s  further  seizures2: 

“Seven  or  eight  days  before  the  surprise  of  Namur,  I 
was  sent  by  the  prince  to  the  estates  to  communicate 
certain  letters  intercepted  in  France,  by  which  their  ill 
intentions  are  unmasked.  Don  John  says  there  is  no 
other  remedy  for  this  sick  body  except  to  cut  off  all  that 
is  spoiled,  showing  the  king  that  mild  medicine  has 
profited  nothing.  Affairs  can  only  be  remedied  with 
fire  and  sword,  etc.  In  short,  all  the  letters  threaten 
the  land  with  servitude  and  complete  ruin. 

“ The  affairs  of  Holland  go  on  in  the  usual  manner. 
The  Amsterdamers  remain  very  opinionated  and  will  not 
listen  to  reason.  They  expect  to  govern  their  governor, 
and  in  receiving  the  prince,  want  to  be  armed  and  have 
the  city  in  full  garrison.  On  the  other  hand,  they  wish 
to  be  nominally  allied  to  Holland,  but  have  nothing 
really  in  common  except  commerce.  For  they  are  de- 
termined not  to  share  in  burdens  and  taxes.  . . . 

Certainly  the  cause  of  religion  is  marvellously  hated 
everywhere,  which  makes  my  errand  almost  fruitless,  for 
all  my  actions  and  advice  are  under  suspicion,  as  they 
think  that  I only  want  to  bring  about  a change  of  re- 
ligion, and  they  seem  to  prefer  to  be  ruined  without  us, 
than  to  be  saved  with  us.” 


•Strada,  i.,  ix.,  35. 

2 Groen,  Archives,  vi.,  113. 


204 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


When  Orange  heard  what  had  happened  at  Na- 
mur, he  was  ready  to  turn  it  to  his  advantage.  The 
open  breach  with  the  governor  was  welcome  to  him. 
He  wrote  1 at  once,  on  August  2d,  to  the  estates, 
defending  himself  from  the  aspersions  cast  on  him 
by  Don  John,  and  pointed  out  that  the  manner  in 
which  Namur  citadel  had  been  taken  was  a flagrant 
breach  of  the  peace,  so  that  they  owed  nothing  more 
to  their  governor. 

Now  that  the  gauntlet  was  thrown  down,  Don 
John  wished  to  let  no  grass  grow  before  he  had 
strengthened  his  position.  He  had  withdrawn  Aer- 
schot — who  was  distrusted  on  both  sides — from  Ant- 
werp and  placed  the  keys  in  the  hands  of  Treslong, 
an  unscrupulous  royalist.  He  planned  to  send  back 
to  Antwerp  the  German  mercenaries,  with  whom  he 
had  tampered,  to  prevent  their  accepting  the  estates’ 
proposition  to  pay  them  off.1  Van  den  Ende,  who 
had  played  a part  in  the  Antwerp  Fury,  was  their 
leader,  and  Don  John  politely  asked  Antwerp  to 
allow  these  troops  to  be  quartered  within  the  walls  to 
protect  the  town.  This  game  did  not  succeed,  how- 
ever. Such  protection  was  not  desired,  and  a nephew 
of  Champagny,  at  the  head  of  a small  detachment  of 
states  troops,  forced  an  engagement  on  these  would- 
be  protectors  and  put  them  to  flight  at  considerable 
loss.  At  the  same  time  an  officer  in  the  garrison  of 
the  citadel,  one  de  Bours,  undertook  to  carry  it  for 
the  estates,  and  he  succeeded  beyond  his  expec- 
tations, only  one  company  really  holding  out  for 

1 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  121. 

2 Hoofd,  xii.,  488  ; Bor,  ii. , 821  ; Rel.  Politiques , ix.,  446,  et  al. 


1577] 


Breda. 


205 


Treslong.  In  the  citadel  he  found  a secret  corre- 
spondence, which  revealed  the  hollowness  of  the 
governor’s  protestations  towards  the  estates.  The 
fortress  was  safe  but  the  poor  city  trembled,  as  there 
were  still  some  German  mercenaries  within  the  walls. 
The  burghers  determined  to  satisfy  all  just  claims  of 
the  German  troops,  and  see  them  off  for  their  native 
heath.  The  citizens’  deputies  were  in  the  Place  de 
Meir,  where  the  colonels  had  collected  their  com- 
panies, parleying  with  gold  in  their  hands,1  when  a 
new  arrival  suddenly  changed  the  aspect  of  affairs. 
Admiral  Haultain,  in  command  of  one  of  the  prince’s 
squadrons,  had  started  on  a new  expedition  against 
Tholen,  when  he  heard  the  news.  He  changed 
his  direction  and  sailed  up  the  Scheldt.  The 
cries  of  “ Die  guesen , die  guesen,  daar  zyn  ze  ” 
suddenly  reached  the  ears  of  the  troops. 
Without  waiting  to  take  what  was  their  just  due 
from  the  hands  of  the  astonished  burghers,  the  men 
fled  hastily  across  the  Scheldt,  out  into  the  open 
field.  A portion  of  the  fugitives  reassembled  at 
Bergen  op  Zoom,  where  they  surrendered  their 
colonel  to  Champagny  and  laid  down  their  arms. 
As  a body  they  were  never  formidable  again. 
Another  portion  reached  Breda,  not  yet  restored  to 
Orange.  They  held  out  there  for  two  months. 
Frondsberg,  the  captain,  sent  a messenger  to  Don 
John  for  instructions.  His  answer  promising  aid 
within  six  weeks,  was  captured  by  the  prince.2  A 
letter  was  forged  to  the  effect  that  Don  John  could 


1 Bor,  ii. , 854. 

2 Ibid.,  856  ; Hoofd,  xii.,  492. 


206 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


not  help  them,  and  Frondsberg,  the  colonel,  must 
do  the  best  he  could  for  himself.  One  William 
Sylvius,  an  Antwerp  printer,  counterfeited  Don 
John’s  sign  and  seal.  The  captured  messenger  was 
bribed  to  deliver  the  false  letter.  He  not  only  did 
this  but  spread  its  contents  through  the  town.  The 
garrisons  rose  upon  their  leader  and  surrendered 
him  with  the  city  and  their  own  arms,  to  the  estates. 
Thus  for  the  first  time  since  his  departure  in  April, 
1567,  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  free  to  return  to  his 
own  city.1 

Before  the  snow  fell  the  prince’s  desire  to  see  the 
citadel  demolished  was  fulfilled.  Men,  women,  and 
children  worked  eagerly  at  the  task  until  not  one 
stone  was  left  upon  another.  Ghent  followed  suit, 
and  it  looked  as  though  the  Spanish  foxes  Avould 
find  no  holes  wherein  to  hide  their  heads. 

Meanwhile,  Don  John  corresponded  at  length  with 
the  estates.2  lie  had  only  taken  a fortress  because 
he  was  safe  nowhere  else.  Orange  had  betrayed 
him.  Assassination  threatened  him,  etc.  The 
estates  on  their  side  recounted  their  grievances  at 
verbose  length.  At  the  same  time  they  wrote  to 
Philip  asking  for  his  mediation  between  them  and 
his  governor.  If  that  failed  they  would  like  a new 
regent. 

Orange  had  watched  events  with  growing  hope. 
The  governor  was  tying  himself  in  a knot  from 

1 ‘ ‘ Alzoo  werd  den  Prinse  zyn  stadt,  op  den  vierden  van  Wynmaandt, 
in  handen  gestelt,  tot  groote  blydschap  der  Burgherye,  die  langen  tydt 
naa  haaren  Heer  verlangt  had.” 

2 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  126. 


1577] 


The  Prince  in  Holland. 


207 


which  he  could  not  escape.  The  prince  wrote  to 
the  estates,  as  has  been  said,  defending  his  own 
position  and  urging  them  to  defend  the  people.1 
Just  at  this  time  he  was  in  North  Holland,  where 
the  reparation  of  the  dykes  had  first  called  him.2 
He  was  received  with  acclamations  and  he  judged  it 
best  to  make  the  most  of  the  enthusiasm,  and  go 
whither  he  was  asked.3  Utrecht  especially  begged 

1 Margaret  of  Navarre  spent  six  weeks  at  Spa, — the  usual  time  for 
a cure , and  then  was  somewhat  at  a loss  to  know  how  to  return  safely 
under  the  new  state  of  things.  “ II  y avoit  trois  partis,  celuy  des 
estatz,  qu’  estoient  des  catholiques  de  Flandre  ; celuy  du  prince 
d'Orange  et  des  huguenots,  quy  n’ estoient  qu’un,  et  celuy  d’Espaigne 
ou  commandoit  don  Juan.”  To  obtain  a passport  from  Orange, 
“ I sent  Mondoucet  to  him,  as  he  was  a friend  to  the  prince  and  had 
a flavour  of  his  religion.  He  did  not  return.  I waited  two  or  three 
days,  and  I believe  that  if  I had  waited  for  him  I should  be  there 
now.”  She  finally  started  off  without  a passport,  and  gained  France 
after  many  adventures,  related  with  much  spirit  in  her  diary. — 
MCmoir es  de  Marg.  de  Valois , p.  116. 

2 Hoofd,  xii. , 490.  Other  business  besides  repairing  the  dykes  fol- 
lowed Orange  on  this  journey.  1 ‘ I came  unto  him  [wrote  Daniel  Rogers 
to  Leicester]  as  he  was  in  North  Holland,  the  10th  of  this  presente, 
where  I found  him  marvelously  occupied  with  busines,  which  were 
presented  unto  him  by  divers,  which,  from  divers  places  and  Estates 
were  sent  unto  him  ; for  at  the  same  tyme,  Nicolaus  Drumesius,  was 
sent  by  the  Pope’s  Nuncio  and  Don  Juan  unto  him  ; President 
Sasbout  came  from  the  Privy  Council  to  accorde  with  the  Prince,  for 
them  at  Amsterdam  ; Basdorp  was  sent  from  Bruxelles  from  the 
Estates  Generali,  besides  one  of  the  Schoneberches,  which  came  out 
of  Germany  with  the  Emperor’s  letters  unto  him,  and  three  gentle- 
men whiche  were  sente  from  the  Estates  of  Gelderlande  to  knowe  his 
advise  in  certaine  matters,  in  such  manner  that  having  further  to 
provide  for  the  state  of  his  goverment,  he  had  bothe  his  handes 
full.” — Rel.  Politiques , ix.,  396. 

3 The  common  people  greeted  him  with  cries  of  “ Father  William 
has  come.” 


2o8 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


him  to  come  there,  though  he  had  never  been  rein- 
stated in  the  authority  over  the  city  which  he 
claimed  belonged  to  him.  Hoping  to  make  an 
adjustment  in  person,  he  accepted  the  invitation. 
As  he  was  driving  into  the  city  with  Charlotte  by 
his  side,  a hard  substance  suddenly  struck  him. 
She  threw  herself  upon  her  husband,  shrieking  “ We 
are  betrayed,”  thinking  that  he  was  shot  at.  Orange, 
with  his  usual  quickness,  perceived  that  it  was 
nothing  but  a wad  from  one  of  the  cannon  which 
were  saluting  him.  With  the  words,  “ It  is  nothing 
at  all,”  he  calmed  the  princess  and  the  excited  crowd, 
assuring  them  that  not  only  was  he  unhurt,  but  that 
no  one  thought  of  hurting  him.  This  was  not  the 
only  accident  on  that  day.  Everyone  crowded  to 
their  windows  to  see  the  prince’s  entry,  and  a little 
girl,  nine  years  old,  daughter  of  an  apothecary,  lean- 
ing forward  was  pushed  or  fell  out  in  the  excitement, 
striking  the  ground  directly  in  front  of  the  horses 
drawing  the  prince’s  carriage.  It  was  too  late  to 
check  them.  The  hoofs  struck  the  little  figure,  kill- 
ing the  child  instantly.  Orange  leaped  from  the 
carriage,  picked  up  the  little  bruised  body,  and 
carried  it  himself  to  the  parents,  speaking  words  of 
consolation.1  If  these  two  incidents  are  true,  and 
there  is  no  reason  for  doubting  their  authenticity, 
they  probably  did  more  to  win  partisans  for  Orange 
than  folios  of  his  arguments  could  have  done. 

After  this  visit,  Utrecht  withdrew  all  opposition  to 
the  prince,  and  a short  time  afterwards  a treaty  of 


1 Hoofd,  xii.,  490  ; Bor.  ii.,  831. 


1577] 


New  Governments. 


209 


satisfaction  1 2 was  drawn  up  on  the  same  basis  as  that 
accepted  by  Harlem  and  Amsterdam — a basis  broad 
enough  to  support  both  religions  with  a nominal 
supremacy  to  the  ancient  Church. 

In  August,  Orange  wrote  an  autograph  letter  to 
Aldegonde5  thanking  him  warmly  for  his  efforts  in 
public  affairs,  and  especially  for  his  endeavours  to 
convince  the  estates  that  in  all  his  actions  the  prince 
had  been  influenced  by  his  zeal  for  the  common  wel- 
fare. He  continues: 

“ As  to  my  opinion  on  the  governments3 *  of  Flanders, 
Guelderland  and  Antwerp,  I will  write  to-morrow.  . . . 
You  know  I am  viscount  of  Antwerp  . . . and  it 

would  therefore  be  reasonable  that  I should  be  preferred 
to  any  one  else.  But  considering  the  times,  I will  let 
matters  take  their  course,  lest  any  block  might  be  inter- 
posed to  the  razing  of  the  castle,  which,  thank  God,  I 
hear  is  in  train.  Several  citizens  have  spoken  to  me 
saying  that  these  are  their  rights,  but  I begged  them  to 
make  no  manifestation,  for  the  above  reason.  They  also 
mentioned  that  before  demolition  was  permitted,  they 
were  required  to  make  certain  promises,  though  I do 
not  know  what.  If  you  could  see  the  articles  it  would 
be  a good  plan. 

“ As  to  Flanders,  I agree  with  you,  but  do  not  know 
what  to  say  about  Guelder,  unless  to  suggest  that  the 
choice  be  left  to  the  inhabitants.  For  if  the  estates 


1 See  Bor,  ii. , 831,  893  ; Renon  de  France,  ii. , 178. 

2 It  is  without  date,  but  was  probably  written  towards  the  end  of 
the  month,  as  the  demolition  of  the  citadels  began  on  August  23rd. — 
Groen,  Archives , vi.,  138. 

3 The  governments  were  being  reconstructed  as  rapidly  as  possible. 

VOL.  II.— 14 


2 IO 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


place  some  one  there  and  there  is  difficulty  about  his 
being  accepted,  it  will  only  cause  trouble  in  the  region 
and  alienate  the  people’s  good  disposition,  annoy  and 
ill  please  the  one  chosen  and  engender  pique  among  the 
lords,  which  should  be  avoided  at  any  cost.  I must 
tell  you  that  a soldier  was  brought  to  me  yesterday,  who 
had  been  sent  by  Frondsberg1  and  his  captains  to  Don 
John,  with  the  enclosed  letter.  I interrogated  him  and 
he  answered  on  each  article  as  you  will  see  by  the  en- 
closed paper.  Although  I do  not  believe  it  all,  it  is, 
nevertheless,  neccessary  that  the  estates  make  prepara- 
tions to  fortify  highways  on  the  Meuse  and  elsewhere, 
and  begin  to  restore  order  among  the  soldiers,  or  else 
they  will  eat  up  the  land  and  do  no  service.  It  would 
be  good  to  cut  off  Don  John  from  all  provisions,  espe- 
cially wheat.  Just  now, one  day  is  worth  a month,  for  I 
see  every  indication  that  Don  John  is  gathering  all  his 
forces,  and  that  he  means  to  make  a second  rash  ven- 
ture, as  you  will  see  by  this  letter  that  comes  from  Mme. 
de  Bailleu — you  may  erase  what  is  underlined  to  save 
the  good  lady  annoyance.” 

Orange  did  indeed  “consider  the  times”  very 
closely,  and  was  careful  to  make  no  suggestion  that 
might  check  the  course  things  were  taking.  The 
discovery  of  Don  John’s  letters  in  the  Antwerp  cita- 
del chilled  the  hearts  of  his  would-be  supporters, 
while  the  voluminous  correspondence  between  him 
and  the  states  did  nothing  to  reanimate  the  flame  of 
loyalty,  which  had  apparently  burnt  so  brightly  in 
May. 

From  Namur  citadel,  the  governor  asserted  his 


1 Commanding  at  Breda. 


1577] 


Marnix  at  Brussels. 


2 1 I 


right  to  nominate  delegates  for  a general  assembly. 
He  offered  to  choose  the  names  from  a list  which 
might  be  sent  him.  The  states  replied  that  this  had 
been  demanded  by  none  of  the  long  line  of  rulers 
from  whom  he  was  illegitimately  sprung.  So  the 
argument  went  on  with  mutual  recriminations.  The 
states  felt  themselves  growing  more  powerful.  The 
people’s  party,  too,  was  waxing,  and,  under  Orange’s 
influence,  was  urging  that  more  radical  measures 
should  be  taken. 

Marnix  was  in  Brussels,  from  time  to  time,  as  the 
prince’s  representative.  In  August,  he  proposed 
a series  of  points  to  the  states,  according  to  in- 
structions given  him  by  Orange.1  The  gist  of  the 
argument  was,  something  must  be  done  quickly. 
Messengers  should  be  sent  to  all  the  European  powers 
to  explain  matters.  These  messengers  need  not  be 
very  expensive,  as  each  prince  to  whom  they  are  sent 
will  probably  help  defray  their  expenses.  Be  ener- 
getic and  show  a determination  to  carry  out  a pur- 
pose to  the  end. 

“ The  last  point  is,  that  the  prince  is  advised  that  the 
Amsterdamers  are  meaning  to  send  their  deputies  hither, 
pour  faire  des  bons  varletz , after  they  have  heard  from 
Antwerp.  He  wishes  to  warn  you,  as  he  does  not  trust 
them  over  much.  It  is  almost  incredible  how  many  risings 
they  have  made  since  the  news  from  Namur,  as  they  really 
only  desire  the  ruin  of  the  country,  and  as  the  prince 
has  written,  if  they  knew  how  to  drown  and  ruin  the 
public  in  a spoonful  of  water  they  would  do  it.  He  es- 


1 Gachard,  Cor.,  iv.,  I. 


2 I 2 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


pecially  wished  to  warn  you  of  this  as  Peter  Peterson  is 
one  of  those  who  persuaded  Don  John  to  do  what  he 
did.  These  are  the  four  points  that  the  prince  desired 
me  to  present  to  you,  and  he  wishes  me  to  return  as  soon 
as  possible.” 

In  reply  to  this  message,  on  August  27th,  the 
estates  sent  one  de  Courteville,  to  the  prince,  who 
was  again  at  Gertruidenberg.1  Orange  reiterates  his 
opinion  that  for  the  ills  they  are  suffering  there  is 
no  remedy  except  war  against  the  stranger,  and 
union  among  themselves.  He  begs  the  estates  to 
send  commissioners  to  Zealand  to  treat  with  the 
merchants  and  arrange  for  free  navigation  between 
the  provinces,  urges  the  maintenance  of  the  Ghent 
Pacification,  etc.  Especially  he  wishes  that  the 
states  should  negotiate  with  Elizabeth,  provide 
themselves  with  the  sinews  of  war,  and  take  pos- 
session of  various  cities. 

On  August  30th,  the  council  of  war  drew  up  a set 
of  resolutions  practically  agreeing  with  the  prince’s 
wishes.  They  also  made  arrangements  for  levying 
troops,  and  affairs  looked  promising  in  spite  of  the 
anomalous  condition  of  the  government  in  a land 
divided  against  itself,  with  its  accepted  ruler  shut 
up  in  a small  fortress.  The  feeling  of  universal  dis- 
trust that  had  prevailed  during  the  summer  in  the 
provinces,  is  pictured  by  the  following  letter  of  Dr. 
Wilson  to  Elizabeth2: 


1 Gachard,  Cor. , iv. , 6. 

2 Rel.  Politiques,  ix.,  337.  This  was  written  in  June,  but  the  gen- 
eral tone  holds  true  for  August. 


1577] 


An  English  Letter. 


213 


“ My  speeche  tendeth  to  this  ende  that  Your  Majestie 
bee  verie  circumspecte  how  to  trust,  and  never  to  beleve 
wordes,  but  the  effecte  of  wordes,  and  so  shal  Your  Majesty 
be  the  lesse  deceaved.  It  is  good  to  geave  like  measure, 
and  he  that  speakes  me  fayre  and  loves  me  not,  I will 
speake  hym  fayre  and  trust  him  not.  Cretisandum  semper 
cum  cretense.  And  as  the  commune  speache  is,  fallere 
fallentem , non  est  fraus.” 

The  writer  goes  on  to  describe  “ the  playne  am- 
bassadour  without  sleight  or  cunnynge  whom  Don 
John  doth  marvellouslie  esteeme  especially  in  out- 
warde  show,  as  he  is  cherysed  agaynst  the  Prynce 
of  Orange.”  Wilson  then  dwells  at  some  length  on 
the  desire  of  the  regent  to  have  Elizabeth’s  friend- 
ship, and  what  plots  there  are  to  separate  her  from 
Orange. 

“ Suerlie  I cannot  bee  perswaded  with  Your  Majestie’s 
favour  that  ever  there  wil  bee  fast  and  assured  amitie 
emongest  those  prynces  that  are  divided  in  religion.  It 
is  good  to  beare  an  eaven  hand  and  to  geave  good  coun- 
tenance ; but  I can  never  thynke  it  good  to  trust  them 
fullie  and  whollie,  let  them  saie  and  doe  what  they  wil. 
This  is  my  belief,  not  to  beleve,  for  as  one  sayde  to  me 
of  late,  that  was  a Papiste,  ubi  non  est  eade7ti  fide , ibi  est 
nulla  fides,  which  I turned  upon  him  agayne  in  defense 
of  the  trew  reformed  religion.” 

After  mentioning  the  curious  fact 1 that  Don  John 
was  “ much  cherysing  those  who  had  been  against 


1 This  was  written  before  the  seizure  of  Namur. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


214 

the  king,  especially  yf  they  bee  men  of  any  valew,” 
he  continues  with  his  warning  against  wiles: 

“ This  I write  that  Your  Majestie  may  see  the  cun- 
nynge  of  this  worlde,  and  wel  assured  I am  that  the 
Prynce  shal  have  in  the  ende  whatsoever  he  will  aske, 
but  with  what  assurance  after,  God  knoweth.  Veritas 
temporis  est  Jilia  et  ex  prater  it  is  futura  sunt  judicanda." 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

BRABANT  REVISITED.  AN  ANXIOUS  FAMILY. 

1577-1578. 


j|S  the  prince  saw  his  prospects  brighten 
he  became  anxious  to  have  his  family 
with  him.  He  had  wished  for  his 
grown-up  daughters  ever  since  he 
had  had  his  new  household.  Now 
he  desired  the  presence  of  his 
brother,  as  he  saw  that  the  count 
could  lend  him  substantial  aid  in  the  reconstruction 
of  the  governments. 

In  June,  the  prince  asked  his  brother  to  send 
Marie  and  Maurice  to  the  Netherlands.1  The  rapid 
march  of  events  later,  determined  John  to  answer  Or- 
ange in  person,  and  at  the  end  of  August  or  the  first 
of  September  the  little  party,  augmented  by  Anne, 
the  prince’s  second  daughter,  arrived  at  Gertruiden- 
berg,2  and  were  warmly  received  by  Charlotte.3 * * * * 8 


1 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  IOO. 

5 Before  this,  John  had  been  very  busy  in  several  negotiations.  He 

was  especially  anxious  to  form  a Protestant  alliance  with  Queen  Eliza- 

beth at  the  head,  and  had  corresponded  diligently  with  Sydney.  He 

suspected  that  Aldegonde  was  working  against  the  German  interest. 

August  21,  1577,  Aldegonde  wrote  to  him  assuring  him  that  this  was 

not  the  case. — Ibid.,  96. 

8 That  the  princess  was  unfeignedly  glad  to  see  her  step-daughters 
is  shown  by  her  later  letters. 


215 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


2l6 


For  nearly  two  years  the  prince  had  refused  to 
listen  to  all  the  private  suggestions  he  had  received, 
to  come  to  Brabant.  He  had  no  desire  to  make  his 
way  secretly  into  the  province  or  its  capital.  He 
thought  it  better  for  his  own  dignity,  and  for  that 
of  Holland  and  Zealand,  to  stand  firmly  on  his  own 
ground.  On  September  6th,  the  states-general 
passed  a formal  resolution  to  invite  the  patriot 
leader  to  return  to  their  midst.1  The  action  did  not 
express  a unanimous  feeling.2  The  ultra-Catholic, 
aristocratic  party  feared  the  result  of  this  step,  but 
they  agreed  to  accept  the  inevitable  and  to  attach 
themselves  to  the  only  man  who  showed  himself  a 
pillar  of  strength  in  a weak  mass  of  uncertain  people. 
Aerschot  wrote  lovingly  to  the  prince,  Champagny 
had  shown  that  he  was  ready  to  be  friendly,  and 
de  Heze  had  been  devoted  to  him  from  the  time  of 
their  joint  action  in  September,  1576. 

A deputation,  consisting  of  van  der  Linden,  Abb6 
of  Saint  Gertrude,  Champagny  himself,  and  the  in- 
defatigable Elbertus  Leoninus,  went  to  Gertruiden- 
berg,  and,  in  the  name  of  the  states-general,  formally 
invited  the  prince  to  go  to  Brussels  immediately, 

1 Deputies  from  Holland  and  Zealand  had  sat  in  the  states-general 
since  August  19th. — Gachard,  Cor.,  iv.,  xxiv.  ; Bor.,  ii.(  872  ; Rel. 
Politiques , ix.,  509-516;  Davison  to  Burleigh  and  Leicester  ; Renon 
de  France,  ii. , 166  ; Les  Huguenots,  etc.,  iv.,  462. 

2 Burleigh  to  Elizabeth,  September  15th  ; Rel.  Politiques,  ix.,  515. 

An  eye-witness  writes,  the  prince  “ avait  ja  tant  gaigne  le  peuple 

de  quelle  religion  qu’il  fut,  que,  si  l’on  ne  se  fut  condescender  & tant 
d'instances  qu’il  avoit  fait  pour  le  faire  venir,  il  1’eut  appele  de  mau- 
vaises  graces.” — Relations  des  Evenements  de  jg’q'j  and  1578,  par  un 
Contemporain  ; Archives  de  Lille. 


1577] 


Don  John  at  Namur. 


1 


“ as  being  of  the  council  of  state.”  In  the  preceding 
January1 2  the  prince  had  pledged  himself  to  check 
all  assaults  on  the  Roman  Catholic  religion.  In 
now  giving  their  invitation,  the  states-general  asked 
him  to  allow  the  free  exercise  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion  in  all  the  cities  delivered  into  his  hand,  as 
well  as  everywhere  in  Holland  and  Zealand  where 
the  Catholics  wanted  it.  The  prince’s  answer  to  this 
was  skilfully  conceived.3  He  expressed  his  deepest 
satisfaction  that  they  had  at  last  resolved  to  draw 
closer  bonds  between  the  provinces.  He  thanked 
them  heartily  for  their  good  opinion  of  him  and  for 
the  confidence  they  showed  him.  He  wished  nothing 
better  than  to  revisit  Brussels,  and  be  again  in  the 
society  of  his  friends  in  the  place  where  he  had 
spent  his  youth.  But  his  duties  towards  Holland 
and  Zealand,  the  obligation  he  felt  to  undertake 
nothing  without  their  approval,  rendered  it  necessary 
for  him  to  await  their  consent.  As  to  the  delicate 
point  of  religion,  he  excused  himself  from  meddling 
with  it  in  Holland  and  Zealand,  because  legislation 
on  ecclesiastical  matters  belonged  exclusively  to  the 
provincial  estates,  but  he  promised  formally  that  no 
attack  should  be  made  against  Catholicism  by  Hol- 
land and  Zealand,  in  the  other  provinces.  Hedeclared, 
moreover,  that  he  could  only  act  as  the  servant  of 
the  estates  which  he  represented.  In  accordance 
with  the  Ghent  treaty  he  would  leave  all  regulations 
of  religion  to  the  decisions  of  the  magistrates  in  the 
respective  territories.  That  is,  each  province  should 


1 Gachard,  Cor. , iv. , viii. 

2 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  155, 


2 I 8 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


have  home  rule.  The  states  of  Holland  and  Zealand 
met  at  Gouda  early  in  September,  and  after  some 
discussion  consented,  though  reluctantly,  to  the 
prince’s  Brabant  journey,  and  shortly  afterwards 
Orange  went  to  Antwerp. 

From  the  vantage  ground  of  his  retreat,  Don  John 
followed  in  detail  all  that  happened  in  the  Nether- 
lands.* 1 The  news  of  this  step  taken  by  the  estates 
filled  him  with  rage.  He  felt  that  the  visit  must  be 
prevented  at  all  hazards.  The  estates  had  sent 
Gaspar  Schetz  and  the  Bishop  of  Bruges  to  Don 
John,  on  a mission  of  accommodation,  and  these 
gentlemen  were  with  him  when  the  news  arrived. 
The  governor’s  position  was  in  truth  critical. 
During  the  three  and  a half  months  that  had  elapsed 
since  he  had  seized  on  Namur,  he  had  heard  no 
word  from  Philip.  More  than  that,  the  monarch 
left  his  brother,  not  only  without  letters  but  without 
money,  as  Don  John  wrote2  piteously:  “ V.  M.  me 
deja  estar  tres  meses  y medio  sin  carta  suya,  sin  dar 
dr  den  en  proveerme , siquiera  para  el  sustento  ordinario 
de  mi  casa .” 

Just  at  that  crisis,  the  king  had  desired  to  avoid 
an  open  rupture  with  the  estates.  He  did  not 
approve  the  seizure  of  Namur  and  declined  to  send 
the  troops  back.  According  to  his  usual  exasperat- 
ing methods  with  his  subordinates,  he  did  not 
suggest  a new  course  when  he  disapproved  of  their 

1 The  states  had  gathered  their  troops  into  a camp  between  Brussels 
and  Namur,  and  begged  aid  of  Elizabeth. — Rel.  Politiques,  ix.,  485 
et  scq. 

i Don  John  to  the  king,  Sept.  25th,  Gachard,  Car, , iv.,  xvii. 


1577] 


Don  Johns  Concessions. 


219 


actions,  but  left  them  to  go  on  as  best  they  could. 
However,  even  at  a distance  his  eyes  gradually 
opened  to  the  true  state  of  affairs. 

“ The  slight  result  he  had  seen  from  the  use  of  force, 
the  prospect  of  the  country’s  ruin,  even  if  he  succeeded 
in  crushing  it,  above  all,  the  fear  that  if  he  pushed  them 
too  far,  the  Flemings  might  throw  themselves  into  his 
neighbour’s  arms,  and  last  but  not  least,  the  exhausted 
state  of  his  exchequer,  all  these  considerations  induced 
him  to  wish  now  to  try  moderation  and  kindness.”1 

It  is  no  wonder  that  poor  Don  John  wrote  pas- 
sionately to  his  brother,2  that  he  never  would  have 
believed  it  possible  that  he  could  have  been  left  so 
destitute  in  the  face  of  all  the  world — a prey  to 
shame  and  want.  Now,  alone  on  his  own  responsi- 
bility, with  no  prospect  of  material  aid,  and  with  the 
prince’s  return  to  Brussels  imminent,  he  declared 
himself  ready  to  yield  to  any  demand  of  the 
estates.  He  promised  to  deliver  the  town  and 
castle  of  Namur,  Charlemont,  Marienburg,  Bou- 
vignes,  and  Chateau-Thierry  to  the  estates.  He 
agreed  to  dismiss  all  the  men-at-arms  levied  or 
retained  by  him,  since  his  arrival  in  the  Netherlands, 
to  send  away  the  Germans  who  still  remained  in  the 
provinces  at  Breda,  Bois-le-Duc,  Roermond,  Deven- 
ter, and  Kampen,  and  to  urge  the  king  to  send  a 
successor  to  himself  as  soon  as  possible.  While 
waiting  to  withdraw  to  Luxemburg,  he  should  order 
all  his  captains  to  abstain  from  the  exercise  of  their 


1 Gachard,  Cor.,  iv.,  xviii. 

2 Ibid.,  xix. 


2 20 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


charges,  and  should  direct  the  governors  of  Luxem- 
burg and  Burgundy  not  to  let  in  any  troops  destined 
for  the  Netherlands.  Finally,  he  pledged  himself  to 
keep  the  Pacification  of  Ghent  and  the  Perpetual 
Edict.  In  return  for  these  concessions,  the  estates 
must  promise  the  maintenance  of  the  Catholic  re- 
ligion, obedience  to  the  king,  respect  towards  Don 
John  as  long  as  he  retained  the  government,  the 
cessation  of  all  hostilities,  and  freedom  of  prisoners. 

On  September  22d,  Schetz  and  his  companions 
returned  to  Brussels,  triumphant  with  the  success  of 
their  mission,  and  made  their  report  before  the 
estates  at  five  o’clock  that  same  afternoon.  The 
reply  to  Don  John  was  deferred  to  the  following 
day,  but  no  one  doubted  that  the  answer  would  be 
favourable.  The  invitation  sent  to  the  Prince  of 
Orange  had,  however,  already  been  accepted. 
Henceforth  his  opinion  could  not  be  ignored.  By 
this  date,  in  pursuance  of  the  urgent  request  of  the 
estates,  Orange  was  already  on  the  soil  of  Brabant. 
On  September  1 8th,  he  entered  the  town  he  had  left 
ten  years  before,  and  was  joyfully  received  by  the 
Antwerp  citizens.1  Charlotte,  his  elder  daughters, 
and  new  little  ones  stayed  together  at  Gertruidenberg, 
in  fear  and  trembling  for  the  safety  of  the  husband 
and  father.  The  prince  was  not  alone,  John  accom- 
panied his  brother,  and  it  can  well  be  believed  that 
his  support  was  most  grateful  to  Orange,  who  had 
been  so  long  without  the  fellowship  of  his  own 

1 Bor,  ii.,  873  ; lid.  Politiques,  ix.,  523.  He  stayed  at  the  Abbey 
of  St.  Michel,  the  usual  residence  of  sovereigns. — Les  Huguenots , 
etc.,  iv.,  474. 


itt  grosser  pru('\(jt  vnif  £cr/^lc/jgrtf,  ERVSSRLl  mgcj-urt  ifi  JLnno  T>-  gHgggj 


X JVactidem  de  ‘Bru/Uer  Han  jeseHen. 

Doff  derjritf rutt  reeft  H’urcf  SefbeHen; 
'Dan  er  gefau’Ur  vpitr  qar  behendt 
tiff'  vnbrfkrii&dt  rund.smmtt . 


'Druftd  Jeie  rad)  emem  ‘Hem  tracHim, 
pas Jeu  iftrm  Kuny  nitt  veraebtten 
yVhnea Joe  rmen  -pen  dm  Ordn, 
'Der  fnt  (efcHtrm  Von  altm  tnorden 


‘Von  plumfem,  vruf  von  aflrn  rfCcnd,  ^4.mo  Pm.  m j>- 

So  vjrt  das  Sgarnys  regiment.  ixxvir.  am 

Dis  ift  der  Trins  von  Vranicn  joluc  Scjitcmv: 

nam  6e£ant  durcH  qansttifyanien- 


THE  ENTRY  OF  THE  PRINCE  OF  ORANGE  INTO  BRUSSELS. 

(Based  on  an  old  engraving.) 


t 


1 

I 

1 


I 


1577] 


The  Prince  in  Brussels. 


221 


family.  The  party  stayed  in  the  poor  mutilated  city 
for  five  days,  and  Orange  was  treated  almost  with 
adulation.  Then  he  proceeded  by  boat  on  the  canal 
to  Brussels.  The  Flemings  were  curiously  irrepres- 
sible in  one  respect.  They  had  always  loved  a show, 
and  ten  years  of  internecine  war  had  not  succeeded 
in  crushing  their  allegorical  passion.1 

The  three  barges  that  conducted  Orange  and  his 
suite  to  Brussels  were  taken  in  charge  by  the  rhetori- 
cal societies.  A banquet  was  served  on  the  first ; 
the  second,  adorned  with  emblematical  devices 
galore,  and  draped  with  the  banners  of  the  seventeen 
provinces,  carried  the  prince.  The  third  was  filled 
with  the  honourable  rhetoric  societies,  each  one 
having  arranged  a more  wonderful  design  expres- 
sive of  the  situation,  than  the  preceding.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  the  prince  appreciated  all  the  far-fetched 
classic  allusions. 

“ And  at  the  second  schluze  [lock]  a myle  above  Wille- 
brook  was  mett  by  200  Bruxellers,  which,  with  those  of 
Andwarpe  marched  on  the  banckes,  and  . . . two 

leagues  from  Bruxells  was  met  with  so  many  well  armed 
burgess  of  Bruxells,  as  with  the  rest  . . . were 

estemyd  to  above  xxx  [thirty]  enseignes  guarding  him 
to  their  tonne  walles.  . . . 

“ At  the  place  of  landing  he  was  receyved  by  the  Duke 
of  Aerschot  and  the  rest  of  the  nobilitie  that  were  in  the 
toune,  and  conducted  on  horseback  to  his  own  house. 
. . . That  night  he  supped  with  the  Duke  of  Aerschot, 

1 Bor,  ii.,  872.  A sommarye  report  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  his 
entrie  into  Brusselle,  September  22,  1577. — Wm,  Davison,  Pel. 
Politiques , ix.,  538. 


222 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


and  the  next  day  feasted  the  lordes  at  his  own  house. 
. . . Insumma , that  day  was  spent  in  compliments.”1 

It  was  indeed  a tremendous  triumph.  He  had 
been  declared  an  outlaw  by  public  proclamation  in  the 
streets  of  Brussels,  and  had  been  treated  by  the 
authorities  as  a rebel  for  ten  hard,  dreary  years. 
Now,  he  came  purely  on  the  basis  of  his  personal 
reputation  ; now,  the  force  of  circumstances  showed 
that  he  was  the  one  man  in  the  land.  He  was  not 
now  at  the  head  of  an  army.  He  came  in  his  own 
simple  person,  as  he  said,  to  resume  his  seat  in  the 
council  of  state. 

The  day  after  his  arrival,  September  24th,  the 
prince  appeared  before  the  assembly  of  the  state.2 
Aerschot  bade  him  a formal  welcome,  thanked  him 
for  coming,  and  asked  him  to  aid  the  estates  with  his 
advice,  and  to  see  what  could  be  done  to  remedy 
the  affairs  of  the  land,  only  begging  him  to  make  no 
innovations  in  the  Catholic  religion.  Orange  an- 
swered in  a graceful  speech,  saying  that  it  was  love 
for  his  country  that  had  brought  him  to  Brussels. 
He  was  not  ambitious  of  leadership  ; he  had  simply 
come  to  assist  in  the  deliberations,  and  to  share  the 
burdens  of  the  state  council.  He  had  no  wish  to 
make  changes,  either  in  religion  or  in  government. 
He  desired  to  assist  in  establishing  peace,  and  in 
carrying  out  the  terms  of  the  Ghent  treaty.  So 
much  for  the  courtesies.  After  that,  little  time  was 


1 Sommarye  report,  etc.,  Rel.  Politiques , ix.,  539. 

2 Gachard,  Cor.,  iv.,  xxvi. 


1577] 


Rupture  with  Don  John. 


223 


allowed  for  breathing  space,  but  the  returned  outlaw 
plunged  immediately  in  medias  res. 

Don  John’s  assent  to  the  states’  propositions  was 
submitted  to  him.  The  exact  matter  of  the  reply 
was  discussed  bitterly  and  at  length.  On  September 
25th,  they  began  at  eight  A.M.  and  talked  till  four 
P.M.,  and  again  from  six  till  nine  P.M.1  Orange  was 
present  every  minute,  and  took  an  active  part.  Fi- 
nally, an  answer  was  resolved  upon,  it  being  one  that 
Orange  knew  would  not  be  accepted.  The  following 
conditions  were  added  to  the  articles.  All  officers 
who  had  allied  themselves  to  Don  John’s  party  must 
be  suspended  till  the  meeting  of  the  states-general. 
Count  de  Buren  must  be  sent  back  at  the  earliest 
date.  The  Queen  of  England  was  to  be  comprised 
in  the  treaty.  A new  council  of  state  must  be 
formed,  consisting  of  people  chosen  by  the  states- 
general  who  should  direct  all  public  affairs.  The 
hand  of  Orange  was  plain  in  this,  and  Don  John 
could  not  be  expected  to  be  pleased  with  further 
stipulations  to  what  had  already  been  a humiliating 
surrender  for  him.2  He  received  the  document  with 
derision,  and  shortly  after,  on  October  2d,  he  re- 

1 Gachard,  Cor. , iv.,  xxix.  et  seq. 

2 The  prince’s  conduct  on  this  occasion  made  Philip  very  indig- 
nant. “ The  deputies  of  the  states  were  just  ready  to  sign  an  accom- 
modation with  my  brother,  when,  unfortunately,  this  common  enemy 
and  disturber  of  the  public  peace,  seeing  that  he  could  not  work 
against  the  peace  from  Holland,  hastens  to  Brussels,  and,  while  pre- 
tending to  want  peace,  excited  war.” — Philip’s  proclamation  against 
Orange  in  1580.  Groen,  Archives , vi.,  168. 

Don  John  neemt  seer  qualyken  bet  entbieden  van  den  Prinzen  tot 
Brussel. — Bor,  ii. , 876.  Don  John  doth  very  ill  digest  the  receiving 
of  the  Prince. — Davison  to  Walsingham,  Rel.  Politique s,  ix.,  549. 


224 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


treated  to  Luxemburg,  whence  he  wrote  again  to 
Brussels  in  a more  pugnacious  spirit  than  he  had 
previously  evinced.  They  must  not,  forsooth,  dic- 
tate terms  to  their  princes.  They  must  put  down 
their  arms  and  send  off  the  arch-heretic  to  his  own. 
They  had  promised  obedience  to  the  king  and  main- 
tenance of  the  religion.  Their  actions  showed  little 
trace  of  these  fair  promises,  etc.1  The  council  at 
Brussels  was  in  no  mood  to  receive  such  words 
quietly,  and  the  populace  much  less  so.  It  was 
proposed  to  break  off  negotiations.  The  peace 
party  was  large  enough  to  make  the  debate  violent, 
but  the  former  sentiment  prevailed,  and  from  that 
day  all  chance  of  a reconciliation  with  Don  John 
vanished. 

This  final  rupture  necessitated  much  business,  the 
reorganisation  of  a state  council  being  the  most  im- 
portant. The  prince  was  the  first  councillor  elected, 
receiving  a unanimous  vote,  but  he  declined  the 
office,  saying  that  he  would  be  obliged  to  return  to 
Holland,  and  could  not  possibly  make  his  headquar- 
ters at  Brussels. 

During  this  visit  of  the  prince  he  must  have  writ- 
ten frequently  to  Charlotte,  but  no  letters  are  pre- 
served. Groen  publishes  several  letters  from  her,  all 
full  of  anxiety  for  his  return  to  a place  of  safety,  a 
longing  that  was  echoed  throughout  Holland.2  How 
she  kept  him  informed  of  all  their  family  details  may 
be  seen  3 from  the  following  letters  : 

1 Gachard,  Cor.,  iv.,  xxxvi. 

2 Daily  prayers  were  offered  for  his  safety. — Bor,  ii.  855. 

3 Groen,  Archives,  vi.,  173  et  seq. 


1577] 


The  Family  at  Dordrecht. 


225 


“ Monseigneur  : I arrived  yesterday  in  this  city  at 
one,  and  came  by  boat  to  our  lodgings,  where  I found 
our  little  girls  in  good  health.  The  elder  girls  hoping 
for  your  immediate  return,  would  not  stay  longer  in  your 
rooms.  They  have  good  lodgings,  though  to  my  think- 
ing they  are  rather  far  off,  as  there  are  about  fifteen 
houses  between  their  house  and  ours.  To-morrow  your 
surgeon  will  begin  to  poultice  (j>anser ) Count  Maurice.1 
We  are  all  well,  thank  God,  and  long  for  your  return. 
The  people  to  whom  I have  talked  in  this  city  tell  me 
that  the  Holland  estates  have  begged  you  to  come  back, 
and  think  it  will  be  safer  for  you  to  give  advice  from  a 
distance,  if  the  peace  be  concluded  with  Don  John.  I 
do  not  know,  my  lord,  whether  you  will  be  detained 
much  longer,  and  regret  especially  that  your  brother  is 
no  longer  with  you.  We  wish  he  were  here.  If  you 
would  write  to  him  and  beg  him  to  leave  you  the  tutor 
who  is  now  with  your  son,  I should  think  it  a good  plan, 
for  the  said  tutor  is  very  anxious  about  the  uncertainty 
of  his  future  dwelling  place.  He  would  be  disappointed 
if  he  were  kept  now,  and  had  no  permanent  position. 
Also,  it  would  be  well  to  let  him  know  the  salary  you  could 
give  him.  I break  your  head,  Monseigneur,  with  my 
numberless  details,  but  it  really  is  necessary  to  know 
your  will.  I would  also  like  to  hear  whether  you  have 
thanked  the  Queen  of  England  for  all  her  kindness, 
offered  through  her  ambassador  at  Brussels  ? 

“ Dordrecht,  Oct.  22d.” 

Two  days  later  she  writes  that  Breda  has  been 
surrendered,  and  she  wishes  that  the  lodgings 
taken  for  Counts  John  and  Schwarzburg,  at  Dor- 

1 Maurice  had  been  ill. 

VOL.  II.— 15 


226 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


drecht,  were  not  so  far  off  from  her,1  and  again  3 on 
October  5th : 

“ Monseigneur  : I would  like  to  be  assured  that  you 
do  not  often  sup  out  of  your  own  lodgings  of  an  even- 
ing, for  I am  told  that  the  citizens  [those  of  Holland] 
are  very  much  worried  about  you.  Do  take  a little  more 
care  of  yourself.  I would  also  like  to  know  whether  the 
states  permit  you  to  have  free  exercise  of  religion,  for  I 
do  not  know,  Monseigneur,  how  you  could  manage  with- 
out that.  I wish  my  lord  could  take  a trip  to  Breda,  for 
I do  not  know  whether  it  will  do  to  speak  about  things 
while  you  are  not  there.” 

On  October  yth, 3 she  acknowledges  the  receipt  of 
his  letters,  and  announces  John’s  arrival. 4 They 
are  delighted  to  have  him  back,  and  she  and  the 
girls  have  just  dined  with  him.  He  has  told  them 
the  news  and  delivered  the  prince’s  directions,  which 
she  will  try  to  follow. 

“ The  people  here  have  decided  to  make  us  a present 
of  a cup,  the  bowl  of  which  is  licorne  and  the  rest  silver. 
It  is  worth  perhaps  a hundred  pounds.  If  all  the  others 
do  the  same,  it  will  be  a good  proof  of  their  good-will, 

1 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  174. 

'Ibid.,  177. 

* Ibid.,  181. 

4 One,  Gaspar  Vosberg,  writes  on  October  6th,  begging  Aklegonde 
to  be  careful  in  the  midst  of  his  enemies.  He  adds:  “We  have 
done  the  best  of  our  small  power  to  give  a festive  reception  to  Count 
John,  by  drying  our  powder  [this  probably  refers  to  fireworks],  and 
our  goblets  no  less.  Don  John  may  be  jealous  the  rest  of  his  life.” — 
Ibid.,  178. 


1577] 


Perplexities. 


227 


but  I should  have  preferred  one  present  from  all  the 
estates  which  would  have  been  handsome  and  useful 
at  the  same  time,  but  I thought  it  better  not  to  block 
this.  . . . 

“ We,  our  daughters  and  I,  are  as  patient  as  we  can 
be,  although  it  will  be  rather  hard  for  us  when  your 
brother  has  gone.  While  he  is  here  it  does  not  seem  as 
though  you  were  entirely  absent.  . . . Your  daugh- 

ters send  respects.  We  have  grown  very  fond  of  each 
other  and  are  quite  intimate,  and  they  take  a great  deal 
of  care  of  the  little  ones.” 

A few  days  later  Charlotte  wrote  1 again  : 

“ I have  received  the  present  you  sent  me  from  the 
queen,  which  I think  is  very  prettily  made.  As  to  the 
signification  of  the  lizard,  it  is  said  that  its  property  is, 
when  a person  sleeps  and  a serpent  is  about  to  bite,  the 
lizard  wakes  one.  I think  this  refers  to  you,  monsieur, 
you  who  watch  over  the  estates,  fearing  they  may 
be  bitten.  God  grant  that  they  beware  of  the  ser- 
pent. . . . 

“ I have  just  thought  that  I ought  not  to  let  the  gen- 
tlemen who  are  with  your  brother  go  without  some  pres- 
ents. If  you  are  willing,  I will  have  your  portrait  and 
mine  set  either  in  one  gold  locket,  or  in  two,  with  the 
device.  If  it  is  necessary  to  have  a little  chain  to  hang 
them  on,  tell  me  what  value  it  should  be.” 

The  princess  was  not  too  absorbed  by  her  family 
cares  to  do  public  service  for  her  husband.  Orange 
was  not  willing  that  his  restored  city  of  Breda  should 

' Groen,  Archives,  vi.,  190.  The  constant  interchange  of  presents 
was  a great  burden. 


228 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


be  left  too  long  without  inspection.  Charlotte  writes 
that  she  will  go  thither,  but  is  relieved  to  find  that 
Count  John  can  accompany  her,  as  she  dreads  the 
responsibility.  They  must  wait  till  Monday  or 
Tuesday,  as  the  town  intends  to  honour  John  with 
a banquet.1  “ Monseigneur,  since  writing  the  above, 
I remember  that  I did  not  ask  you  about  religious 
services  at  Breda.  Must  I have  them  in  secret,  or 
can  I do  as  I do  here  ? Let  your  wish  be  clear  to  me.” 
After  sending  this  she  began  to  fear  that  she  was 
too  importunate  with  her  questions,  and  she  sends 
another  note2  from  Breda  : 

“ Since  the  dispatch  of  my  yesterday’s  letter,  I have 
felt  troubled  lest  you  may  think  I do  not  consider  your 
present  difficulties  and  burdens.  But  I assure  you,  mon- 
sieur, I have  nothing  more  at  heart,  while  the  observa- 
tion of  the  Pacification  makes  my  head  ready  to  split. 
However,  I hope  that  you  will  be  able  to  provide  for 
that  when  you  come.  . . . We  are  all  very  well, 

thank  God,  and  I found  your  house  in  better  condition 
than  I dared  hope.  It  is  now  being  cleaned  and 
repaired.” 

Meantime,  Don  John  was  wrathfully  waiting  at 
Luxemburg,  and  while  his  rival  was  feted  by  appar- 
ently unanimous  hosts  at  Brussels,  a new  claimant 
appeared  on  the  outskirts  of  the  scene.  During 
these  years  there  had  been  constant  suggestions  of 
calling  in  some  person  of  rank  from  without.  The 
negotiations  with  France  have  been  touched  on. 


1 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  198. 

2 Ibid.,  200. 


1577] 


The  A rchduke  Matthias. 


229 


During  the  summer  of  1577,  Matthias,  one  of  the 
young  Austrian  archdukes,  had  been  suggested  as  a 
suitable  exchange  for  his  now  unpopular  cousin. 
Orange  had  been  cognisant  of  this  negotiation,  and 
not  altogether  disapproving,  though  his  own  inclina- 
tions always  leaned  towards  France. 

After  Orange  had  gone  to  Brussels  and  was  wafted 
to  the  fore  by  popular  opinion,  the  Catholic  nobles, 
who  disliked  Don  John  but  feared  Orange  and  his 
Protestant  backing,  had,  while  receiving  the  latter 
with  every  show  of  brotherly  affection,  been  secretly 
taking  decisive  steps  in  another  direction.  The 
young  archduke  was  their  choice,  and  a series  of 
secret  negotiations  was  carried  on  to  bring  him  as 
quickly  and  quietly  as  possible  to  Brussels.  1 

Matthias  was  only  a youth,  not  yet  of  age,  and  was 
highly  flattered  by  the  proposition  made  to  him.  It 
is  probable  that  the  Emperor  Rudolph  was  not  un- 
aware of  the  whole  transaction,  but,  on  account  of 
Philip,  he  preferred  to  be  supposed  ignorant. 2 Mat- 
thias escaped  from  Vienna  in  the  night  and  made 
his  way  to  Cologne,  attended  by  two  gentlemen  and 
three  servants. 

One  Dr.  Labbe,  agent  of  the  French  court  at 
Vienna,  gives  the  following  account  of  his  de- 
parture : 

“ Now  I must  tell  you  that  the  Archduke  Matthias 
left  here  on  the  night  of  the  3d,  at  about  ten  o’clock,  to 

1 Bor,  ii. , 898. 

3 Hubert  Languet  wrote  to  Sydney  that  first  he  pretended  to  be 
ignorant,  and  later,  when  it  seemed  a good  thing,  boasted  that  it 
was  his  planning. — Groen,  Archives , vi.,  202.  Strada,  i.,  ix.,  38. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


230 

go  to  Flanders,  in  response  to  the  summons  of  the  states. 
His  imperial  Majesty  and  those  who  are  dependent  on 
Spain,  are  in  great  trouble  lest  it  may  be  thought  that 
this  was  done  with  his  Majesty’s  consent,  a thing  that  is 
incredible.  ...  As  soon  as  it  had  struck  eight,  the 
prince  pretended  to  be  very  sleepy,  and  he  and  his 
brother,  the  Archduke  Maximilian,  went  to  bed  in  the 
same  room,  though  in  different  beds,  as  usual  ; but 
when  he  saw  that  his  brother  was  asleep,  he  leaped  from 
bed,  and  without  even  putting  on  his  slippers  or  any 
other  garment,  went  to  his  room  and  put  on  a servant’s 
dress.  Then,  having  stained  his  face  so  as  not  to  be 
recognised,  he  left  the  palace.  They  say  that  seignior 
Ruber,  general  in  Hungary,  and  de  Schwendi  advised 
this  course. 

“ Vienna,  Oct.  16th.”  1 

On  October  9th,  Orange  heard  of  his  arrival,  as  he 
mentions  it  to  John  in  a postscript  to  a letter.2  The 
other  powers  who  had  been  waiting  to  see  how  much 
it  was  worth  their  while  to  step  in  and  protect  the 
Netherlands,  were  all  very  indignant  at  this  sudden 
appearance.  For  the  moment,  Orange  was  as  much 
taken  by  surprise  as  anyone,  but  he  made  the  best 
of  it,  and  was  at  the  head  of  the  large  deputation  of 
citizens  and  2000  cavalry  who  rode  out  of  Antwerp 
to  meet  the  self-offered  young  governor.  Orange 
saw  that  Matthias  was  young  and  inexperienced,  and 
that  if  he  placed  him  in  a nominal  position  of  au- 
thority his  own  power  would  be  strengthened  in- 

1 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  201.  This  letter  is  probably  to  Catherine 
de  Medici. 

2 Ibid.,  195. 


ARCHDUKE  MATTHIAS. 

(Based  on  an  old  print.) 


15771 


Ruward  of  Brabant. 


231 


stead  of  weakened,  by  his  presence.  As  war  was 
again  imminent,  it  would  have  been  imprudent  in 
the  extreme  to  have  insulted  Germany  as  well  as 
the  Spanish  branch  of  the  House  of  Austria.1 2 * * 

Orange’s  party  actually  increased  after  Matthias’s 
coming  was  known.  In  a very  few  days  a measure 
was  passed  and  approved,  that  put  the  prince  in  a 
firmer  and  more  legal  position  than  he  had  ever 
held.  In  the  provinces  there  existed  an  old  privilege 
of  electing  an  officer  called  a Ruward  5 — a position 
somewhat  that  of  dictator — an  all-powerful  ruler  for 
the  time  being.  Brabant  had  never  had  a provincial 
governor  ; Brussels,  being  the  seat  of  the  lieutenant- 
governor,  that  personage  was  considered  sufficient. 
The  title  of  Ruward  had  been  given  several  times  to 
the  next  heir-apparent  or  presumptive  during  the 
alleged  incapacity  of  various  rulers.  Duke  Albert 
was  Ruward  of  Hainault  and  Holland,  and  as  such 
ruled  for  thirty  years  during  his  brother’s  insanity, 
not  taking  the  title  until  Duke  William’s  death. 

The  election  was  accomplished  as  follows : The 
“ members  ” or  estates  of  Brussels,  together  with  the 
deans  of  the  guilds  and  others  of  the  principal  citi- 

1 Matthias  first  made  his  entry  into  Diest,  where  he  was  received  by 
Philip  Egmont  and  Dr.  Leoninus,  who  conducted  him  to  Lierre, 
where  John  of  Nassau  paid  his  compliments.  Lierre  offered  no  good 
accommodation  for  a prince,  and  there  was,  moreover,  an  epidemic 
there.  Therefore,  the  Antwerp  magistrates  permitted  the  archduke 
to  take  up  his  residence  in  their  city  until  he  was  formally  acknowl- 
edged by  the  states-general.- — Gachard,  Cor.,  iv.,  lxxxii. 

2 Piet  Privilegie  seid  dat  den  Ruwaert  by  de  Staten  den  Lands  ge- 

kosen,  volkomen  macht  hebben  soude  alle  saken  te  doen,  gelyk  als 

Prince  en  Heere  van  den  Lande. — Bor,  ii. , 8g8. 


232 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


zens  of  Antwerp,  addressed  a request  to  the  states 
of  Brabant,  that  William  of  Orange  should  be  ap- 
pointed Ruward,  and  after  long  deliberation  the 
measure  was  carried.1  The  unsought-for  honour  was 
then  solemnly  offered  him,  and  declined.  The  mat- 
ter was  then  referred  to  the  states-general,  who  con- 
firmed the  election  on  October  22d,  and  this  event 
was  celebrated  by  a solemn  holiday  in  Antwerp, 
Brussels,  and  other  cities.2  As  Groen  says,3  the  peo- 
ple wanted  a guarantee  against  the  intrigues  that 
surrounded  them.  The  coming  of  the  archduke,  in- 
stead of  being  the  result  of  the  prince’s  election, 
forced  it,  as  a reprisal  on  the  part  of  the  people. 

In  spite  of  the  brilliant  success  that  was  attending 
William  at  this  time,  the  anxiety  felt  by  his  family 
and  by  the  two  northern  provinces  was  not  relieved 
until  he  left  Brussels  for  Antwerp,  about  October 
23d.  On  November  1st,  John  wrote  4 5 to  William  of 
Hesse  from  Antwerp  : 

“ I have  been  prevented  from  writing,  partially  on  ac- 
count of  the  dangerous,  and  as  one  might  say,  gallows 
journeys  6 which  the  prince  made  hither  and  to  Brussels, 
against  his  Grace’s  will,  and  not  without  many  misgiv- 
ings, and  partially  because  I have  been  for  a time  in 
Zealand  and  Holland.  As  I was  constantly  on  the 
move  I had  little  leisure  for  writing.  Such  a crowd  of 

1 Bor,  ii.,  898. 

2 Hoofd,  xii.,  600. 

3 Archives,  vi.,  210.  It  was  understood  that  the  office,  from  its 
very  nature,  expired  per  se  on  the  acceptance  of  a governor. 

4 Ibid..  215. 

5 “ wegen  der  beiden  gefehrlicher  . . . und  zwar  galgreisen.” 


15771 


The  Dtike  of  Aerschot. 


233 


people  have  admission  to  the  prince  daily,  and  he  cannot 
move  without  a host  of  company,  who  never  consider 
how  very  inconvenient  this  is  to  his  Grace.  There  is 
the  greatest  negligence,  envy,  and  ignorance  everywhere, 
and  a strong  hatred  for  our  evangelical  religion. 

“ The  Archduke  Matthias  was  invited  by  the  Duke  of 
Aerschot  and  several  nobles,  without  any  previous  con- 
sultation with,  or  the  knowledge  of  the  others,  to  come 
to  be  lieutenant-governor.  This  caused  general  dissatis- 
faction, not  only  among  the  nobles,  but  also  among  the 
people,  and  danger  seemed  threatening  if  the  prince  did 
not  bestir  himself.  It  is  still  doubtful  what  the  result 
will  be.  But  I hope  that  when  the  people  see  that  the 
prince  does  not  object,  but  simply  looks  to  it  how  the 
young  man  can  best  be  advised  and  guided,  the  affair 
will  come  out  well. 

“Antwerp,  Nov.  1st.” 

From  time  to  time  there  had  always  been  turbu- 
lent risings  in  the  town  of  Ghent.  In  the  autumn 
of  1577,  an  outbreak  occurred  there  which  threatened 
to  overthrow  all  the  agreements  made  between  the 
provinces.1  After  the  seizure  of  Namur,  the  Duke 
of  Aerschot  was  appointed  Governor  of  Flanders. 
No  sooner  was  this  known,  than  a powerful  faction 
was  formed  among  those  of  the  reformed  faith, 
pledged  to  resist  this  authority.  The  leaders  were 
two  young  nobles,  Ryhove  and  Imbize,  both  devoted 
to  the  prince.2  Aerschot  arrived  in  Flanders  about 
the  middle  of  October,  and  at  once  convened  the 
four  estates,  who  held  several  stormy  sessions.  For 
a time  things  went  on,  though  not  smoothly.  Then, 


1 Bor,  ii.,  903. 

2 Hoofd,  xii.,  501. 


234 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


letters  were  intercepted  from  Hessels — an  old 
member  of  Alva’s  famous  blood  council — to  Count 
de  Roeulx,  a royalist.' 

“ We  have  already  brought  many  notables  of 
Flanders  over  to  the  party  of  Don  John,”  so  ran 
one  letter.  “ We  hope  after  the  Duke  of  Aerschot 
is  governor,  that  we  shall  carry  out  the  intentions  of 
his  Majesty  and  the  plans  of  his  Highness.  We 
shall  also  know  how  to  circumvent  the  scandalous 
heretic  with  all  his  adherents  and  followers.”  The 
fire  was  laid  and  this  letter  was  the  match  to  light 
the  inflammable  public  sentiment,  though  it  is  prob- 
able, that,  like  some  other  notable  letters,  it  was 
forged  for  the  occasion,  but  it  might  have  been  true. 

On  the  night  following  the  publication  of  this 
letter,  Ryhove  made  a hasty  journey  to  Antwerp 
and  had  an  interview  with  the  prince.  The  Ghent 
noble  was  for  pushing  on  revolutionary  measures 
immediately,  taking  advantage  of  the  heated  state 
of  public  opinion.  Orange  would  not  give  his  ap- 
proval to  the  suggestions,  but  at  the  same  time 
Aldegonde  made  it  plain  that  if  the  enterprise  suc- 
ceeded, the  prince  would  not  be  vexed.1 2  When 
Ryhove  returned  to  Ghent,  he  found  the  brewing 
storm  just  ready  to  burst.  Imbize  had  asked 
Aerschot,  unofficially  in  the  street,  when  he  meant  to 
proclaim  the  restoration  of  the  ancient  charters.  Aer- 
schot tried  to  pass  this  off.  Pressed  for  an  answer,  he 
finally  showed  his  teeth  and  burst  out,  that  he  would 
like  to  silence  the  rebels  who  kept  howling  for  a 


1 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  220. 

2 Hoofd,  xii.,  502. 


1577] 


Don  John  Deposed. 


235 


charter,  with  a rope  around  their  necks,  no  matter 
though  they  were  egged  on  by  the  Prince  of  Orange. 
This,  according  to  Hoofd,1  was  the  last  straw,  and 
Imbize  rushed  to  his  confederates,  ready  to  excite 
them  to  any  turbulence.  That  afternoon  Ryhove 
returned  from  Antwerp  with  the  prince’s  negative 
approval  of  their  project.  His  words  excited  the 
crowd  and  they  swept  on  towards  Aerschot’s  resi- 
dence, full  ready  to  burn  it.  Aerschot,  however, 
governor  of  scarce  a week,  thought  discretion  the 
better  part  of  valour  and  surrendered.  He  was  taken, 
still  in  his  night-clothes,  to  Ryhove’s  house,  where 
he  was  kept  a prisoner  over  a fortnight.  Most  of 
the  other  royalists  fled,  old  Hessels  being  one  of  the 
exceptions,  and  a provisional  government  was  es- 
tablished with  Ryhove  at  the  head.  Orange  thought 
that  this  was  going  too  far,  and  sent  a messenger  to 
Ghent  who  effected  Aershot’s  liberation.  In  a letter 
of  December  2d,  to  the  estates,  the  prince  promised 
to  come  to  Ghent  himself.2 

Before  the  year  closed  the  states-general  at  Brus- 
sels stated  their  policy  unequivocally.  On  Decem- 
ber 7th,  they  formally  declared  that  Don  John  was 
no  longer  stadtholder,  governor,  or  captain-general, 
but  an  infractor  of  the  peace  he  had  sworn  to  main- 
tain, and  an  enemy  to  the  fatherland.3  Everyone 

1 xii.,  503. 

2 Gachard,  Cor.,  iv.,  28. 

3 Strada,  i.,  ix.,  39  ; Renon  de  France,  ii. , 217  ; Groen,  Archives , 
vi.,  256.  The  states-general  published  a justification  of  their  pro- 
ceedings with  Don  John,  in  Latin,  High  Dutch,  Low  Dutch,  French, 
Italian,  Spanish,  and  English,  and  sent  them  to  nearly  all  Christians 
with  the  request  that  none  should  grant  the  ex-governor  passage  for  an 
army.  — Bor.  ii.,  881  ; Hoofd,  xii.,  501. 


236 


William  the  Silent. 


[1577 


was  forbidden  to  aid  him  under  pain  of  being  de- 
clared a traitor  ; it  was  even  ordered  that  an  inven- 
tory of  the  estates  of  all  such  persons  should  be 
taken.  Orange  had  declared  at  the  Breda  confer- 
ences that  war  was  preferable  to  a doubtful  peace. 
The  doubtful  peace  was  now  definitely  ended,  and  if 
at  this  crisis  the  Protestant  world  of  the  Netherlands 
could  have  been  welded  into  one  harmonious  body, — 
could  have  found  planks  to  make  one  platform  big 
enough  to  hold  them,  there  might  have  been  a 
nation. 

On  December  10th,  something  else  was  accom- 
plished, which  was  perhaps  the  greatest  triumph  in 
Orange’s  career,  though,  unfortunately,  it  had  but 
an  ephemeral  existence.  A new  act  of  union1  was 
signed  including  the  whole  seventeen  provinces,  in 
which  the  Romanists  and  Protestants  bound  them- 
selves to  mutual  toleration,  and  protection  against 
all  outer  enemies. 

The  reformed  religion  was  placed  on  an  absolute 
par  with  the  old.2  The  original  records  of  this  alli- 
ance have  not  been  preserved,  and  the  contempo- 
rary historians  have  not  given  much  space  to  the 
matter.  It  is  known  that  the  measure  was  unani- 
mously accepted  by  the  states-general  as  soon  as 
presented.  According  to  Motley,  the  Catholic 
nobles  present  gave  their  signatures  unhesitatingly, 
and  those  in  the  army  sent  a deputation  to  testify 
their  approval,  even  such  Catholics  as  the  Lalains 

1 The  nearer  Union  of  Brussels. 

2 The  phrase  used  is  : “We  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  and 
we,  withdrawn  from  the  said  religion.” — Groen,  Archives , vi.,  257. 


1578] 


The  Prince  at  Ghent. 


2 37 


and  Egmont  giving  their  signatures.  Nothing  had 
ever  promised  as  much  as  this  union,  which  subor- 
dinated religious  differences  to  the  need  of  political 
unity,  and  the  credit  belonged  entirely  to  the  prince. 
Perhaps  it  was  just  because  religion  was  not  every- 
thing to  him  that  he  was  able  to  see  the  need  of 
its  essential  element,  while  rating  the  hair-splitting 
differences  of  the  creeds  at  their  worth.  The  life  of 
this  union  was,  however,  doomed,  as  will  appear  later. 

The  last  important  event  in  the  year  1577,  was 
the  prince’s  visit  to  Ghent.1 2  He  went  on  December 
29th,  accompanied  by  Count  John,  and  remained 
until  January  15th.  Nothing  could  have  been  more 
cordial  than  his  reception.  The  desire  for  rhetori- 
cal spectacles  and  elaborate  representations,  sym- 
bolic of  the  state  of  affairs  or  feelings,  was  always 
ready  to  spring  to  the  surface  among  the  pleasure- 
loving  Flemings.5  This  time,  one  rhetoric  guild, 
“ Jesus  with  the  Balsam  Flower,”  produced  a won- 
derful drama  called  “Judas  Maccabseus,”  in  compli- 
ment to  the  prince. 

When  they  came  to  business  again  after  this 
revelry,  Orange  succeeded  in  making  the  estates 
promise  that  Flanders  should  contribute  a larger  and 
more  regular  quota  to  the  general  fund  ; by  his  in- 
tercession he  also  obtained  good  terms  for  the  im- 
prisoned nobles. 

Since  the  prince’s  first  return  to  Brussels,  he  had 
been  doing  his  best  to  make  friends  with  Elizabeth 
on  a substantial  basis.  She  had  sent  Charlotte  a 


1 Groen,  Archives, v i.,  276. 

2 Pamphlets  in  The  Hague  Library. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


238 

gift — the  lizard  referred  to, — and  just  at  this  crisis 
seemed  quite  disposed  to  knit  an  alliance,  lest 
Alen$on  should  get  in  before  her.  The  first  im- 
portant event  of  the  new  year  was  an  arrange- 
ment made  in  London  by  the  Marquis  de  Havr£,  by 
which  Elizabeth  endorsed  a loan  for  the  estates  of 
j 1 00,000.  The  money  was  to  be  raised  wherever 
the  estates  could  negotiate  the  bills,  and  her  liability 
was  to  cease  at  the  end  of  a year.  As  collateral  secu- 
rity she  received  pledges  from  several  cities. 

The  new  year,  therefore,  opened  well.1  Orange 
was  at  Ghent,  but  his  influence  was  strong  in  Brus- 
sels. His  office  of  Ruward  expired  at  the  arrival  of 
the  new  governor-elect  ipso  jure.  A large  popular 
party,  however,  insisted  on  his  being  nominated 
lieutenant-governor  under  the  poor  weak  archduke, 
and  the  nomination  was  strongly  backed  up  by  Eliza- 
beth.2 The  maiden  queen,  indeed,  declared  roundly 
that  she  would  give  aid  on  no  other  terms. 

Orange  himself,  greatly  feared  dissensions  at  this 
juncture,  when  the  general  outlook  was  so  favourable. 
The  following  letter  was  written  apparently  to  the 
most  influential  of  the  Brussels  magistrates.3 

“ Gentlemen  : I have  been  informed  of  certain  arti- 
cles presented  to  the  estates,  in  which  you  propose  two 

1 Hoofd,  xii.,  508. 

2 Groen,  Archives,  vi.,  277  ; Bor,  ii.,  903.  “ Op  expresse  conditien 

dat  de  Heere  Prince  soude  by  den  Eersthertog  gekoren  worden  voor 
synen  Lieutenant  General  . . . sonder  welk  expedient,  geen 

apparentie  van  het  Ryke  van  Engeland  eenige  assistentie  van  geld  of 
volk  te  trecken.” 

3 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  278,  slightly  condensed  and  freely  rendered. 


15781 


Lieutenant-  General. 


239 


things  regarding  myself  ; namely,  that  the  government  of 
Brabant  and  the  lieutenant-generalship  under  the  arch- 
duke should  be  given  me.  I am  very  grateful  for  the 
good  opinion  you  entertain  of  me  as  to  my  fidelity 
and  good  will  for  public  weal,  putting  aside  my  ca- 
pacity, of  which  others  are  better  judges.  I think  I 
possess  the  former  requisites  to  an  extent  it  would  be 
difficult  for  any  one  to  excel,  as  I have  already  proved 
up  to  this  time.  . . . But  you  all  know  what  are  my 

present  burdens.  The  government  of  Holland  and  Zea- 
land weighs  especially  heavily  on  me,  and  indeed  I have 
no  leisure  now  for  my  private  affairs. 

“ I wish  there  had  been  no  suggestion  of  offering  me 
further  charges.  Besides  the  fact  that  my  strength  does 
not  suffice  for  greater  burdens,  there  is  another  reason 
that  makes  me  unwilling  to  listen  to  the  suggestion.  I 
have  heard  that  there  is  a diversity  of  opinion  on  the 
subject  among  the  members  of  the  estates.  Considering 
the  evil  which  might  result  if  there  were  any  dissension 
now,  on  my  account,  I beg  you  affectionately  to  make 
no  demands  on  my  behalf  . . . Then,  too,  as  I hear 

there  is  some  talk  of  entrusting  to  me  the  lieutenancy  of 
the  army,  I hasten  to  say  that  as  Count  Lalain  is  general, 
I should  accept  no  charge  which  would  lead  him  to 
think  that  I wish  to  infringe  upon  his  authority.” 

In  spite  of  this  remonstrance,  which  it  must  be 
confessed  was  mild,  it  was  decided  on  January  8th, 
by  a plurality  of  votes,  that  Orange  should  be  con- 
tinued in  his  office  as  Ruward  of  Brabant,  until  the 
convocation  of  the  states-general  under  the  condi- 
tions of  the  Act  of  October  22d,  “ and  that  the 
states-general  request  [or  require]  his  Highness  to 
choose  the  said  prince  as  his  lieutenant-general,” 


240 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


As  Languet  remarked,  Spain  did  not  feel  so  injured 
at  Matthias  being  elected  governor,  as  at  Orange 
being  his  lieutenant. 

While  these  events  were  being  transacted,  a mes- 
senger— Noircarmes — had  been  sent  to  Spain.  In 
January  he  returned,  bearing  a letter  from  Philip 
to  the  estates,  dated  December  1 8th.1  The  mon- 
arch now  offered  a complete  amnesty,  promised  that 
no  more  Spaniards  should  be  put  in  power,  and  that 
a new  governor-general  should  be  appointed — the 
Prince  of  Parma,  Archduke  Ferdinand,  or  Matthias 
himself,  if  they  had  set  their  heart  on  him.  He 
would  grant  everything  they  wanted,  provided,  only, 
that  they  would  maintain,  in  its  entirety,  the  true 
religion  as  it  was  in  his  father’s  time.  “ Go  back  to 
Charles  V.  ! ” cried  the  estates  ; “ that  would  be  to 
annul  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  and  to  return  to  the  rigid 
execution  of  the  placards.”  If  these  mild  proposi- 
tions— and  there  is  no  doubt  that  Philip  sincerely 
desired  peace — had  come  before  Orange  entered 
Brabant,  they  might  have  been  entertained,  but  now, 
more  was  hoped  for  than  a simple  return  to  statu 
quo  of  the  time  of  Charles  V. 

While  Orange  was  still  in  Ghent,  Matthias  an- 
nounced his  intention  of  making  his  entry  into  Brus- 
sels on  January  14th,  accompanied  by  the  prince. 
Orange,  however,  found  it  inconvenient  to  leave  the 
seat  of  Flemish  disturbances  so  soon,  and  wrote  to 
the  archduke  and  the  estates  that  the  18th  would  be 
the  earliest  date  possible  for  him.  The  new  gov- 
ernor was  therefore  obliged  to  wait  the  convenience 


1 Groen,  Archives,  vi.,  283  ; Renon  de  France,  ii.,  21 1. 


1578] 


Entry  into  Brussels. 


241 


of  his  lieutenant  for  four  days.1  On  the  appointed 
day  Orange  joined  the  waiting  company  at  Wille- 
broek,  where,  eleven  years  before,  he  had  taken  leave 
of  Egmont.  A procession  of  notables  was  formed 
and  the  shadowy  embodiment  of  gubernatorial  power 
was  ushered  into  the  capital  as  if  he  were  a conquer- 
ing hero.  Aerschot,  Havre,  and  Gunther  Schwarz- 
burg  rode  first,  preceding  the  Prince  of  Orange,  who 
had  young  Egmont  and  Bossu  on  his  right  and  left. 
Then  came  the  archduke  with  no  man  at  his  side, 
followed  by  the  other  Count  Schwarzburg,  the  im- 
perial ambassador,  with  head  uncovered.2 

As  the  procession  entered  the  Grande  Place  the 
crowd  burst  into  joyful  shouts,  which  acclamations 
William  the  Silent,  hat  in  hand,  received  most 
graciously,  showing  in  his  face  how  pleased  he  was 
with  the  popular  manifestation.  Then  Brussels  testi- 
fied her  acceptance  of  the  new  protector,  with  the 
same  ingenuity  and  profusion  that  she  had  lavished 
on  public  receptions  twice  before  within  the  twelve- 
month.  The  allegorical  performances  that  had  been 
prepared  were  wonderful  and  complicated  beyond 
measure.  Outside  the  city  gates  a review  and  sham 
fight  were  offered  ; after  the  entry,  the  spirit  of  alle- 
gory took  an  upward  flight  and  hovered  over  the 
poor  imperial  youth  like  a bewildering  guardian 
spirit.3  In  the  Gra?tde  Place  twenty-four  stages  had 
been  erected,  and  here  were  shown  a series  of  bril- 


1 Gachard,  Cor.,  iv.,  xcv.  ; Hoofd,  xii.,  509. 

2 I'll,  du  Bois  to  Don  John. — Ibid. 

3 See  Motley,  iii.,  304. 

VOL.  II.— 16 


242 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


liant  tableaux  in  which  fancy  ran  riot.  Juno  pre- 
sented Matthias  with  Brussels  in  minature,  Cybele 
gave  him  the  keys,  Reason  handed  him  a bridle,  Wis- 
dom a looking-glass,  and  so  on  through  the  list  of  all 
the  characteristics  required  for  a successful  ruler. 
Upon  one  stage  Quintus  Curtius,  on  horseback,  was 
seen  plunging  into  the  yawning  abyss  ; upon  six 
others  Scipio  Africanus  was  exhibited  as  he  appeared 
in  the  most  picturesque  moments  of  his  career.  The 
beardless  archduke  had  never  achieved  anything 
save  his  nocturnal  escape  from  Vienna  in  his  night- 
gown, but  the  honest  Flemings  chose  to  regard  him 
as  the  reincarnation  of  these  two  Romans.  Carried 
away  by  their  own  feelings,  they  already  looked  on 
him  as  a myth,  and  such  indeed  he  was  destined  to 
remain  throughout  his  Netherland  career.  Popular 
revelry  continued  after  the  hero  had  been  safely  con- 
ducted to  the  palace,  and  there  was  much  merry- 
making in  the  streets  till  a novel  display  of  fireworks 
sent  the  people  to  their  homes  in  scared  wonder. 

On  the  19th,  the  states  sent  a deputation,  consist- 
ing of  Aerschot,  Bossu,  and  Meetkerk,  to  wait  on 
Matthias  and  request  Orange’s  appointment  as  lieu- 
tenant-general. It  was,  indeed,  flattery  to  call  this 
a request.  It  was  rather  a peremptory  order,  and 
Matthias  at  once  acceded  to  it.  Meetkerk  reported 
the  acceptance  to  the  estates,  who  took  the  oath  of 
allegiance  before  they  went  to  dinner.  Orange  de- 
murred somewhat  to  this  arrangement,  but  he  let 
himself  be  persuaded  to  accept.1 

1 “ Le  diet  d’Orange  faisoit  samblant  et  instance  ne  l’accepter  et  le 
remerchioit.  Quoy  voyant  les  seigneurs  et  messieurs  des  estatz  luy 


1578] 


Count  John. 


243 


On  the  20th,  Matthias  and  Orange  both  took  their 
oaths  of  office,* 1  which  event  was  celebrated  by  a 
banquet  in  the  grand  hall  of  the  town-house,  followed 
by  a wonderful  drama  under  the  auspices  of  “ Mary 
with  the  Flower  Garland,”  a famous  rhetorical  guild. 
Desiring  Heart,  Common  Comfort,  and  a tribe  of 
other  personages  were  all  represented  as  assuring 
Belgica  that  all  the  divinities  were  now  propitious  to 
her,  and  in  giving  her  a certain  person  as  governor 
all  her  ills  were  to  be  remedied.  This  finished,  the 
new  governor  was  considered  as  properly  inaugu- 
rated. How  much  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  bored 
by  this  wealth  of  allegory,  it  is  difficult  to  tell.  He 
was  undoubtedly  so  intensely  anxious  for  the  attain- 
ment of  independence  against  Spain,  that  he  was 
perfectly  willing  to  see  the  people  pleased  in  any  way 
that  suited  their  fancy.  John  was  with  him  in  Brus- 
sels, having  now  decided  to  throw  in  his  lot  with  the 

prierte  instamment  tous  : ce  qu’il  acceptit,  en  remercliiant  le  diet 
archiduc  et  toutte  l’assemblee.” — Philippe  du  Bois  to  Don  John,  Feb- 
ruary 2,  1578  ; Gachard,  Cor.,  iv.,  xcvii. 

1 The  articles  by  which  Matthias  was  accepted  did  not  give  him  the 
usual  powers  of  a governor.  The  new  council  appointed  by  the 
states-general,  was  to  decide  on  all  matters  by  a plurality  of  vote. 
Matthias  could  make  no  statement  without  consent  of  the  states,  who 
were  to  convene  at  pleasure,  both  in  the  provinces  and  in  general  as- 
sembly.— Renon  de  France,  ii.,  193.  Entry  in  Antwerp. — Rel.  Po- 
litiques , x. , 242.  The  states-general  in  announcing  the  acceptance 
of  the  new  governor  to  the  provincial  estates  added  : “ Et  mesmes 
S.  A.  pour  point  estre  si  bien  imbue  des  affaires  de  par  dega,  a adorne 
et  declare  monsieur  le  prince  d’Orange  pour  son  lieutenant  general 
au  gouvernement  des  diets  Pay-Bas  ; lequel  aussy,  a nostre  tres  in- 
stante  requisition,  en  a accepte  la  charge  et  aussy  faict  le  serment 
requis.” — Circulaire  du  24  Janvier,  1378,  Bibliotheque  Royale, 
Brussels, 


244 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


Netherlands,1  and  on  him  Orange  evidently  depended 
for  that  sympathy  with  which  he  could  not  dispense, 
self-reliant  as  he  appeared.  Aldegonde  and  John 
were  both  necessary  to  him,  though  even  they,  with 
all  their  affection,  could  not  understand  him.  Both 
of  them  cared  intensely  for  their  religion,  with  a 
strong  theological  bias,  and  his  spirit  of  tolerance 
towards  the  Anabaptists,  for  example,  seemed  to 
them  to  show  a dangerous  Laodicean  lukewarmness. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  new  administration,  John, 
having  already  accepted  the  governorship  of  Guel- 
derland,  which  had  strongly  objected  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  Bossu,3  was  sent  by  Matthias  to  Nymegen 
to  deliberate  with  the  estates  there. 

This  was  the  most  successful  moment  in  Orange’s 
whole  career.  Sheltered  by  the  nominal  leadership 
of  a member  of  the  Austrian  House,  whose  birth  gave 
a show  of  reason  to  his  being  there,  while  the  reins 
of  power  were  in  his  hands,  it  was  his  to  direct  not 
only  the  affairs  of  the  Protestant  provinces,  but  of 
those  which  still  cherished  in  their  hearts  the  ancient 
religion.  To  be  sure,  the  pope  had  issued  an  edict 

1 John  asked  the  Landgrave  William’s  advice  as  to  staying  perma- 
nently in  the  Netherlands.  He  mentions  various  reasons  for  not 
complying  with  the  wish  of  his  brother,  and  of  Holland  and  Zealand ; 
he  then  adds  : “To  be  sure,  my  private  business  calls  me,  not  to 
speak  of  the  fact  that  I am  not  very  well  skilled  in  the  speech  of  this 
land,  nor  in  the  people’s  customs,  humours,  and  way  of  acting.” — 
Groen,  Archives,  vi.,  240. 

To  this  the  landgrave  writes  a very  cordial  advice  not  to  meddle 
in  Dutch  affairs.  William  never  altogether  trusted  the  prince,  and 
gave  some  credence  to  the  suspicions  that  he  fomented  the  troubles 
in  the  land. — Ibid.,  267. 

2 Ibid.,  289. 


1578] 


Brighter  Prospects. 


245 


that  put  him  and  his  followers  on  the  same  basis  as 
the  Turks  and  other  heathen  ; he  knew  that  his  sup- 
port from  England  was  on  a flimsy  foundation  that 
might  give  way  at  any  moment ; any  help  from 
France  must  necessarily  be  equally  unreliable,  and 
self-dependence  seemed  impossible.  Still,  in  spite 
of  all  difficulties,  there  was  the  great  central  fact 
that  the  Brabantine  Catholics  had  accepted  the 
Protestant  leader  to  protect  national  interests. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 


FOUR  KNIGHTS. 

1578. 


ON  JOHN,  meanwhile,  remained  at 
' '*  Luxemburg  and  fumed  savagely 
at  each  successive  bulletin  from  the 
capital,  which  showed  him  how  com- 
pletely his  brief  authority  was 
ignored.  His  royal  brother  had  at 
last  listened  to  his  prayers  and  sent 
him  much  needed  supplies  and  a new  body  of  troops 
under  Alexander  Farnese,  Prince  of  Parma,  son  of 
Margaret  and  nephew  to  Don  John.1 2 *  Strengthened 
by  this  reinforcement  and  further  encouraged  by  a 
recent  papal  proclamation  regarding  heretics,  the  ex- 
governor evinced  his  determination  to  recover  his 
vice-regal  rights  without  further  words.  The  estates 
had  a very  fair  army5  in  the  field  south  of  Brussels, 


1 Hoofd,  xiii.,  514. 

On  January  25th  he  published  a manifesto  in  three  languages,  de- 
claring the  truce  at  an  end  and  his  intention  of  re-establishing,  by 
force  of  arms,  the  authority  of  king  and  church. 

2 Elizabeth  had  lent  100,000  pounds  on  security  from  certain 

cities. — Ibid.,  513. 


246 


1578] 


The  Battle  of  Gcmbloux. 


247 


under  the  leadership  of  the  great  nobles.  They 
were  nearly  all  Catholics,  and  while  they  hated  the 
Spaniards,  were  not  whole-hearted  in  their  support  of 
the  Prince  of  Orange.  The  only  really  effective  mili- 
tary body  is  the  army  of  a despot.  The  forces  of 
the  states  at  this  date  were  much  like  the  troops 
under  the  American  Continental  Congress,  two  hun- 
dred years  later.  Each  leader  considered  himself 
quite  on  a par  with  his  colleagues.  Concerted  action 
was  thus  rendered  difficult. 

In  the  end  of  January,  Lalain,  Melun,  and  several 
others  of  the  prominent  nobles  were  absent  from 
camp  to  attend  the  wedding  of  Seignior  de  Bersele, 
leaving  the  younger  men,  Philip  Egmont,  de  Heze, 
and  Havre,  in  command.1  By  that  time,  Farnese 
had  appeared  on  the  scene.  He  saw  that  this  was  a 
fitting  moment  for  an  attack,  and  fell  on  the  army 
of  the  estates,  camped  not  far  from  Namur.  In 
numbers  the  two  forces  were  nearly  equal,  but  the 
discipline  of  the  royalists  doubled  their  strength. 
The  patriots  fell  back  on  Gembloux,  towards  Brus- 
sels, on  the  last  day  of  January.2  On  February  1st, 
Don  John  broke  camp  at  dawn  and  pursued  the  re- 
treating army.  The  leader  displayed  ostentatiously 
the  banner  he  had  carried  against  the  Turks,  with  a 
new  legend,  “ In  hoc  signovici  Turcos , in  hoc  hcereticos 
vincatn."  A skirmishing  battle  began,  which  at  first 
seemed  favourable  to  the  patriots,  but  a bold  move- 
ment of  Farnese  changed  the  fortunes  of  the  day. 
He  made  an  unexpected  onslaught  through  a dan- 


1Groen,  Archives , vi.,  292. 

^ Ibid.,  292  et  seq ; Hoofd,  xiii.,  516. 


248 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


gerous  swamp,  taking  the  patriots  unawares,  A bril- 
liant captain  might  have  saved  the  day,  but  he  was 
not  there.  The  patriots  yielded  almost  without  a 
blow  and  were  cut  to  pieces.  Fabulous  tales  were 
told  of  the  numbers  slain  by  each  valiant  Spaniard. 
According  to  one  calculation,  each  man  must  have 
finished  ten  Netherlanders  with  his  own  hand.1 
Whatever  the  exact  statistics,  this  much  is  sure,  the 
whole  patriot  army  was  almost  annihilated,  the  pris- 
oners being  mercilessly  drowned  in  the  Meuse,  while 
an  insignificant  number  of  Spaniards  perished.  It 
was  an  undoubted  victory,  and  in  the  end  proved  a 
decisive  battle  as  regards  Netherland  unity.  With 
the  outlook  as  favourable  as  it  had  been  in  January, 
1578,  a crushing  defeat  of  the  foreigners  still  on 
Flemish  soil  would  have  drawn  the  provinces  to- 
gether. Brussels  was  thrown  into  the  greatest  con- 
sternation, and  the  people  were  so  turbulent  that 
Matthias,  Orange,  the  council  of  states,  and  the 
states-general  were  alarmed  for  their  personal  safety 
and  retired  to  Antwerp.2  On  February  5th,  how- 


1 Hoofd,  xiii.,  517;  Strada,  i.,  ix.,  49;  Bor,  ii. , 934.  At  the 
battle  itself  only  a portion  of  the  Spanish  troops  were  actually  present. 

2 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  297  et  seq.  ; Hoofd,  xiii.,  518. 

On  February  4th,  the  states-general  resolved  that  “for  the  better 
conduct  and  expedition  of  affairs  the  entire  charge  should  be  given  to 
his  Excellency,  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and  to  the  council  of  state,  and 
they  be  authorised  to  do  what  is  necessary.”  [lie's,  des  Etqts-Gin., 
Hague  Archives.]  Thus  Orange  was  made  commander-in-chief  for 
the  “ generality,”  as  he  had  been  for  Holland  and  Zealand. 

The  government  of  Brussels,  beyond  the  municipal  affairs,  was  as- 
sumed by  a council  of  eighteen.  This  was  also  adopted  by  several 
other  cities. — Groen,  Archives,  vi.,  266. 


1578] 


Amsterdam. 


249 


ever,  the  states-general  published  a proclamation  de- 
claring that  united  they  should  stand,  and  that  the 
union  should  be  preserved  in  spite  of  all  reverses. 

The  next  event  of  public  importance  compensated 
in  some  degree  for  this  defeat  of  Gembloux.  The 
important  city  of  Amsterdam  had  remained  steadily 
hostile  to  the  patriot  leader,  and  loyal  to  the  king. 
Through  the  influence  of  emissaries  from  Utrecht, 
which  city  had  been  devoted  to  the  prince  from  the 
autumn  of  1577,  Amsterdam  was  persuaded  to  a 
change  of  base.  On  the  8th  of  February,  a week 
only  after  Gembloux,  the  citizens  accepted  a treaty 
containing  the  same  conditions  as  the  Utrecht  Satis- 
faction. Permission  was  granted  to  the  various 
reformed  sects  to  worship,  each  according  to  its  own 
rites,  and  to  bury  their  dead  within  the  walls.1 2  To 
be  sure,  every  one  was  not  equally  satisfied  with 
this  Satisfaction,  and  various  municipal  disturbances 
followed  in  the  course  of  the  winter,  finally  ending 
in  a revolt  in  May,  when  partisans  of  the  prince 
succeeded  in  banishing,  though  without  bloodshed, 
the  Catholic  faction  that  had  remained  strong  against 
him,  and  in  establishing  a city  government  which 
upheld  his  measures. 

Whether  the  prince  had  his  family  with  him  at 
Brussels  does  not  appear,  but  when  he  went  to  Ant- 
werp in  midwinter,  they  joined  him,  and  found  their 
quarters  not  altogether  cheerful,  as  is  shown  by  the 
following  letter3  from  Marie  to  Count  John  : 

1 “A  right  hardly  to  be  denied  to  a dog,”  as  the  prince  remarked 
with  an  unconsciousness  of  future  sanitary  prejudices. 

2 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  293. 


250 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


“ Wellborn,  friendly,  heart-dear  Father  : I must 
let  you  know  that  I have  now  received  one  or  six1  letters 
from  you,  and  rejoice  indeed  at  the  proof  of  your  good- 
ness to  me,  and  that  you  have  not  forgotten  poor  little 
Maiken.  Indeed,  I can  not  thank  you  enough.  I would 
have  liked  to  answer  at  once,  but  could  not  as  I knew  of 
no  messenger  to  your  Excellency,  and  I did  not  dare 
write  on  an  uncertainty.  Pray  forgive  me,  and  I will  do 
better,  with  God’s  help.  Pray  forgive  me,  too,  that  I was 
so  silly  at  parting  from  you,  and  never  thanked  you  for 
all  your  goodness  to  me.  I would  have  liked  to  do  so, 
but  was  too  sad  for  words.  Your  Excellency  must  take 
the  will  for  the  deed,  and  rest  assured  that  if  my  father 
and  all  of  us  can  ever  serve  you,  we  will  not  neglect  the 
opportunity,  and  I hope  to  remain  your  true,  filial, 
obedient  daughter  as  long  as  I live.  It  was  harder  to 
part  from  you  than  I dreamed  it  would  be,  but  as  it 
cannot  be  otherwise  I must  perforce  be  content. 

“Your  Excellency  will  probably  have  heard  of  the 
changes  which  have  taken  place  here  since  your  departure 
— how  our  people  have  suffered  defeat,  and  how  the 
enemy  have  gained  Gembloux  and  Louvain.  I hope  to 
God,  things  will  come  out  right.  The  archduke,  the 
Dukes  of  Aerschot,  Havre,  and  other  Brussels  nobles  are 
all  here,  with  their  wives.  ...  I heard  that  your  Excel- 
lency arrived  safely  at  Nymegen,  and  rejoice  especially 
to  know  that  the  Guelder  folk  are  glad  to  have  you,  but 
it  will  be  no  little  burden  for  you  to  stay  away  from  home 
so  long,  and  besides,  you  will  find  it  expensive.  I only 
hope  that  they  will  deserve  all  your  trouble,  and  will  give 
you  an  opportunity  of  going  home.  I know  how  the 
mother  and  wife  must  wish  for  you  as  it  is  a long  time 
since  they  have  seen  you. 

1 Eyn  briff  oder  6.  This  must  be  a misprint. 


1578] 


The  Sects  at  Antwerp. 


251 


“ Dear  father,  I must  tell  you  that  we  are  now  lodged 
in  the  castle,  and  you  can  not  believe  how  grievously  cold 
it  is.  I am  afraid  if  I stay  here  long,  I shall  be  frozen 
stiff.  Would  it  not  be  a joy  to  wake  up  and  find  myself 
in  my  beloved  little  room  in  Dillenburg — Well-a-day  ! I 
hope  that  may  come  in  time.  I must  tell  you,  that  your 
son  Philip  ' arrived  four  or  five  days  ago.  I cannot  see 
that  he  is  as  pious  as  your  Excellency  says  he  has  become, 
for  it  seems  to  me  he  is  roguish  and  spoiled.  1 hope, 
though,  that  he  will  come  to  his  senses  and  grow  rational. 

“Antwerp — in  haste.  Feb.  10th.” 

With  the  progress  of  events  the  reformers  became 
bolder,  and  the  different  sects  preached  with  hitherto 
unheard  of  openness  in  Antwerp.  Hoofd  says 1  2 that 
there  were  fifteen  sermons  by  as  many  different 
ministers  in  one  Sunday.  According  to  a story  in 
one  of  the  letters  of  that  indefatigable  correspond- 
ent, Languet,  Orange  asked  the  burgomaster  if  he 
thought  that  this  preaching  could  be  suppressed  ? 
“ Only  you  can  do  it,”  answered  the  mayor,  “ I give 
your  Highness  all  the  power  I possess.”  “And  do 
you  think,”  continued  the  prince,  “ that  I can  do 
now,  what  Alva  was  unable  to  accomplish  at  the 
height  of  his  power?”  Nor  did  he  really  wish  to 
suppress  them.  A state  church  never  came  into  his 
programme. 

During  the  February  weeks  Orange  exerted  every 
nerve  to  arouse  local  interest  in  the  important  ques- 
tion of  general  defence,  and  to  foster  a national 

1 Philip  of  Nassau,  bom  1566,  killed  1595.  “ Een  dapper,  kloec 

en  wel  bemint  Ideere,  van  grooter  hope.” — Meteren,  page  361  d. 

2 xiii.,  534  et  seq. 


252 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


spirit.  He  wrote  to  the  sheriffs  of  Ghent,1 2  begging 
them  to  fortify  the  cities  of  Alost  and  Termonde, 
and  sent  similar  epistles  to  other  cities.  Don  John, 
however,  held  his  own  fairly  well,  and  possessed 
himself  of  Tirlemont,  Diest,  Nivelles,  and  Louvain. 

On  March  8th,  Marie  wrote  '1  again  to  her  fatherly 
uncle  : 

“ It  can  never  go  so  well  with  your  Excellency,  that  I 
would  not  wish  it  a thousand  times  better.  How  things 
are  here,  your  Excellency  has  doubtless  heard.  The 
enemy  have  gained  Aerschot,  Sichem,  and  Dietz,  where, 
as  I hear,  they  exercise  great  tyranny,  so  that  the  poor 
people  are  to  be  pitied  indeed.  There  is  a rumour  that 
the  enemy  mean  to  advance  to  Maestricht  and  even  to 
Mechlin.  All  is  in  God’s  hands.  Further,  heart-dear 
father,  I must  tell  you  that  the  Marquis  of  Havre  is  go- 
ing to  England  to-morrow  or  next  day,  and  wants  to  take 
my  cousin,  Count  William,3  with  him.  As  my  father  saw 
that  my  cousin  greatly  desired  to  visit  England,  to  see 
and  learn  something  of  the  world,  he  thought  this  a good 
opportunity  for  him  to  make  the  journey  in  suitable  com- 
pany ; he  gave  his  permission  and  intrusted  him  to  Lier,4 
for  which  I was  very  glad,  as  you  well  know  that  he  is  a 
God-fearing  noble.  If  my  cousin  William  take  him  as  a 
model,  as  I do  not  doubt  he  will  do,  he  can  learn  no  evil. 
Your  Excellency  would  hardly  believe  how  fine  my  cous- 
in is  now.  He  has  grown  much  more  lively  than  when 

1 Gacliard,  Cor.,  iv.,  38. 

2 Grocn,  Archives , vi.,  301. 

3 William  Louis,  eldest  son  of  Count  John  of  Nassau,  b.  1560,  d. 
1620.  In  1579  he  entered  the  service  of  the  provinces.  Some  years 
later  he  became  Governor  of  Friesland  and  Groningen. — Ibid.,  296. 

4 Joachim  van  Lier,  deputy  from  Zutphen  to  the  states-general. 


1578] 


Negotiations  with  Elizabeth. 


253 


he  left  you  ; I am  sure  you  will  be  pleased  when  you  see 
him.  You  may  trust  me,  if  it  were  not  true  I would  not 
write  it  to  you.  The  margrave  only  proposes  to  be  absent 
a fortnight.  I helped  my  cousin  out  with  money  as  well 
as  I could.  I hope  you  will  not  be  displeased  at  the 
project. 

“ Your  true  daughter, 

“ M.  F.  v.  N.  and  O. 

“Antwerp,  March  8th,  in  great  haste.” 

The  states-general  had  very  properly  set  a limit 
to  Havre’s  stay  in  England,  in  the  hopes  of  bringing 
Elizabeth  to  a quick  decision. 1 The  delay  in  all 
diplomatic  matters  was  one  of  the  most  trying  bur- 
dens Orange  had  to  carry.  At  this  crisis  when  Don 
John  was  pressing  up  from  the  south,  aid  was  looked 
for  in  three  quarters— from  Germany,  England,  and 
France.  The  Elector  Palatine,  indeed,  had  really 
promised  to  send  reinforcements  by  Duke  Casimir. 
Don  John  thought  from  letters  he  had  intercepted 
that  Casimir  was  just  on  the  point  of  arriving,  and 
he  hastened  to  gain  what  ground  he  could,  before 
the  weakened  forces  of  the  states  should  be  strength- 
ened by  these  German  troops.  But  Don  John  need 
not  have  feared.  Casimir  delayed  from  week  to 
week,  while  the  endeavours  to  bring  Elizabeth  to  a 
point,  as  well  as  the  negotiations  with  Anjou,  were 
more  or  less  on  the  carpet  during  the  winter. 

John  of  Nassau  was  now  duly  elected  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  Guelderland. 2 His  faithful  niece,  Marie, 

1 Rfc.  des  £tats,  Feb.  26th. 

2 De  Berghes  to  John,  congratulating  him  on  his  election. — Groen, 
Archives , vi.,  308. 


254 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


kept  up  a close  correspondence  with  him,  writing  on 
March  13th,  to  say  that  the  English  travellers  were 
off,  and  that  she  hoped  she  could  soon  report  their 
safe  arrival.  He  need  not  worry  about  William, 
Lier  would  be  sure  to  take  good  care  of  the  young 
man.  In  dating  her  letter  she  writes  first,  “ Dillen- 
burg,  in  great  haste,”  and  then  adds  : “ Your  Excel- 
lency can  see  by  my  date  where  my  heart  is.  As  I 
was  going  to  write  Antwerp,  out  popped  Dillen- 
burg.” 

As  Marie  had  divined,  John  did  find  it  burden- 
some to  remain  so  long  abroad.  He,  too,  felt  that 
his  heart  was  in  the  fatherland,  and  therefore,  before 
immersing  himself  in  Guelderland  affairs,  he  took  an 
opportunity  to  go  to  Dillenburg  and  look  after  his 
own  estate.  He  was  at  home  during  March,  whence 
he  wrote  to  his  brother,  giving  him  some  idea  of 
current  events  in  Germany,  and  to  the  landgrave 
about  Netherland  affairs.  He  wished  advice  from 
the  latter  on  the  advisability  of  his  throwing  in  his 
fortunes  with  the  provinces.  Shortly  afterwards  he 
appealed  to  the  landgrave  on  the  religious  question, 
which  was  a vital  matter  to  him.  John  could  not 
look  on  all  churches  with  equal  favour.  To  him 
there  was  a right  and  a wrong  point  of  view. 

On  March  19th  Marie  wrote'  as  follows: 

“ I am  sorry  to  hear  that  the  mother  feels  so  poorly, 
but  after  this  long  life  of  toil  and  trouble  we  cannot  hope 
for  much  else.  Further,  beloved  father,  as  your  Excel- 
lency writes  to  me  that  you  have  heard  that  I was  be- 


Groen,  Archives,  vi.,  329. 


1578] 


Guelderland. 


255 


trothed  to  your  eldest  son,  I assure  you  I can  not  wonder 
enough  how  people  got  hold  of  such  an  idea,  for  there  is 
not  a word  of  truth  in  it.  It  is  hardly  a fitting  time  for 
such  matters,  and  I think,  too,  he  cares  nothing  for  me. 
If  there  were  such  a prospect,  be  sure  I should  tell  you  at 
once. 1 I must  tell  you  that  my  father  means  to  take 
Maurice  from  Breda  and  send  him  to  Leyden.” 

The  rumours  that  John  hears  in  Germany  are  not 
promising  for  the  projects  of  Netherland  indepen- 
dence. Austria  is  said  to  be  preparing  a large  army 
to  send  to  aid  Don  John.  John  seemed  in  no  haste 
to  return  to  his  government,  where  he  found,  as 
might  be  supposed,  a strong  party  of  opposition.  In 
April  his  brother-in-law,  Schwarzburg,  wrote,2  beg- 
ging him  to  hasten  back,  as  both  prince  and  archduke 
needed  him  greatly.  Two  days  later  Orange  found 
time  to  write3  himself,  as  follows  : 

“ Well-born,  friendly,  dear  Brother  : We  have 
received  your  letter,  and  weighed  your  opinion  regarding 
the  Guelderland  government.  I wish  to  give  the  matter 
further  consideration,  but  cannot  come  to  a decision 
without  you.  Pray  take  a little  journey4  hither  with  a 
small  escort,  so  that  we  can  talk  over  various  matters.” 

The  prince,  indeed,  had  need  of  someone  to  whom 
he  could  say  a friendly  word.  His  position  was  very 
difficult.  He  had  accepted  Matthias  and  did  the 

1 Nine  years  later  Marie’s  sister  Anne  married  the  cousin  in 
question. 

2 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  349. 

3 Ibid.,  351. 

4 “ Eine  kleine  raisz  mit  wenig  volcke.” 


256 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


best  with  him  that  circumstances  allowed,  but  the 
whole  situation  was  farcical,  and  everyone  knew  that 
it  was  only  to  be  maintained  until  a more  substantial 
figure-head  appeared.  Negotiations  with  Anjou 
dragged  on.  The  majority  of  the  estates  were  not, 
however,  favourable  to  him,  and  this  opposition  was 
shared  by  Catholics  as  well  as  by  Protestants. 
Matthias,  of  course,  objected  to  any  aid  coming 
from  that  quarter,  as  he  had  perception  enough  to 
see  that  a present  French  prince  would  be  far  more 
likely  to  displace  him,  than  assistance  from  an  absent 
English  queen,  or  from  Duke  Casimir  of  the  Pala- 
tine, rumours  of  whose  coming  with  troops,  were 
wafted  across  the  Rhine  from  time  to  time.  The 
last  was  a vassal  of  the  emperor,  and  the  young 
archduke  felt  safer  against  his  encroachments  than 
against  those  of  Anjou.  His  shadowy  power  could 
not  indeed  suffer  diminution  without  danger  of  dis- 
solution. 

Aldegonde,  meanwhile,  kept  up  a close  corre- 
spondence with  Anjou  and  his  confidential  agent, 
des  Pruneaux,  to  whom  Orange  also  wrote  warmly. 
Before,  however,  all  this  interchange  of  fair  words 
showed  any  result,  Casimir  finally  set  out  on  his 
march  from  Germany.  As  Marie  wrote,  they  were 
all,  especially  those  who  feared  the  French  alliance, 
longing  for  his  arrival  with  his  doughty  knights. 

Casimir’s  movements  spurred  Anjou  on,  and  as 
the  one  crossed  the  eastern  border  with  12,000  men, 
the  other  advanced  from  the  west,  and  on  July  13th 
wrote1  to  Orange  from  Mons: 

1 Anjou  to  Orange.  Groen,  Archives , vi.,  404. 


1578] 


Various  Negotiations. 


257 


“ My  cousin,  you  have  been  sufficiently  advised  of  the 
levies  I have  made  in  France  to  aid  messieurs  the  states- 
general  in  their  just  cause.  I will  only  say  that  I have 
directed  one  of  my  confidential  servants,  whom  you  know, 
to  have  my  forces  in  readiness  to  march.  Meanwhile  I 
have  come  on  with  a few  confidential  attendants.  . . . 
I would  like  to  consult  with  you  on  the  best  mode  of 
checking  the  enemy’s  audacity  and  unsupportable  inso- 
lence . . . and  would  be  glad  if  you  could  come  to 

this  city.  If  that  be  impossible,  send  me  one  of  your 
people  who  is  thoroughly  in  your  confidence.  It  is  very 
necessary,  my  cousin,  that  we  understand  each  other  per- 
fectly, so  that,  marching  on  the  same  footing,  we  may 
destroy  the  enemy’s  hope,  founded  on  the  division  that 
he  tries  by  subtle  means  to  excite  between  us,”  etc. 

The  situation  became  more  strained.  Elizabeth 
was  furious  at  Anjou’s  espousal  of  the  cause,  when 
she  had  been  so  generous  to  the  oppressed  Nether- 
lands 1 ; the  Walloon  provinces  were  pleased,  as  they 
feared  both  German  and  English  Protestants  ; while 
Flanders  refused  to  believe  that  Medicean  interfer- 
ence could  result  to  her  advantage.2 

On  July  28th,  Orange  had  an  interview  with  the 
English  ambassador  at  Antwerp,  who  “ laid  down 
unto  him  the  dislike  her  Majesty  conceived  thereof. 
. . . It  seemed  strange  that  they  could  enter  into 

any  dealing  with  him  of  whose  soundness  and  sin- 
cerity they  could  not  be  assured.” 

The  Landgrave  of  Hesse  had  a private  secretary 
in  the  Netherlands  to  keep  him  in  touch  with  current 

1 Rel.  Politiques,  x.,  645  et  seq. 

2 Hoofd,  xiii.,  553. 

VOL.  II. — 17 


25§ 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


events.  This  man,  Antony  des  Traos,  reported  1 to 
his  master  as  follows  : 

“ As  to  Count  John,  I heard  that  the  estates  of  Holland 
and  Zealand  wished  that  he  should  be  their  governor  in 
the  absence  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  as  he  could  easily 
hold  the  three  provinces  together.  They  have  offered 
him  18,000  florins  pension.  He  declined.  They  have 
now  sent  a special  messenger  to  urge  his  acceptance.  I 
think  he  will  let  himself  be  persuaded,  urged  on  by  the 
prince,  notwithstanding  that  he  has  plenty  to  do  in  regu- 
lating local  affairs,  which  are  not  only  in  a bad  condition, 
but  many  of  the  cities  are  still  Spanish  in  their  sympa- 
thies, so  that  he  dreads  an  uprising.  Don  John  is  turning 
his  army  in  that  direction.  . . . The  Duke  of  Alen- 

pon  said  roundly  that  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with 
the  archduke,  but  must  treat  directly  with  the  states. 
When  the  archduke  heard  this  he  burst  into  tears,2  and 
asked  the  bystanders  if  sufficient  aid  could  not  be 
brought  from  Germany  to  resist  the  Spaniards,  without 
applying  to  France.” 

Orange  disregarded  remonstrances  and  tears  alike, 
and  responded  cordially  to  des  Pruneaux  on  July 
17th,  enclosing  a little  note  from  Charlotte.3  She  is 
rejoiced  at  the  hope  of  seeing  a countryman,  and 
sends  her  respects  to  her  prince. 

With  the  imminent  prospect  of  Duke  Casimir 
effecting  a juncture  with  Bossu,  Don  John  deter- 
mined to  force  the  states’  troops  to  a definite 
engagement.4  This  was  done  on  July  31st,  near 

1 July  15th.  Groen,  Archives.,  vi.,  415. 

2 “ II  commenfa  a pleurer.” 

3 Ibid.,  vi.,  421. 

4 Hoofd,  xiii.,  551. 


1578] 


yohn  Casimir. 


259 


Rijnemaants,  and  resulted  in  defeat  for  the  Spaniards 
with  a heavy  loss.  Bossu  did  not  follow  up  the  ad- 
vantage then  gained,  and  was  severely  censured  by 
the  Nationalists,  his  loyalty  even  being  questioned. 
Don  John  fell  back  on  Namur,  and  Bossu  waited  near 
Mechlin  for  Casimir,  who  would  not  advance  from 
Zutphen  until  he  was  assured  that  the  states  would 
pay  his  troops. 

This  new  ally  to  the  cause  of  the  patriots  was 
hardly  more  promising  than  the  lachrymose  Matthias 
or  the  fickle  Valois.  The  latter,  perhaps,  possessed 
more  ability  than  the  Austrian  or  the  German,  but 
was  false  through  and  through,  as  was  natural  to  his 
mother’s  son.  Casimir  was  endowed  neither  with  the 
ability  nor  the  generosity  needed  for  the  heroic  part 
he  planned  to  play  in  the  Netherland  drama.  His 
enterprise  was  not  regarded  with  favourable  eyes 
among  the  nobles  of  the  empire.  The  landgrave, 
who  had  inherited  much  of  his  father’s  love  of  ex- 
pressing a dogmatic  opinion  on  every  one’s  affairs, 
wrote  1 as  follows  to  des  Traos  : 

“ I am  more  and  more  confirmed  in  my  former  opinion, 
namely,  that  John  Casimir  has  plunged  into  a confused 
chaos,2  into  a dangerous  business,  in  which  he  will  have 
more  to  dread  from  his  friends  than  from  his  enemies, 
though  the  latter  are  not  to  be  despised.  The  estates  are 
not  at  one  among  themselves  on  the  main  point  of  re- 
ligion, which  is  the  stoutest  vinculum  stabiliendi  feeder  is, 
and  one  party  furthers  what  the  others  would  gladly  hin- 
der ; at  the  same  time,  some  people,  for  private  reasons, 


1 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  427. 

2 “ confusum  chaos.” 


26o 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


grudge  the  very  eyes  in  the  heads  of  others.  One  party 
turns  to  France,  another  to  Austria,  and  the  third  does 
not  know  on  what  peg  to  hang  its  allegiance.  I cannot 
see,  therefore,  in  such  a government,  what  can  be  done, 
even  if  Duke  Casimir  had  boasting  Hector  and  Achilles 
in  his  army.  God,  however,  lives,  who  rules  all  things, 
and  will  doubtless  make  an  end,  to  the  honour  of  His 
name.  That  Alengon,1  according  to  thy  letter,  is  already 
at  Mons  in  Hainault,  and  Lalain  and  others  are  flocking 
to  him,  is  probably  a bold  stroke  \meisterstuck\  of  the 
old  queen,  for  it  will  divide  the  estates,  make  them  mis- 
trust each  other,  and  also  cut  off  aid  from  England,  for 
Queen  Elizabeth  will  doubtless  be  angry  and  turn  against 
the  estates,  as  she  cannot  be  pleased  at  seeing  the  French 
nest  themselves  in  the  provinces.  Then,  too,  by  these 
means,  the  states  must  forfeit  favour  of  the  emperor,  the 
Austrian  House,  and  the  whole  empire,  on  account  of  the 
archduke.  The  result  may  be  that  they  will  be  declared 
rebels,  German  soldiers  may  be  led  against  them,  and 
help  given  to  the  King  of  Spain  and  to  Don  John  to 
subjugate  them  again.  In  any  case  they  expose  them- 
selves to  danger  and  plunge  in  over  their  heads.  We 
cannot,  therefore,  wonder  sufficiently,  that  the  prince  let 
himself  be  persuaded  by  his  wife  to  consent  to  such  enor- 
mities \enormibus\  without  considering  all  the  above 
points.  Summa,  the  comet  and  great  prodigia  of  this  year, 
will  have  their  result.  God  grant  that  they  have  a good 
end. 

“ Friedewald,  July  31,  1578.” 

It  is  rather  curious  to  see  what  a fair  view  of  the 
state  of  things  the  landgrave  could  get  from  his  dis- 

1 Anjou  had  been  his  title  ever  since  the  accession  of  his  brother  to 
the  throne,  but  his  old  name  clung  to  him. 


1578] 


Defender  of  the  Netherlands. 


261 


tant  point  of  observation.  It  was  easy  to  criticise, 
but  what  could  he  have  done  ? 

In  August,  Anjou,  waiting  at  Mons,  grew  im- 
patient, and  wrote  to  Orange  on  August  7th,  com- 
plaining bitterly  of  the  delay  in  admitting  him  into 
the  provinces.  As  the  landgrave  said,  different  in- 
fluences kept  pulling  different  ways,  and  action  was 
blocked.  Finally,  on  August  nth,1  after  long  delib- 
eration and  conference  among  the  members  of  the 
council  of  state,  their  Excellencies  and  the  deputies 
of  the  states-general  accepted  the  aid  offered  by 
Anjou.  This  was  done  by  a plurality  of  votes,  al- 
though several  of  the  provincial  deputies  declared, 
that,  not  being  authorised  by  their  constituents,  they 
must  throw  all  responsibility  for  the  action  on  the 
council  of  state,  with  the  hope  that  what  those  gen- 
tlemen might  do  would  militate  to  the  public  wel- 
fare. On  August  13th  the  treaty  was  concluded.2 
Anjou  became  Defender  of  Netherland  Liberties — at 
least,  that  was  the  title  given  him. 

Apparently  a great  concession  was  thus  made  to 

1 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  438  et  seq.  ; Rel.  Politiques,  x. , 716. 

2 The  substance  of  the  treaty,  in  twenty-three  articles,  was  that 
Anjou  should  aid  the  provinces  against  the  intolerable  tyranny  of  the 
Spaniards  and  the  unjustifiable  assaults  of  Don  John.  He  was  to 
bring  10,000  foot  and  2000  horse  for  two  months.  At  the  expira- 
tion of  that  time  that  force  was  to  be  reduced  to  3000  foot  and  500 
horse.  No  hostilities  against  Elizabeth  were  to  be  allowed.  The 
states  should  supply  a force  equal  to  Anjou’s.  He  must  submit  to 
the  civil  government  of  the  country,  and  must  not  make  any  private 
contracts  with  any  cities  or  provinces.  All  captured  cities  must  be- 
long to  the  estates.  No  foreign  troops  except  French  could  come  in 
under  Anjou’s  standard.  If  a new  sovereign  were  chosen,  Anjou 
should  have  the  first  consideration. — Groen,  Archives , vi.,  438. 


262 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


the  Walloon — that  is,  to  the  Catholic — interests,  but 
they  were  not  perfectly  satisfied.  In  the  first  place, 
participation  in  the  civil  government  was  refused  to 
the  duke  for  the  time  being.  He  was  only  offered 
first  co?isideration  if  the  sovereign  were  changed. 
Then  they  thought  he  was  made  too  dependent  on 
heretics,  as  he  had  to  promise  to  ally  himself  with  the 
Queen  of  England,  the  King  of  Navarre,  and  Duke 
Casimir,  the  arch-heretics  of  Europe.  The  prince 
had  gained  his  point,  but  it  was  questionable  whether 
he  had  not  simply  provided  another  nucleus,  around 
which  opposition  could  centre. 

The  states-general,  in  making  this  treaty,  reserved 
the  month  of  August  for  negotiating  with,  or,  in 
other  words,  winding  up  their  business  with,  their 
Spanish  governor.  At  first  they  were  aided  by  the 
English  ambassadors,  Walsingham  and  Cobham, 
who  returned  to  England  on  August  24th,  with 
apologies  for  not  having  effected  a pacification.1 

From  Don  John’s  point  of  view,  the  articles 
offered  were  so  preposterous,  that  his  approval 
would  have  been  a miracle.  They  proposed  that  he 
should  depart  with  all  his  troops  and  adherents ; 
Matthias  should  be  governor-general  under  the  con- 
ditions according  to  which  he  had  been  accepted  ; 
religion  was  left  to  the  states-general ; prisoners  were 

1 Great  fear  was  expressed  by  these  gentlemen  lest  the  provinces 
should  aspire  to  independence.  “ If  the  victory  inclyne  on  the 
States’  behalf,  he  sawe  them  disposed  to  grow  so  insolent,  as,  in 
steede  of  rendringe  obedience  to  the  King,  they  would  erect  some 
new  shapen  comonwealthe,  according  as  the  diversitie  of  theire  opin- 
ions and  fansies  should  leade  them.” — Conference  of  Cobham  and 
Walsingham  with  the  emperor’s  ambassador.  Ret.  Politiques , x.,  654. 


1578]  Illness  cf  Don  John.  263 

to  be  released,  exiles  permitted  to  return,  property 
restored.  If  Matthias  died,  or  departed,  no  succes- 
sor could  be  appointed  without  the  consent  of  the 
states- general. 

Don  John  was  past  feeling  either  amusement  or 
irritation.  He  knew  that  he  had  been  a failure. 
Chance  had  lately  revealed  how  much  treachery  his 
brother  had  shown  him.  His  misfortunes  culminated 
in  the  death  of  his  friend  Escovedo.  That  loss,  and 
a rebuff  near  Mechlin,  increased  his  despondency. 
His  system  was  filled  with  low  fever,  contracted  in 
his  camps  along  the  Meuse,  and  he  lost  the  power  of 
resistance.  The  armies  lay  quiescent  during  Sep- 
tember, both  being  cramped  for  funds. 

At  first,  Don  John  had  sufficient  energy  to  plan 
the  construction  of  a new  camp  on  the  heights,  a 
mile  above  Namur.  When  he  grew  weak  with  the 
fever,  he  thought  change  of  air  to  this  loftier  situa- 
tion might  benefit  him,  and  he  was  carried  thither 
on  a camp  bed.  An  old  pigeon-house  was  hastily 
cleaned  out  for  his  reception,  and  there  he  was  in- 
stalled. For  a time  he  directed  the  works  and  wrote 
dispatches,  but  in  the  last  week  of  September  he 
relinquished  his  struggle  both  for  government  and 
for  life.  He  gave  his  last  directions,  wrote  to  his 
brother,  appointed  Parma  his  successor  until  orders 
should  arrive  from  Spain,  and  then  passed  into 
delirium,  in  which  the  first  battles  of  his  brilliant, 
promising  youth  played  a vivid  part.  On  the  night 
of  September  30th  his  senses  returned,  and  he 
received  the  rite  of  extreme  unction.  On  the  mor- 
row, October  1st,  he  was  again  calm  and  collected, 


264 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


and  he  assented  to  a proposition  to  hear  mass.  His 
sight  had  failed,  and  he  was  not  conscious  of  the 
elevation  of  the  Host.  When  his  observation  was 
attracted  to  it  he  made  an  effort  and  tried  to  pull  off 
his  nightcap  in  token  of  adoration.  From  that  time 
he  continued  murmuring  the  names  of  Jesus  and 
Mary  until  about  one  in  the  afternoon,  when  he  ex- 
pired, “ passing,”  as  his  confessor  said,  “ out  of  our 
hands  like  a bird  of  the  sky,  with  almost  impercep- 
tible motion.”  1 2 

It  was  a sad  ending  for  the  young  man  who  had 
once  felt  that  the  whole  world  was  his,  and  had  lived 
only  long  enough  to  see  all  his  brilliant  castles  in 
the  air  fall  like  card  houses.  In  coming  to  the 
Netherlands  he  had  had  his  own  schemes  in  view, 
which  he  had  abandoned  perforce.  His  brother  had 
wished  a mild  policy  used  in  the  government,  and 
Don  John  had  tried  it  unsuccessfully,  as  he  was 
baulked  and  baffled  by  Philip’s  failure  to  aid  or 
direct  him  in  his  difficult  course,  by  his  neglect  to 
furnish  the  requisite  supplies,  and,  finally,  by  his 
treachery.  The  first  scheme  had  failed,  and  the  plan 
of  the  military  subjugation  of  the  Netherlands  had 
been  resumed.3  Whether  he  could  have  carried  on 
the  miserable  contest  with  the  heroic  patience  and 
energy,  and  the  wonderful  fertility  of  expedients  for 
dispensing  with  the  aid  of  the  vacillating  king  and 
his  beggared  treasury,  by  which  Alexander  Farnese 
proved  his  ability,  or  whether  he  would  have 

1 Don  John  of  Austria , Sir  William  Sterling-Maxwell,  1883, 
vol.  ii,  335- 

2 Sterling-Maxwell,  ii.,  360  et  seq. 


1578] 


Alexander  Farnese. 


265 


plunged  into  deeper  humiliations,  are  unsolved 
questions.1 2  In  spite  of  the  hateful  policy  of  which 
Don  John  was  the  willing  instrument  in  the  Nether- 
lands, it  is  impossible  to  look  upon  his  forlorn 
position  there  without  sympathy  and  compassion. 
Honours,  which  his  royal  brother  permitted  to  him 
later,  and  a resting-place  by  his  imperial  father, 
were  slight  compensations  for  his  disappointed  and 
disheartened  death  when  he  was  but  thirty-one  years 
old,a  still  hoping  for  a long  career.  He  was  wasted 
beyond  recognition  of  what  he  had  been  in  his 
handsome,  vigorous  prime,  when,  as  a Moor,  he  had 
ridden  so  gaily  into  Luxemburg. 

The  duty  of  directing  affairs  in  the  loyal  provinces 
and  of  winning  back  the  disloyal  territories  now  de- 
volved on  Alexander  Farnese,  Duke  of  Parma.  He 
was  soon  confirmed  in  Spain,  and  became,  formally, 
Philip’s  personal  representative  in  the  Netherlands. 
Born  in  1546,  the  new  ruler  was  about  the  same  age 
as  his  uncle  and  predecessor.  He  possessed  far  more 
brilliancy  of  character,  far  more  intellect  and  greater 

1 He  himself  was  not  hopeful  of  success.  In  one  of  the  last  two 

letters  he  wrote  to  Philip  he  said  pathetically  that  “I  remain,  con- 
fused and  perplexed,  desiring  more  than  life  some  decision  on  your 
Majesty's  part.  . . . Our  lives  are  at  issue  on  this  stake,  and  all 

we  desire  to  do  is  to  lose  them  with  honour.”  He  asks  for  “ orders 
on  the  conduct  of  affairs.”  Philip  wrote  across  the  phrase:  “The 
underlined  words  I will  not  answer — ‘ Lo  rayado  no  yo  le  dire.’  ” 
MS.  in  The  Hague  Library.  Motley,  iii.,  254. 

2 There  is  some  doubt  as  to  whether  the  date  of  his  birth  was  1547 
or  1545.  The  evidences  seem  to  be  in  favour  of  the  former  date. 
As  usual  in  the  case  of  princes’  death,  it  was  rumoured  that  he  had 
been  poisoned  by  the  king’s  orders,  but  this  report  was  probably  un- 
true. 


266 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


skill  as  a captain  than  had  any  of  Philip’s  former 
lieutenants. 

“ He  spent  his  infancy  in  the  embraces  of  his  mother, 
Margaret  of  Austria,  his  child-hood  under  the  best  Tu- 
tours  that  age  afforded,  yet  with  little  benefit,  at  least  not 
answerable  to  the  industry  of  the  masters  and  the  aptness 
of  the  Scholar  : For  he,  of  a restless  and  fiery  nature, 
hated  the  fetters  of  study,  and  rejoiced  in  the  Field  a 
hunting,  in  riding  the  great  horse,  and  practising  his 
weapon,  more  delighted  to  exercise  his  body  than  his 
mind.”  1 

As  a youth,  he  shared  the  education  of  Don 
Carlos  and  Don  John.  At  twenty  he  was  married  to 
the  Phoenix  of  Portugal,  that  bride  endowed  with  all 
virtues,  and  the  wedding  had  been  celebrated  in 
Brussels  in  1566,  just  when  the  dissatisfaction  against 
Spanish  measures  was  beginning  to  make  itself  heard 
in  a way  to  alarm  the  regent.  Since  then  he  had 
been  engaged  in  various  wars.  He  had  come  gladly 
to  the  seat  of  Margaret’s  former  government,  pre- 
pared to  show  what  real  warfare  was,  and  entirely 
unwilling  to  share  that  government  with  his  mother, 
as  had  been  first  proposed.  As  soon  as  possible 
Farnese  dispatched  letters  to  the  European  poten- 
tates announcing  his  accession  to  the  regency,  and 
calling  on  them  to  aid  him  in  finally  crushing  the  re- 
bellion that  had  gained  such  headway  in  his  royal 
uncle’s  domains.  The  new  governor  assumed  that 
his  authority  extended  over  all  his  uncle’s  northern 
dominions,  officially  ignoring  the  fact  that  two  bodies 

1 Strada  i.,  ix.,  42. 


BELG. 


£.81  VS 


1578]  Catherine  Belgia.  267 

cannot  occupy  the  same  space  at  the  same  time,  and 
that  a certain  portion  of  the  dominions  considered 
that  they  had  lodged  this  same  authority  in  their 
chosen  protector,  and  that,  meanwhile,  the  Prince  of 
Orange  was  exercising  it.1 

Personally,  Orange  was  held  in  high  esteem  at  this 
time,  and  where  he  saw  opportunities  of  binding  the 
states  or  individuals  to  himself  he  did  not  neglect 
them,  as  thereby  he  hoped  to  win  adherents  to  the 
cause  of  the  “ generality.”  In  the  end  of  the  sum- 
mer Charlotte’s  third  daughter  was  born  in  Antwerp. 
It  was  suggested  that  the  august  body  of  the  states- 
general  should  act  as  sponsors  for  this  baby,  together 
with  Catherine  Schwarzburg,  and  that  the  name  of 
Catherine  Belgia  should  be  bestowed  on  the  child 
thus  adopted  by  the  united  provinces.  A deputy 
from  Tournaisis,  one  Barthelemy  Liebart,  has  left  a 
report  of  the  chief  events  that  happened  during  the 
seventeen  months  that  he  sat  in  the  states-general.2 
This  Liebart  was  evidently  an  adherent  of  the  an- 
cient faith,  and  looked  with  suspicion  on  anything 
that  might  be  to  its  prejudice.  He  records  that 
when  the  prince  announced  his  daughter’s  birth  and 
asked  leave  to  have  her  christened  by  Protestant 
rites,  he  mentioned  that  he  had  abstained  from  reli- 
gions services  for  a year.  Now  that  there  was  free 


1 In  his  dispatches  to  Philip,  Don  John  had  reiterated  the  state- 
ment that  the  provinces  belonged  to  Orange  and  to  no  one  else. — 
Solamente  del  P.  de  Oranxes  que  suyas  son  y no  de  otro. — Motley, 

iii. , 321. 

2 Rapport  sommaire  des  affaires  d' importance,  passies  es  estatz  gent- 
ranlx.  May  26,  1578 — October  6,  1579. — Gachard,  Cor.,  vi.,  310. 


268 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


public  worship  in  Antwerp  the  prince  was  resolved 
to  avail  himself  of  it  and  wished  to  advise  the  states 
of  his  intention.1  There  was  evidently  a difference 
of  opinion  in  the  assembly  as  to  the  advisability  of 
publicly  assisting  in  the  ceremony.  The  result  of 
the  discussion  is  recorded  in  the  minutes.11 

“ On  the  proposition  made  by  his  Excellency  regard- 
ing the  baptism  of  his  child,  the  states  of  Brabant,  Guel- 
derland,  Flanders,  Holland,  Zealand,  Utrecht,  Mechlin, 
and  Friesland  said  that  they  relied  on  his  discretion,  and 
offered  him  their  humble  service  and  aid  in  the  said  bap- 
tism, but  those  of  Artois,  Hainault,  Lille,  and  Tournaisis 
declared  that  they  were  forbidden  by  their  constituents 
to  meddle  with  the  subject  of  religion,  and  therefore 
could  not  in  any  wise  consent  to  countenance  the  oc- 
casion.” 

The  minutes  3 of  the  session  of  September  20th 
show  further,  that  Guelderland,  Tournay,  Tournaisis, 
and  Valenciennes  were  not  represented  in  the  assem- 
bly when  a gift  of  the  territory  of  Linghen  was  voted 
to  Orange  4 in  honour  of  the  occasion,  and  when  offi- 
cial deputies  were  appointed  to  take  part  in  the  cere- 
mony of  the  christening.  Liebart  says  that  he 
himself  did  not  consent  to  the  present  voted  to 
the  prince,  but  he  went  to  the  feast  where  “ the 
Antwerp  colonels  and  captains  were  entertained  at 

1 RIs.  des  JStats , September  ioth,  1578. 

2 Ibid.,  September  12th. 

3 Ibid. , September  20. 

4 He  was  charged  to  pay  an  annual  income  of  3000  florins  to  his 

daughter. — Rapport  sommaire,  September  27th.  300  florins  were 

also  voted  to  the  nurses. 


1578] 


Protestant  Rites. 


269 


one  table  with  Aldegonde  and  the  pensionary  of 
Middelburg,  as  hosts,  for  the  prince.” 

Thus  in  her  first  entry  into  public  life,  the  new 
little  daughter  did  her  father  service,  inasmuch  as 
public  honours  were  shown  to  him  in  her  behalf.  He 
took  advantage  of  the  warm  feeling  toward  him  and 
obtained  permission  to  establish  a new  place  of 
Protestant  rites  in  the  neighbourhood  of  his  resi- 
dence. The  sentiment  against  him,  to  be  sure,  also 
found  expression,  as  is  proved  by  the  minutes,  but  as 
even  those  who  were  publicly  in  the  opposition,  took 
part  in  the  festivities,  it  looks  as  though  there  were 
no  bitterness  in  the  division.1 2 

Count  John  was  in  Germany  just  at  this  time, 
whither  he  had  hastened  on  hearing  that  the  Span- 
iards were  preparing  to  invade  his  territory.  From 
Dillenburg  he  wrote*  as  follows  to  William  of  Hesse  : 

“ The  states-general  and  the  Duke  of  Alenfon  offered 
themselves  as  godfathers  to  the  prince’s  daughter  with 
the  request  that  he  would  name  her  Catherine  Belgia. 
When  his  Grace  desired  public  exercitio  religionis , saying, 
that  otherwise  he  would  again  withdraw  to  Holland,  the 
states  granted  a church  near  the  citadel  at  Antwerp. 
From  this  and  other  circumstances,  I cannot  help 


1 “ Last  Sunday  between  five  and  six  o’clock  in  the  evening  the 
prince’s  daughter  was  christened  in  the  place  where  the  new  religion 
is  exercised,  situated  before  the  prince’s  hotel.  Formerly  it  was  used 
for  the  bodyguard  of  the  castle.  They  gave  her  the  name  of  Cathe- 
rine for  the  prince’s  sister,  Countess  Schwarzburg,  and  Belgia  for  the 
states  who  stood  with  the  said  lady  at  the  font,  assisted  by  the  Eng- 
lish ambassador  and  Duke  Casimir.” — Rapport , etc. 

2 October  13th.  Groen,  Archives , vi.,  457. 


2 JO 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


thinking  that  his  Grace’s  authority  and  reputation  waxes 
daily,  though  the  French  are  not  especially  well  pleased 
with  him,  as  they  flatter  themselves  that  if  the  prince 
were  not  here,  their  schemes  would  have  more  chance  of 
success.” 

Orange’s  own  authority  certainly  was  on  the 
ascendant,  but  during  the  autumn  months  “ the 
confused  chaos”  of  public  affairs  did  not  become 
simpler.  Great  and  small  dangers  on  every  side 
threatened  the  safety  of  the  provincial  union. 
Under  the  magnetic  influence  of  the  prince’s  pres- 
ence the  turbulent  spirit  of  Gl\ent  had  been  calmed 
for  a time,  but  the  tranquillity  was  only  a whited 
sepulchre.  At  the  first  opportunity  the  fire  of  dis- 
content blazed  up  anew.  On  October  ioth,  Casimir, 
in  spite  of  remonstrances,  went  to  Ghent  in  person 
to  try  to  collect  money,1  as  the  city  had  promised  a 
contribution  for  his  unpaid  German  followers.  These 
were  the  Reiters , whose  coming  Marie  of  Nassau  had 
so  desired,  and  who  proved  a curse  to  the  land. 
The  landgrave,  with  his  faculty  of  hitting  a nail  on 
the  head,  wrote 2 : “Our  sainted  father  used  to  say 
that  he  would  rather  have  thirty,  or  more,  thousand 
devils,  than  an  equal  number  of  German  Reiters  or 
volunteers,  whom  he  could  not  pay.  Devils  might  be 
exorcised  with  the  believer’s  cross,  but  soldiers  could 
not  be  shaken  off  without  money  or  blows.”  The 
poor  Netherlands  were  now  proving  the  truth  of  this 
prophecy. 

Casimir’s  presence  in  Ghent  was  the  signal  for  fresh 


1 Renon  de  France,  ii.,  297  et  seq. 

2 Groen,  Archives,  vi.,  479. 


1578] 


Ghent. 


271 


disturbances.  The  two  demagogues,  Ryhove  and 
Imbize,  who  had  acted  in  concert  in  the  previous 
year,  were,  now,  each  at  the  head  of  a party.  Ryhove 
counted  himself  an  Orangist,  while  Imbize  inclined 
to  Anjou.  On  October  nth,  the  prince  wrote1  to 
the  sheriffs,  deans,  and  notables  of  Ghent,  begging 
them  to  accede  to  the  articles  that  the  messengers  of 
the  states-general  were  taking  them,  and  urging  again 
the  self-evident  proposition  that  their  internal  dis- 
sensions must  work  to  the  enemy’s  advantage. 
Three  points  did  Orange  insist  upon  before  any 
negotiations  could  be  opened  : (1)  assurance  of  their 
property  to  the  priests,  (2)  free  exercise  of  their 
religion  by  the  priests,  (3)  release  of  the  prisoners  of 
October  28,  1577.  If  these  points  were  granted, 
Matthias,  Orange,  and  the  states-general  would  take 
arms  against  the  Walloons  and  protect  Ghent.  The 
first  points  were  granted,  guarantees  were  given  for 
the  reformed  religion,  and  speedy  and  just  trials 
were  promised  to  the  prisoners,  Champagny  and 
others.  Two,  Hessels,  the  old  blood-councillor,  and 
another,  had  been  dragged  from  their  prison  and 
ruthlessly  executed  after  a pretence  of  a trial.  These 
terms  were  acceded  to,2  but  matters  did  not  improve. 
Again  a fierce  riot  broke  out  and  ran  wild.  In 
December,  Orange  returned  to  Ghent  and  tried  to 
still  the  disorders.  He  exerted  his  policy  to  the 
utmost,  accepted  the  hospitality  of  Imbize,  had  in- 
timate conferences  with  Casimir,  and  talked  over  the 

1 Gachard,  Cor.,  iv.,  83. 

2 Act  of  Acceptance,  November  3,  1578. — Renon  de  France,  ii., 

307. 


2J2 


William  the  Silent. 


[1570 


magistrates  singly  and  collectively,  actually  to  such 
good  purpose,  that  he  gained  their  consent  to  a 
religious  peace  which  was  published  on  December 
27,  1578. 

Casimir  had  done  nothing  but  bring  trouble,  dis- 
like, and  distrust  wherever  he  turned.  He  never 
could  have  freed  himself  from  the  Ghent  tangle 
without  the  prince’s  assistance.  That  done,  he 
thought  he  had  had  enough  of  the  Netherlands,  took 
leave  of  the  states-general  in  a verbose  document,  in 
which  he  vaunted  his  deeds.  Still,  as  he  felt  himself 
neither  “too  useful  nor  too  agreeable  to  the  pro- 
vinces,” he  thought  he  had  better  go,  which  he  did 
shortly  after,  returning  first  to  Germany,  and  then 
going  to  England,  where  he  was  made  a Knight  of 
the  Garter,  and  was  feted  extensively. 

Anjou,  too,  thought  he  must  go  home,  and  he 
disbanded  his  troops,  who  were  taken  into  the  service 
of  the  malcontent  Romanist  party  in  Artois 1 with  a 
suspicious  promptitude.  He  stayed  for  a time  on 
the  borders,  sending  his  minister,  des  Pruneaux,  to 
the  states-general  to  express  his  dissatisfaction  with 
his  lieutenant,  and  saying  that  the  best  wish  he  could 
offer  the  Netherlanders  was  a speedy  reconciliation 
with  their  sovereign. 

1 The  Walloon  Catholics  received  the  name  of  “ Malcontents.” 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 


TWO  UNIONS — DISUNION. 


IS78-I579- 

IiBSaBSSsal  H h.  Pacification  of  Ghent  had  seemed 
both  strong  and  pliable,  well  adapted 
for  the  purpose  of  enclosing  men  of 
many  minds  in  one  bond,  without 
restricting  their  freedom.  But  the 
outer  bulwark  showed  evidence  of  not 
having  staying  power,  and  those  who 
had  sought  its  shelter  were  led  to  erect  a new  and 


inner  defence 


the  time  when  it  should 


crumble  to  dust  and  leave  them  exposed  to  the 
enemy.1  In  this  way  were  established  the  Unions  of 
Utrecht  and  of  Arras. 

During  the  summer  months  of  1578,  John  of 
Nassau  worked  heart  and  soul  to  bring  about  a new 
alliance  among  kindred  spirits,  and  he  builded  better 
than  he  knew  in  the  result  he  achieved — the  Union 
of  Utrecht.  There  are  many  conflicting  opinions  as 
to  whether  the  Prince  of  Orange  inspired  this,  or 
whether,  as  Lettenhove  says,  it  was  entirely  John’s 
work,  accepted  by  his  brother  only  when  it  was 

1 Groen,  Archives , vi. , 536  el  seq. ; Wicquefort,  Histoire  de 
V Rtablissement  de  la  Rdpublique,  etc.,  i.,  5. 
vol.  11. — 18  27 1 


William  the  Silent. 


[1578 


274 

found  to  be  good.'  The  evidences  seem  to  me  to 
show  that  the  prince  planned  for  and  wished  a union, 
but  the  carrying  out  of  the  project  was  left  to  the 
count,  and  the  result  was  different  from  what  Orange 
had  hoped  for.  Consequently  he  only  agreed  to  it 
when  he  saw  there  was  no  other  choice.  There  was  a 
radical  difference  between  the  Nassaus  in  the  way 
they  regarded  theological  opinions.  The  prince 
earnestly  desired  equal  liberty  for  the  old  faith  and 
the  new,  while  the  count  thought  that  concessions 
should  only  be  made  if  the  new  religion  could  not 
otherwise  be  protected.  For  instance,  he  wished 
the  Religious  Peace  in  Guelderland,  where  the 
Catholics  were  in  power,  but  thought  it  unnecessary 
in  Holland,  where  the  Protestants  were  in  the 
ascendant. 

Certain  articles,1 2  proposed  by  the  prince  in  June, 
and  accepted  at  Antwerp  in  July,  are  the  best  em- 
bodiment of  his  own  deep-seated  convictions  of  what 
was  necessary  as  well  as  just.  It  was  therein  stipu- 
lated that  there  should  be  entire  liberty  of  con- 
science, “so  that  no  dissension  may  arise,  each  sect 
or  individual  remaining  free  before  God,  but  none 


1 les  Huguenots , etc.,  v.,  314  et  scq.  “ ‘ I gained  the  union,  I 
advanced  it,’  says  Orange  in  the  Apology.  He  says  this  truly.  Since 
1576  such  a confederation  was  the  object  of  his  desires,  the  aim  of  his 
efforts.  Nevertheless,  it  is  known  that  he  delayed  long  in  signing  it. 
This  delay  had,  as  will  appear  later,  grave  motives.  We  will  just 
notice  that,  against  the  prince’s  wish,  this  union  took  a very  anti- 
French  character,  as  well  as  anti-Catholic.” — Groen,  Archives,  vi., 
433- 

2 Religious  Peace,  or  Religions f rid.  Bor,  ii. , 973  ; Meteren,  iii., 
163. 


1578] 


The  Religions  Peace. 


27  5 


may  molest  the  others.”  One  hundred  families  in 
any  place  might  have  public  services.  If  the  num- 
ber were  less  than  that,  no  one  was  to  be  hindered 
in  what  he  privately  did  in  his  own  house.  Seditious 
sermons  or  songs  were  forbidden  upon  the  streets  ; 
certain  Romanist  restrictions  concerning  marriage, 
fete  and  fast  days,  were  imposed  on  all  alike,  and  no 
inquiry  into  the  theological  opinions  of  office-holders 
was  to  be  allowed.  Finally,  four  notable  persons, 
well  qualified,  were  to  be  chosen  in  every  district  to 
watch  over  the  maintenance  of  religious  toleration. 

Shortly  after  the  publication  of  this  Rcligionsfrid 
in  Antwerp,  John  wrote  to  Beutterich,1  explaining 
why  he  could  not  meet  Casimir,  adding  in  a post- 
script : 

“ Dear  Doctor  : You  know  these  people  and  can 
understand  just  what  is  to  be  expected  from  them  for  the 
common  good,  or  for  the  advantage  of  religion.  We  who 
love  both  our  church  and  our  country  must  draw  together 
and  become  mutually  helpful.  We,  therefore,  have  tried 
to  persuade  those  of  Utrecht,  West  Friesland,  Overyssel, 
and  Guelderland  to  consult  with  Ghent,  Brussels,  Ant- 
werp, Bois-le-Duc,  and  Maestricht,  and  thus  far  have 
made  a good  beginning  in  the  above  places,  and  among 
the  nobles  and  gentlemen,  although  we  feel  our  own  un- 
worthiness to  approach  such  subjects,”  etc. 

That  was  the  count’s  view.  In  preparing  the 
union,  he  wished  to  draw  together  all  lovers  of  their 
country,  but  he  puts  the  kindred  by  religion  in  the 
first  rank.  While  he  reluctantly  agreed  that  the 


1 Groen,  Archives,  vi.,  430. 


276 


William  the  Silent. 


[1579 


French  alliance  might  be  a sad  necessity,  he  wished 
to  unite  the  evangelical  party  into  an  opposition 
which  could  check  the  dangerous  tendencies  of  the 
foreign  allies.  The  views  entertained  by  Orange 
found  almost  no  support  among  his  friends,  least  of 
all  were  they  approved  by  his  brother.  John  was 
sincerely  religious,  according  to  his  lights,  but  his 
understanding  had  never  been  illumined  by  the 
beacon  of  toleration.  Therefore,  the  platform  of  the 
union  which  he  fathered,  and  which  was  the  first 
story  of  the  Dutch  Republic,  was  one  in  which  the 
reformed  faith  was  the  essential  plank. 

During  the  summer  months  the  project  was  widely 
discussed,1 2  many  ministers  advocating  it  warmly  from 
the  pulpit.  Commissioners a were  appointed,  held 
several  meetings  in  November  and  December,  and 
finally  drew  up  articles  of  confederation,  which  were 
presented  for  consideration  in  Utrecht  early  in 
January,  1579. 

Coincident  with  these  measures  in  the  north, 
events  of  equal  importancce  were  taking  place  in 
another  quarter  of  the  disuniting  provinces.  In  the 
very  region  where  the  first  fierce  Protestant  disturb- 
ances had  burst  out,  twelve  long  years  before  this 
date,  the  Catholic  reaction  became  stronger.  It 
seethed  during  the  autumn,  fomented  by  the  priests, 
by  Parma’s  envoys,  and,  possibly,  by  the  F rench  allies. 


1 Hoofd,  xiv.,  574  ; Groen,  Archives , vi.,  479-536  ; Renon  de 
France,  iii.,  318  ; Bor,  iii. , 26. 

2 The  prince  wrote  urgent  letters  to  the  cities,  asking  them  to  take 
part  in  this  movement,  but  he  did  not,  himself,  assist  at  the  delibera- 
tions.— Gachard,  Cor.,  iv.,  133  et  al. 


1579] 


The  Union  of  Utrecht. 


277 


The  final  result  was  an  anti-Protestant  league,1  drawn 
up  at  Arras  on  January  6th,  and  accepted  on  Janu- 
ary 29th,  by  a plurality  of  votes  of  the  deputies  from 
Artois,  Hainault,  Valenciennes,  Lille,  Douay,  Or- 
chies,  Tournay,  and  Tournaisis.  The  signers  pledged 
themselves  to  maintain  the  Catholic,  apostolic,  and 
Roman  religion,  and  the  obedience  due  to  his  Ma- 
jesty. In  taking  this  step,  the  southern  provinces 
asserted  that  they  meant  to  preserve  the  Pacification 
of  Ghent,  and  were  only  driven  to  action  by  the  in- 
solent excesses  in  Ghent  and  elsewhere.  They 
claimed  that  a choice  must  be  made  between  Span- 
ish rule  and  that  of  King  Mob.  The  news  of  this 
movement  at  Arras  urged  on  the  proceedings  at 
Utrecht,  and  the  discussion  there  was  concluded  on 
January  23d. 

In  the  preamble  of  the  Union  of  Utrecht,2  it  was 
affirmed  that  the  signers,  like  those  at  Arras,  did  not 
wish  to  depart  from  the  Pacification  of  Ghent,  but 
“ to  strengthen  the  same.”  The  two  interpretations, 
however,  did  not  tally.  The  commissioners  at 
Utrecht  rejected  the  Union  of  Brussels  and  the  Per- 
petual Edict,  and  were  ominously  silent  on  the  ques- 
tion of  Matthias.3  As  to  religion,  what  had  been 
provisional  in  Holland  and  Zealand  was  made  defi- 

1 The  publication  of  the  Religious  Peace  in  Arras  had  caused 
lively  dissatisfaction. — Hoofd,  xiv.,  573  ; Gacliard,  Cor.,  iv.,  134; 
Renon  de  France,  iii. , 335. 

2 Groen,  Archives,  vi.,  536  ; Bor,  iii.,  26. 

3 “ Not  ex  contemptu ,”  as  an  apologist  said,  “ but  because  the 
union  is  perpetual  and  the  authority  of  his  Highness  is  only  tem- 
poral, and,  moreover,  he  has  not  been  accepted  by  Holland  and 
Zealand.” 


273 


William  the  Silent. 


[1579 


nite,  but  the  Religious  Peace  was  admitted  as  re- 
garded the  other  provinces. 

“In  its  origin,  the  Union  of  Utrecht,  which  became 
the  nucleus  of  an  independent  republic,  was  only  a com- 
pact of  common  resistance,  with  no  aim  to  make  innova- 
tions, either  in  regard  to  other  provinces  or  towards  the 
stadtholders  or  the  sovereign.” 

On  the  day  when  it  was  concluded,  deputies  from 
five  provinces  were  present.  The  first  signature  was 
that  of  John,  as  Stadtholder  of  Guelderland  and 
Zutphen,  then  followed  the  names  of  four  deputies 
from  those  provinces,  and  of  others  from  Holland, 
Zealand,  Utrecht,  and  Friesland.1  Groningen  did 
not  enter  the  confederacy  until  many  years  later. 
The  cities  came  in  gradually.  The  Prince  of  Orange 
did  not  place  his  own  signature  on  the  paper  until 
May.  Then  he  only  gave  it  because  he  saw  that  the 
breach  with  the  south  was  irreparable,  but  the  two 
unions,  instead  of  one  on  a national  basis,  was  a keen 
disappointment  to  him.2  There  was,  too,  a wide- 
spread opposition  through  the  provinces,  and  several 
justifications 3 or  defences  of  the  articles,  were  pub- 
lished, which,  gradually,  had  their  effect.  In  the  last 

1 Antwerp  accepted  this  in  July,  1579. — Bor,  iii. , 31.  Brabant 
and  Flanders,  as  provinces,  joined  neither  union. 

5 lie  is  severely  criticised  by  several  authors  for  saying  in  his 
Apology  that  he  made  this  union,  when,  in  fact,  he  was  so  slow  to 
accept  it.  Yet  both  facts  are  true.  John  carried  out  his  idea,  but  in 
a way  to  preclude  the  union  from  being  national , which  had  always 
been  the  prince’s  ideal. 

3 One  of  these  (Groen,  Archives , vi.,  540)  is  the  queerest  mixture 
of  German  and  Dutch. 


1579] 


Parma  s Exertions. 


279 


week  of  January,  Orange  returned  from  Ghent  to 
Antwerp,  whence  he  wrote  anxiously  to  John,  advis- 
ing him  to  look  to  the  protection  of  Guelderland.' 
The  count  was  absorbed  heart  and  soul  in  the  new 
union,  and  the  prince  feared  lest  Parma  might  make 
an  unexpected  attack,  and  that  these  paper  defences 
would  prove  frail. 

On  January  19th,  Elizabeth  wrote  to  the  states  re- 
proaching them  for  their  discourtesy  towards  Anjou. 
She  is  both  grieved  and  surprised  that  they  did  not 
better  content  him.1 2  It  is  a queer  letter,  the  tone 
being  that  the  queen  is  really  hurt  to  think  that  her 
Flemish  neighbours  could  be  so  rude.  To  this  sisterly 
remonstrance  the  states  replied  that  if  Anjou  had 
suffered  indignity,  it  must  be  charged  to  the  iniquity 
of  the  times  and  not  to  the  ill-will  of  the  states.3 

The  winter  months  were  full  of  uneasy  disturb- 
ances in  every  quarter.  Parma  exerted  himself  to 
the  utmost,  to  turn  the  disaffected  southern  provinces 
back  to  their  sovereign.  Possessed,  like  many  of  his 
House,  of  marked  personal  charms,  he  lost  no  oppor- 
tunity of  trying  to  win  over  individuals  and  com- 
munities by  a display  of  graciousness  and  liberality. 
In  March,  he  showed  his  determination  to  use  other 
methods  too.  He  gathered  his  soldiers  in  the  vi- 
cinity of  Maestricht,  which  he  then  proceeded  to 
invest.  More  than  ever  did  Orange  see  the  necessity 
of  making  all  these  uneasy,  self-absorbed  communi- 

1 January  26th.  Groen,  Archives , vi.,  564. 

2 On  August  29,  1578,  she  had  assured  her  ambassadors  that  the 
safety  of  the  states  was  threatened  by  Anjou’s  coming. 

3 RSs  des  Etats-GSn. , January  29th. 


2 SO 


William  the  Silent. 


[1579 


ties  turn  their  attention  to  national  defence.  On 
March  23d,  he  wrote1  to  John  from  Antwerp: 

“ My  Brother  : As  matters  of  importance  come  up 
daily,  which  I am  extremely  desirous  of  discussing  with 
you,  I write  to  beg  you  to  come  hither  if  you  can.  As 
you  know,  the  states  of  Guelderland  have  been  convoked 
to  appear  in  this  city  on  the  26th  instant.  I beg  you  to 
urge  them  to  send  their  deputies  in  sufficient  numbers, 
authorised  to  cast  a vote.  Quick  action  must  be  taken, 
etc.” 

In  the  south  the  machinations  of  Parma  and  the 
priests  bore  early  fruit.  In  the  whole  Walloon 
country,  Tournay  and  Tournaisis2  were  soon  the 
only  provinces  holding  to  “ the  generality.”  The 
states  and  the  prince  made  vigorous  attempts  to  hold 
them  back.  Vain  were  all  efforts.  The  southern 
provinces  feared  the  tyranny  of  the  mob,  they  feared 
lest  the  ancient  Church  of  their  ancestors  should  be 
forced  to  bow  before  the  innovations  of  uneducated 
reformers.  These  motives  were  quite  as  sincere  as 
those  of  the  Protestants.3  In  addition,  many  others 
who  did  not  care  very  much  for  the  Church,  were  in- 
fluenced by  less  noble  considerations  and  by  the 
bribes  which  Parma  used  unsparingly.  All  these  in- 
fluences resulted  in  a project  of  reconciliation  with 
Philip,  who  promised  faithfully  that  all  privileges 
should  be  respected,  foreign  troops  immediately 

1 Groen,  Archives ,,  vi.,  595. 

2 Bor,  iii.,  38  et  seq. 

3 Strada,  vol.  ii.,  i.,  42. — (Latin  ed.).  The  English  translation  in 
Stapylton’s  quaint  English,  ends  with  Don  John’s  death. 


1579] 


A Paris  Pantoynime. 


281 


withdrawn,  and  that  a legitimate  member  of  Philip’s 
household  should  be  lieutenant-general.  This  treaty 
was  not  ratified  till  four  months  later,  but  its  pur- 
port was  soon  public  property.  The  wonder  is  that 
any  patriots  remained  after  the  defection  of  the 
richest  portion  of  the  land.1 

Strada2 3  gives  a vivid  account  of  the  festivities  in 
Paris  in  honour  of  this  event.  A pantomime  was  ex- 
hibited in  one  of  the  theatres,  in  which  Philip  was 
introduced  on  the  stage  leading  a nice,  gentle  cow. 
Suddenly  she  became  restive,  kicked  up  her  heels, 
broke  the  leading-string,  and  was  about  to  run  away. 
Up  rushed  Alexander  Farnese  and  tried  to  tie  the 
broken  rope, while  the  states-general,  too,  appeared  en 
masse  on  the  stage  ; some  seized  the  cow  by  the  horns, 
or  got  on  her  back,  while  others  stood  off  and  called 
for  help.  The  German  emperor,  French  king,  and 
English  queen,  who  seemed  to  sympathise  sometimes 
with  the  cow  and  sometimes  with  the  pursuers  in 
turn,  looked  on.  Alengon  rushed  bravely  up  to  her 
and  seized  her  tail.  Then  Orange  and  Casimir  ap- 
peared on  the  scene  with  a milk-pail  and  attempted 
to  milk  her,  when  Parma  again  grasped  the  halter 
and  led  the  animal  triumphantly  back  to  Philip,  she 
having  kicked  over  Casimir  with  one  foot  and 
Orange  with  another  ! 

In  Maestricht,  the  inhabitants  showed  a plucky 
determination  to  repel  Parma  from  their  gates.  The 
siege’  was  duly  begun  on  March  12,  1 5 79-  The  in- 


1 Groen,  Archives,  vi.,  612. 

2 Strada,  ii. , i.,  42. 

3 Ibid.,  ii.,  45  et  seq. 


282 


William  the  Silent. 


[1579 


habitants  went  promptly  to  work  to  build  interior 
walls,  then  proceeded  to  burrow  underground  pas- 
sages. That  was  just  what  Parma’s  men  were  doing, 
too,  and  the  troops  of  mole-like  workmen  met  and 
tried  various  schemes  of  circumventing  each  other  in 
the  depths  of  the  earth.  It  was  the  old  story  of 
bravery  on  both  sides,  but  Parma  was  richer  in  re- 
sources, and  pure  grit  was  forced  to  yield.  He  built 
a series  of  strong  forts  around  the  city,  with  houses 
to  accommodate  his  men.  He  had  come  to  stay 
and  meant  to  be  comfortable  during  the  process. 
Orange  had  with  difficulty  collected  a force  of  7000 
men,  whom  Count  John  and  Hohenlohe  led  into  the 
field,  but  the  first  view  of  the  city  encircling  Maes- 
tricht  showed  them  it  was  a lost  game. 

The  Emperor  of  Germany  had  long  wished  to  try 
his  efforts  at  mediation,1  and  in  1579,  arranged  a con- 
ference at  Cologne,  where  every  difficulty  between 
Philip  and  all  his  provinces  was  to  be  removed.  In 
May  the  commissioners  assembled.  From  them 
Orange  tried  to  gain  a truce  for  Maestricht.  Parma, 
however,  saw  his  advantage,  and  refused  any  accom- 
modation. During  four  months  did  the  siege  drag 
on.  Finally,  one  night,  one  of  Parma’s  guards  on 
the  fortfications  discovered  a small  breach  in  the 
earthworks,  which  he  enlarged  with  his  hand  suffi- 
ciently to  make  a passage  for  his  body.  He  crept 
in  and  looked  around  under  the  light  of  the  stars. 
It  was  a sleeping  city — everyone,  wearied  out  with 
the  superhuman  efforts  that  had  been  made,  was 

1 Hoofd,  xvi.,  618  ; Strada,  ii.,  ii.,  64  ; Renon  de  France,  iii. , 358 
et  seq. 


1579] 


The  Fall  of  Maestricht. 


2S3 


slumbering  quietly  in  temporary  security.1  The  sol- 
dier went  back  and  reported  what  he  had  seen. 
Parma  ordered  an  instant  assault,  and  the  wall  was 
stormed  before  dawn.  The  brave  burghers,  after 
their  long  resistance,  were  taken  completely  by  sur- 
prise. A massacre  followed,  with  all  the  unspeak- 
able horrors  that  Spanish  soldiers  — held  at  bay 
during  four  months— were  capable  of.  Strada  2 gives 
eight  thousand  as  the  number  slaughtered  during 
the  siege  and  the  three  days’  massacre,  and  Hoofd3 
says  not  more  than  four  hundred  were  left,  when  the 
thirst  for  blood  was  finally  slaked.  On  July  3d, 
Parma  made  his  triumphal  entry  into  the  poor 
maimed  city,  and  gave  solemn  thanks  to  God,  who 
had,  in  PI is  goodness,  granted  a victory  to  the  faithful 
ones  of  PI is  Church. 

It  was  a crushing  blow  to  the  Nationalist  party, 
and  there  were  many  murmurs  through  the  land 
that  Orange  was  to  blame.  Had  not  the  Maestricht 
citizens  trusted  him?  Plad  he  not  promised  relief  if 
they  would  only  hold  out  ? They  had  kept  their 
part  of  the  bargain  and  no  relief  came.  Their  ruin 
was  due  to  his  half-heartedness  and  delay,  as  had 
been  the  defeat  at  Mook  Heath  five  years  previous. 
There  had  been  many  hard  times  in  Orange’s  life, 
but  few  were  harder  to  bear  than  these  months  after 
the  fall  of  Maestricht. 


1 June  25th  a letter  from  Orange  was  thrown  into  the  city,  prom- 
ising aid  in  a fortnight.  Bor  says  this  letter  was  “ gescreven  met  een 
cleyn  net  handeken.” — Groen,  Archives , vi.,  622. 

2 ii.,  iii. , 94. 

3xv.,  595. 


284 


William  the  Silent. 


C1579 


Antwerp  remained  fairly  quiet  for  some  months 
after  the  acceptance  of  the  Religious  Peace,  and  the 
peaceful  exercise  of  both  communions  was  permit- 
ted. Any  great  religious  festival,  however,  was  as 
dangerous  as  it  had  been  when  the  first  troubles  be- 
gan in  1566.  The  Feast  of  the  Ascension 1 was  cele- 
brated on  May  28th,  with  more  than  ordinary  pomp, 
as  the  archduke  took  part  in  the  “ Ommegang ,”  a 
procession  through  the  city,  which  formed  part  of 
the  ceremonies.  The  rabble  of  Antwerp,  professing 
to  be  greatly  scandalised  at  the  Romanist  proceed- 
ings, taunted  the  participants  in  the  function,  blows 
followed,  and  soon  there  was  a riot  of  the  old  kind 
with  Paapen  uit , “ no  Popery,”  as  the  war  cry.  Two 
people  were  killed,  and  Matthias  was  in  some  per- 
sonal danger.  Orange  hastened  to  quell  the  dis- 
turbance, and  succeeded  in  dispersing  the  irate 
Christians  without  further  bloodshed.  On  the  fol- 
lowing day  he  assembled  all  the  civic  officers  and 
functionaries,  and  declared  that  he  would  leave  the 
land  if  these  tumults  could  not  be  stopped.  The 
magistrates  professed  themselves  ready  to  do  any- 
thing he  wished,  if  he  would  not  desert  them. 
Thereupon  he  had  a new  ordinance  enacted,  securing 
to  the  Catholics  all  privileges  of  worship.  There 
were  similar  riots  with  similar  enforcement  of  privi- 
leges for  the  ancient  worship  at  Utrecht.  This  Prot- 
estant turbulence  gave  a new  impulse  to  the  Catholic 
reaction  in  the  Walloon  provinces. 

Meanwhile,  Ghent  entered  the  Union  of  Utrecht, 
but  the  fires  of  rebellion  there  were  not  extinguished, 

1 Hoofd,  xv.,  596. 


1579] 


Pierre  Dathenus. 


285 

and  from  time  to  time  a fierce  flame  blazed  up  which 
threatened  to  destroy  the  commune.  In  March, 
Orange  sent  appeal  after  appeal  to  the  city,1 2  implor- 
ing the  people  to  be  reasonable,  reminding  the  re- 
formed churches  that  this  turbulence  was  injurious 
to  their  cause.  He  calls  the  citizens  “ noble,  nota- 
ble, far-seeing,  discreet,  good  friends,”  and  then  he 
shows  them  what  idiots  they  were  to  indulge  in 
riotous  behaviour,  when  they  were  trying  to  heal 
the  sickness  of  rebellion.  “You  are  acting  as  a 
wounded  man,  who  tears  off  his  bandages  like  a 
madman,  and  instead  of  submitting  to  treatment, 
plunges  a dagger  into  his  own  heart.”  Words  that 
were  justice  itself.  Perhaps  the  sober-minded  citi- 
zens realised  their  truth,  but  it  was  not  they  who 
needed  restraint,  and  the  rampant  lawlessness  was 
not  curbed.  The  demagogue,  Imbize,  lost  no  oppor- 
tunity of  casting  slurs  on  the  prince’s  character  and 
motives.  He  was  a papist  in  disguise,  he  was  par- 
leying with  France  for  his  own  benefit,  etc.  Pierre 
Dathenus,  an  ex-monk,  the  most  fanatical  of  the 
Ghent  preachers,  declaimed  violently  and  openly 
against  Orange.  He  called  him  an  atheist ; he  de- 
clared he  could  change  his  religion  as  readily  as  his 
coat ; that  he  really  cared  nothing  for  either  God  or 
religion,  but  made  his  idol  of  state  and  expediency, 
and  would  tear  off  his  shirt  if  it  smacked  of  religion, 
etc.  At  first  the  prince  took  no  notice  of  these 
calumnies.  In  July,  he  added  in  a postcript a to  a 
letter  to  the  Ghent  burghers : 


1 Groen,  Archives , vi.,  591. 

2 Ibid. , vii.,  33  ; see  also  79. 


286 


William  the  Silent. 


[1579 


“ I have  been  informed  that  Master  Dathenus  has 
been  stigmatising  me  as  a man  without  religion  or 
fidelity,  as  one  eaten  up  by  ambition  ; and  that  he  has 
said  other  things  hardly  decent  for  his  profession.  I do 
not  think  it  needful  for  me  to  make  any  statement  in 
reply.  I will  only  say  that  I am  willing  to  submit  to 
the  judgment  of  all  who  know  me.” 

When  he  finally  decided  that  his  presence  was  ab- 
solutely necessary  in  Ghent,  Orange  went  thither, 
but  neither  the  demagogue  Imbize  nor  the  preacher 
had  the  courage  to  face  him.  The  former  was  found 
hiding  in  the  cabin  of  a vessel,  about  to  make  his 
escape.  He  was  dragged  to  the  presence  of  the  man 
whom  he  had  slandered  and  forced  to  confront  him. 
Orange’s  treatment  of  the  ranter  was  as  modern  in 
spirit  as  much  else  of  his  conduct.  He  did  not 
make  him  a martyr,  but  let  him  go  scot  free,  after  a 
lecture  on  the  evil  of  his  ways.  Dathenus  and  Im- 
bize both  fled  to  Germany,  and  were  taken  under 
Casimir’s  protection.1  Orange  saw  the  city  elections 
take  place  according  to  law,  finally  accepted  the  gov- 
ernorship of  Flanders,  which  he  had  refused  many 
times,  and  then  returned  to  Antwerp. 

Such  were  the  events  within  the  land.  Across  the 
borders  at  Cologne,  the  congress  was  in  progress 
to  settle,  forever,  all  these  little  difficulties.  The 
deputies  had  assembled  with  much  pomp  and 
circumstance  and  a liberal  supply  of  wine  and  beer. 
Likewise  they  had  provided  competent  cooks,  skilful 
in  preparing  banquets  to  rest  the  heads,  weary  with 


1 Meteren,  iii.,  332. 


1579] 


The  Congress  at  Cologne. 


2S7 


the  problem  of  reconciling  the  irreconcilable.  All 
the  powers  of  Europe  were  there  by  proxy.  Pope 
Urban  VII.  was  represented  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Rossano  ; Philip,  by  five  august  councillors,  with  the 
Duke  of  Terranova  at  their  head.  The  states-gen- 
eral  sent  a fitting  deputation,  among  whom  was 
Gaspar  Schetz.  The  emperor  sent  an  embassy  with 
Schwarzburg  as  his  mouthpiece,  while  the  Electors 
and  Archbishop  of  Cologne  and  Treves  were  present 
in  their  own  persons. 

The  first  action  of  this  body  was  to  propose  to 
make  a secret  and  private  peace  with  Orange.  It  was 
plainly  insinuated  that  Philip  would  make  his  sub- 
mission well  worth  his  while.'  Orange  repudiated 
the  suggestion  and  manifested  his  intention  to  stand 
or  fall  with  the  states-general.  Then  the  negotia- 
tions began  in  earnest  and  continued  for  four 
months,  during  which  Maestricht  fell.  In  the  course 
of  the  parleys3  the  Netherland  envoys  gave  the  im- 
perial commission  to  understand,  that,  in  case  peace 
were  not  made,  the  states  would  declare  the  king 

1 See  Apology  ; Gachard,  Cor.,  iv.,  cviii.  et  seq.  The  fact  of  these 
overtures  was  not  known  until  Gachard  found  the  story  told  in  letters 
from  the  Duke  of  Terranova  to  Philip,  which  are  preserved  in  the 
Spanish  archives.  Terranova  was  sure  that  he  could  persuade 
Orange  to  consent  to  an  accommodation,  and  employed  Schwarz- 
burg to  aid  him  in  his  persuasions. — Ibid.,  ci.,  et  seq. 

On  July  13th,  the  prince  wrote  formally  to  the  imperial  ambassa- 
dors at  Cologne,  accepting  their  proposition  to  send  deputies  thither, 
but  making  it  very  clear  that  he  could  not  act  from  his  individual 
authority.  He  is  completely  and  vitally  identified  with  the  generali- 
dad.  This  letter  is  Spanish  and  was  found  in  the  archives  of 
Simancas. — Ibid , 165. 

2 Bor,  iii. , 58  ; Motley,  iii.,  446. 


288 


William  the  Silent . 


[1579 


fallen  from  his  sovereignty  and  the  people  freed  from 
their  oaths  of  allegiance.  It  was  further  intimated 
that  they  probably  would  accept  Anjou  in  his  place. 

Finally,  on  November  13th,  the  states’  envoys 
were  invited  into  the  council-chamber.1 2  The  com- 
missioners said  they  had  waited  seven  long  months 
for  an  acceptance  of  Philip’s  most  moderate  and  just 
demands,  and  that  their  patience  was  exhausted. 
The  peacemakers,  therefore,  were  forced  now  to  leave 
the  whole  in  the  hands  of  God  and  of  the  parties 
concerned.  The  answer  of  the  states’  envoys  was 
simple  enough  : “If  we  had  known  that  your  Worthi- 
nesses, etc.,  had  no  better  intention,  and  the  Duke  of 
Terranova  no  ampler  commission,  the  whole  mat- 
ter might  have  been  finished,  not  in  six  months,  but 
six  days.”  The  envoys  of  the  states-general  de- 
parted as  a body,  but  the  representatives  of  five 
provinces  remained,  and  from  their  further  negotia- 
tions, resulted  the  reconciliation  between  the  south- 
erners and  their  monarch.3 

But  worse  than  these  vain  deliberations,  more  in- 
jurious to  the  cause  than  the  fall  of  Maestricht,  was 
the  individual  defection  of  the  nobles.  One  promi- 
nent man  after  another,  all  Catholics,  but  many 
trusted  patriots  and  credited  nationalists,  joined  the 
party  who  did  not  wish  union  at  the  expense  of  their 
ancestral  religion. 

“ It  is  rumoured  (John  writes  to  Orange),8  that  the 

1 Bor,  iii. , 101  ; Meteren,  iii. , 577. 

2 Groen,  Archives , vii.,  147  et  seq.  Orange  did  not  once  go  to 
Cologne  during  this  long  and  profitless  discussion.  John,  however, 
made  this  journey  twice  and  wrote  in  full  to  his  brother. 

3 July  nth.  Ibid.,  vi.,  640. 


1579] 


Widespread  Distrust. 


289 


eldest  son  of  my  brother-in-law,  de  Berghes,  has  taken 
a regiment  over  to  the  Prince  of  Parma.  I will, 
however,  hope  for  the  best,  and  trust  to  hear  for  cer- 
tain within  two  days.”  The  rumour  was,  however, 
too  true,  and  this  change  of  base  on  the  part  of  one 
allied  to  the  House  of  Nassau  was  calculated  to  do 
great  injury. 

On  the  last  day  of  July,  John  wrote  in  despair  to 
his  Dillenburg  friends.1  “ I could  not  leave  the 
prince  just  now,  as  he  is  deserted  by  nearly  every 
one  except  the  Governor  of  Friesland  and  myself.” 
Even  in  this  modest  numbering  of  the  prince’s  ad- 
herents the  count  was  too  sanguine.  This  same 
governor,  a trusted  friend  of  both  prince  and  count, 
was  even  then  just  on  the  eve  of  defection.2  His 
name  was  George  Lalain,  Count  of  Rennenberg,  and 
Orange  would  have  staked  his  head  on  his  fidelity 
to  the  cause.  But  in  November  he  entered  into  a 
formal  treaty  with  Terranova,  by  which  he  was  to 
receive  “ as  the  price  of  his  virtuous  resolution  to  re- 
turn to  his  monarch,  10,000  crowns  down,  10,000 
more  in  three  months,  and  a pension  of  10,000 
florins.”  His  barony  of  Ville  was  to  be  turned  into 
a marquisate,  and  on  the  first  vacancy  he  was  to  be 
made  Knight  of  the  Golden  Fleece.  Not,  however, 
till  the  following  March,  did  Rennenberg  carry  out 
his  plan  and  go  formally  over  to  Philip’s  service. 

In  a day  when  there  were  no  newspapers  to  reflect 
every  passing  public  emotion,  when  villages  were 
nearly  as  far  apart  as  capitals  are  to-day,  it  is  re- 

1 Groen,  Archives , vii.,  35, 

5 Bor,  iii.,  80.  He  was  brother  to  the  trusty  Hoogstraaten. 

VOL.  II. — 19 


2 go 


William  the  Silent. 


[1579 


markable  that  a whole  country  could  so  soon  be  influ- 
enced by  a common  impression,  that  the  public  pulse 
could  so  quickly  beat  with  one  feeling.  But  so  it 
was,  and  in  this  summer  of  1579,  Orange  had  fallen 
under  a general  cloud  of  distrust,  very  different 
from  the  warm  affection  given  to  “ Father  William,” 
a few  months  previous.  The  indefatigable  Hubert 
Languet  wrote1  to  Sydney  on  March  16th: 

“ I cannot  sufficiently  admire  his  prudence  and  equa- 
nimity in  bearing  such  a weight  of  business  and  such 
insults.  I think  there  is  no  more  distinguished  man  in 
the  Christian  world.  I think  there  is  no  living  man 
possessed  of  greater  prudence  than  the  Prince  of  Orange.” 

To  win  contemporaneous  appreciation,  success  is 
essential  above  all  things,  and  just  at  this  epoch, 
success  did  not  smile  on  Orange.  He  felt  this 
general  criticism  keenly.  In  a letter2  to  the  Ghent 
magistrates  on  J uly  24th,  he  says  : 

“ It  is  really  incredible  that  people  are  to  be  found  who 
dare  doubt  my  zeal  for  the  religion  in  whose  cause  I have 
suffered  so  much.  I wish  they  would  just  compare  what 
these  critics  have  done  for  ten  years,  with  my  actions.  I 
confess  that  I have  not  at  all  approved  the  fashion  of 
some  zealots,  but  in  what  touches  the  true  advance  of 
religion,  I would  yield  to  no  one.  Then,  too,  consider 
that  those  who  blame  me  so  boldly,  only  have  the  liberty 
to  speak  which  I have  won  for  them  by  the  blood  of  my 
family,  by  my  labours,  and  by  the  expenditure  of  my 
money.  They  are  indebted  to  me  alone  for  the  very 
privilege  of  speaking  of  me  so  freely.” 


1 Gi'oen,  Archives , vi.,  680, 
8 Ibid,,  vii.,  18. 


1579] 


The  Prince  s Reputation. 


291 


The  faithful  emissary  of  the  landgrave  watches 
all  these  events  and  changes  of  public  opinion  with 
a close  observation.  On  August  6th,  he  reported  1 as 
follows  from  Cologne : 

“ Monseigneur  : I am  often  reminded  of  your  remark 
that  this  Netherland  Avar  could  not  be  confined  within  its 
own  borders.  The  intrigues  that  the  Prince  of  Orange 
and  the  estates  carry  on  with  the  Duke  of  Alenyon 
[Anjou],  so  greatly  to  the  prejudice  of  the  King  of  Spain, 
and,  in  consequence,  to  that  of  Austria,  while  des  Pru- 
neaux  is  Avorking  in  AntAverp  to  make  his  master  lord  of 
the  Netherlands,  give  occasion  to  lend  faith  to  the  above 
mentioned  prophecy  of  your  Excellency.  For  I do  not 
doubt,  that,  if  this  affair  be  concluded  (the  danger  is 
greater  than  ever),  the  emperor  and  indeed  the  em- 
pire, Avill  espouse  the  cause  of  his  imperial  Majesty  to 
avoid  having  a disagreeable  neighbour  so  close  at  hand. 
I will  not  here  mention  the  names  of  those  who  would 
join  this  party,  but  I will  just  say  that  at  two  or  three  dif- 
ferent times  the  princes  and  electors  here  assembled,  have 
plainly  hinted  Avhat  they  Avill  do  if  the  deputies  accept  the 
Frenchman  for  lord.  All  the  Catholics  are  rejoiced  at 
the  prospect  of  peace,  as  many  of  them  are  utterly  ruined 
in  this  civil  war.  If  it  be  impeded  by  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  they  will  leave  the  other  provinces  and  cities 
who  adhere  to  his  party,  to  bear  the  whole  burden  of  the 
war. 

“ I knoAv  from  good  sources  that  the  said  prince  has 
lost  his  authority  terribly,  since  the  fall  of  Maestricht 
(which  gained  him  a bad  reputation  for  having  delivered 
so  many  thousand  persons  to  butchery  Avhile  they  trusted 
to  his  promises  of  speedy  relief).  Many  think  that  he 


1 Groen,  Archives,  vii.,  40,  JJes  Traos  to  the  landgrave. 


292 


William  the  Silent. 


[1579 


repents  ever  having  set  foot  out  of  Holland  and  Zealand, 
not  now  being  able  to  withdraw  with  honour,  although  he 
does  not  feel  himself  any  too  safe  in  Antwerp,  where  the 
affection  of  the  commune  for  him  is  wonderfully  dimin- 
ished. All  this  is  why,  hoping  to  strengthen  himself,  he 
turns  now  to  the  French,  into  whose  hands,  if  he  sees  no 
other  remedy,  he  will  undoubtedly  deliver  the  country, 
on  such  considerations,  I wager,  that  the  tiller  will  always 
remain  in  his  hands. 

“I  enclose  herewith  an  anonymous  letter — the  writer 
calling  himself  of  Brussels— lately  sent  to  the  estates. 
The  messenger  who  brought  it  to  Antwerp  did  not  wait 
for  an  answer  as  he  feared  being  ill  rewarded.  It  was 
read  aloud  before  the  general  assembly  of  the  states,  in 
the  presence  of  the  prince,  who  thought  this  was  some- 
thing that  touched  him,  as  indeed  it  did.  They  say 
that  the  scribe  or  secretary  of  the  council  who  began  to 
read,  recognising,  after  getting  into  it,  what  the  drift  of 
the  paper  was,  wanted,  two  or  three  times,  from  very 
shame,  to  cease  reading,  in  which  he  was  supported  by 
several  members  of  the  states.  But  the  said  prince  would 
not  permit  this,  and  finally  he  took  the  letter  himself,  and 
looking  as  if  it  did  not  relate  at  all  to  him,  finished  read- 
ing it  to  the  very  last  word.  The  intention  is,  as  your 
Excellency  can  see,  to  bring  the  prince  into  universal 
discredit.” 

As  Groen  suggests,  it  was  probably  on  this  occa- 
sion that  the  following  scene  occurred,  as  recorded 
in  the  minutes  of  the  states-general ' : 

“ In  the  presence  of  all  states,  etc.,  assembled,  the 
prince  declared  that  no  one  desired  peace  more  than  he, 


1 Archives,  vii. , 42.  Res.  des  EtaU-Gin.,  July  28th, 


1579] 


Count  John. 


293 


and  that  the  above  rumour  was  a simple  calumny.  The 
deputies  of  Brabant,  Flanders,  Holland,  and  Zealand, 
Tournay,  Tournaisis,  Utrecht,  and  Groningen  affec- 
tionately assured  his  Excellency  of  their  trust  and  begged 
him  to  pay  no  attention  to  such  calumnies  and  false 
rumours,  but  to  continue  to  aid  the  ‘ generality  ’ both  in 
peace  and  war.”  1 

No  wonder  that  Orange  was  almost  ready  to  throw 
up  the  game.  The  constant  suspicion  and  distrust 
from  every  side  were  too  much  for  mortal  man  to 
bear.  Besides  this  cruel  burden  of  calumny,  the 
difficulty  of  taking  action  weighed  very  heavily  upon 
Orange.  The  deputies  of  the  provinces  often  came 
without  power  to  act.  Time  was  lost  by  the  neces- 
sity of  their  returning  to  consult  their  constituents, 
and  the  government  stood  still.2 

In  this  period  of  reaction,  defection,  and  treachery, 
Orange  greatly  needed  the  assistance  of  his  brother. 
John’s  judgment  did  not,  indeed,  always  agree  with 
that  of  the  prince,  but  his  loyalty  and  affection  were 
unimpeachable.  Still,  he  felt  himself  a foreigner  in 
the  Netherlands,  and  his  desire  to  return  home  was 
increased  by  the  fact  that  his  wife  had  died  in  July, 
and  his  estates  were  left  without  a head.  The  Dillen- 
burg  household  had  gone  on  smoothly  under  the  effi- 
cient rule  of  Countess  Elizabeth,  whom  the  dowager 
Juliana  had  loved  as  dearly  as  her  own  daughters,  as 
she  wrote  affectionately  to  John.3  The  mother  found 

1 In  September  Orange  again  felt  called  upon  to  defend  himself. 
— Groen,  Archives , vii.,  94. 

2 Ibid. 

’Juliana  to  John,  August  25th. — Ibid.,  62. 


294 


William  the  Silent. 


[1579 


the  task  difficult  for  her  strength,  but  she  assures 
her  son  that  she  will  do  the  best  that  she  can,  adding 
that  thus  far  the  children  are  well. 

As  the  immediate  prospects  of  peace  again  van- 
ished, the  question  of  asking  Anjou  to  return  on 
more  favourable  conditions,  was  again  agitated. 
John  drew  up  the  following  memorandum1  in  his 
own  hand,  on  the  advantages  and  disadvantages  of 
the  negotiation  with  the  Duke  of  Anjou  : 

Incommoda. 

1.  Contrary  to  reason  and  equity  for  this  land  to  leave 
its  natural  sovereign. 

2.  Spaniards  and  French  should  be  outlawed  alike. 

3.  It  is  better  to  remain  under  a tyrant  who  was  born 
your  lord,  than  to  adopt  a foreign  despot. 

4.  French  and  Spaniards  are  really  under  one  cover 
and  will  soon  unite. 

5.  The  art  and  nature  of  this  gentleman  are  well 
known. 

6.  It  is  against  God  to  ally  oneself  with  such  a god- 
less gentleman,  and  no  luck  can  be  expected  from 
so  doing. 

7.  The  land  may,  by  this  step,  fall  under  the  control 
of  the  French  crown  and  into  servitude. 

8.  Then  it  would  be  separated  from  the  empire  against 
all  equity  and  right. 

9.  Alengon  will  never  accept  the  projected  articles. 

10.  When  he  has  accepted  them  he  will  not  keep  to 
them. 

11.  Alenin  will  be  very  expensive. 

12.  France  will  keep  the  land  in  a state  of  war,  and 
make  it  so  as  often  as  they  wish. 


Groen,  Archives,  vii. , 48. 


1579] 


Parallel  Columns. 


295 


13.  The  country  has  no  inclination  for  the  alliance, 
and  therefore  a great  commotion  is  to  be  apprehended. 

14.  France  has  long  had  an  eye  upon  this  country. 

15.  The  populace  will  not  readily  submit  to  this  business 
when  it  is  repugnant  to  them,  as  they  did  in  the  time  of 
the  Emperor  Charles. 

16.  There  is  no  river  between  this  land  and  France,  and 
the  French  might  do  more  damage  than  the  Spaniards. 

17.  It  is  an  invitation  to  the  empire  to  descend  on  us.1 

18.  It  is  a collusion. 

19.  The  French  are  cunning. 

Commoda. 

1.  The  report  of  this  treaty  will  not  only  trouble  the 
king,  but  also  the  empire,  and  will  promote  the  peace 
negotiations. 

2.  The  two  kings  will  be  brought  into  conflict. 

3.  France  will  be  less  to  be  dreaded. 

4.  Spain  will  be  plunged  into  great  trouble  and  expense, 
and  will  have  to  fight  in  Spain,  Italy,  and  Burgundy. 

5.  This  land  will  thereby  be  freed  from  the  Spaniards 
and  presumably  from  their  wars,  as  they  would  be 
engaged  elsewhere. 

6.  The  Spaniards  will  have  less  credit,  money,  etc.,  to 
spare. 

7.  We  can  treat  sooner  with  the  malcontents. 

8.  Religion  will  be  safer. 

9.  The  privileges  will  not  only  be  maintained,  but  in- 
creased. 

10.  The  empire  will  really  be  benefited  when  this  land 
is  freed  from  its  present  straits,  and  has  France  as 
a bulwark. 

ix.  The  empire  would  have  to  look  out  if  the  Span- 


1 Dass  man  das  Reich  auf  sich  lade. 


296 


William  the  Silent. 


[1579 


iards  got  this  land  under  hand.  They  would  have  to 
beware  of  the  inquisition,  and  consider  that  these  prov- 
inces and  the  hereditary  possessions  of  the  Houses  of 
Austria  and  Burgundy  might  be  erected  into  a mon- 
archy. 

12.  The  papists  will  be  not  a little  weakened  and  the 
Holy  League  will  be  dispersed. 

13.  Although  Alengon  has  nothing  good  in  mind,  still 
he  will  not  have  either  the  power  or  the  means  to  do 
injury  like  the  others,  because  he  will  be  afraid  of  the 
Spaniards.  Moreover,  he  would  have  not  only  the 
Protestants  in  this  land,  but  his  own  Huguenots,  be- 
sides the  Protestants  of  England  and  Germany,  hang- 
ing on  his  neck,  and  would  have  to  look  out  that  he 
came  up  to  the  mark  ; besides  it  is  to  be  hoped  that,  if 
he  keeps  faith,  he  will,  in  time,  come  to  other  lands,1 
and  possibly  to  the  imperial  crown. 

14.  If  Alengon  broke  faith  and  committed  perjury  he 
would  have  nothing  to  gain  and  a great  deal  to  lose. 

15.  Precisely  because  we  know  his  character,  and  that 
of  his  family,  we  can  foresee,  be  prudent,  and  trust 
less  on  that  very  account.  Nam  tela  pravisa  minus 
feriunt. 

16.  We  have  better  means  of  protection  than  have  the 
Huguenots  in  France. 

17.  Alempon  does  not  possess  such  reputation  and 
favour  as  Spain,  and  if  he  does  not  keep  faith  we 
will  be  freed  from  obligations  towards  him. 

1 8.  If  this  treaty  with  Alen^on  be  completed,  Spain  will 
be  severed  from  this  land,  and,  thereby,  the  treachery 
which  lurks  behind  this  peace  treaty,  whereby  the  land 
will  certainly  be  deceived  and  exposed  to  great  dan- 
gers, will  be  hindered. 

1 Marriage  with  Elizabeth. 


1579]  An  Executive  Council.  297 

John  seems  to  have  been  given  to  helping  himself 
think  by  paper.  There  is  another  autograph  memor- 
andum in  his  handwriting,  dated  November,  in  which 
the  same  line  of  argument  is  continued,  only  more 
weight  is  given  to  the  incomnioda.  It  is  very  evident 
that  second  thoughts  had  increased  his  dislike  for 
and  dread  of  the  French  alliance.  He  says1  senten- 
tiously : 

“ Changes  are  always  dangerous  especially  when  there 
is  nothing  good  to  hope  from  them.  . . . Quod  non  sinl 
facienda  mala  ut  evenianl  bona.  ...  If  a head  must 
be  found,  why  not  choose  him  from  the  land,  one  whose 
religion  is  known,  one  skilled  in  affairs,  one  devoted 
to  the  country  ; in  summa , a man  born  to  be  trusted,  above 
corruption,  and  not  prone  to  look  out  for  his  private  in- 
terests ? ” 

There  is  no  doubt  whom  John  had  in  mind.  The 
prince  could  have  had  himself  made  ruler  at  this 
time,  but  he  did  not  wish  it ; did  not  believe  it  was 
practicable  from  any  point  of  view,  and  the  founda- 
tion of  the  republic  was  thus  unnecessarily  post- 
poned. 

Amidst  all  this  talking,  some  steps  were  taken 
towards  a new  form  of  government.  In  October, 
Orange  proposed  the  creation  of  an  executive  coun- 
cil, consisting  of  two  or  more  colleges,  which  should 
divide  responsibility  with  the  archduke  and  the 
Prince  of  Orange.  He  proposed  that  the  estates  of 
the  united  provinces  should  nominate  double  the 
required  number  of  councillors,  out  of  which  num- 
ber the  governor  and  Orange  were  to  make  the  ap- 


1 Groen,  Archives  vii.,  162. 


298 


William  the  Silent. 


[1579 


pointments.  Their  decisions  were  to  be  according 
to  a majority  of  votes,  and  there  was  to  be  no  secret 
cabinet  behind  their  deliberations.  The  matter  was 
discussed  during  the  autumn  of  1 579,  but  the  resolu- 
tion embodying  the  plan  was  not,  however,  drawn  up 
until  December  27th,  and  the  final  result  was  some- 
what different  from  the  original  scheme. 

In  1566,  Orange  had  eluded  Philip’s  summons  to 
come  and  be  tried.  Since  that  time  he  had  advanced 
by  degrees  to  a more  prominent  position  in  the  land 
than  he  had  then  dreamed  of.  He  had  been  treated 
by  his  enemies  on  a dignified  footing  for  some 
years.  But  in  November,  Philip  wrote  to  Parma,1 
saying : 


“ My  good  nephew,  as  it  is  now  known  that  the  Prince 
of  Orange  is  the  one  who,  by  his  tricks,  has  prevented 
the  accord  and  thereby  the  repose  of  the  country,  to  the 
great  harm  of  those,”  etc.  . . . “it  seems  to  me 
that  it  will  be  proper  to  make  war  against  him  by  all  the 
means  imaginable,”  etc. 


The  result  of  this  letter  appeared  in  the  following 


year. 

Orange  did  not  find  time  to  answer  John’s 
voluminous  epistles  and  warnings.2  On  December 
8th,  he  writes  a short  note,3  saying  that  he  had  read 
them  carefully,  and  wishes  that  John  would  come  to 
see  him  and  talk  over  matters.  The  good  count 


1 Groen,  Archives , vii.,  166. 

2 He  wrote  many  lengthy  expositions  of  the  situation  in  Guelder- 


land. — Ibid. , 1 20-1 24. 

3 Ibid.,  176. 


1579] 


Umvelcome  Tole7'ance. 


299 


was  being  torn  in  every  direction.  Orange  would 
not  let  him  go  from  the  provinces,  and  he  found  it 
very  difficult  to  arrange  from  a distance  for  the  edu- 
cation of  his  numerous  family,  whom  he  wants  to  see 
happy. 

Every  item  in  regard  to  the  children  is  referred  to 
him.  In  answer  to  a question  about  one  little  girl, 
he  writes  that  he  knows  Maria  cries  more  easily  than 
the  other  children,  but  he  prefers  that  no  notice 
should  be  taken  of  it,  as  she  will  outgrow  the  child- 
ish habit  soon.  Still  it  is  probable  that  the  strongest 
reason  for  the  count’s  decision  to  return  to  his  chil- 
dren was  not  their  need  of  his  fatherly  guidance, 
but  the  fact  that  he  did  not  approve  his  brother’s 
policy.  He  felt  that  the  cause  of  Netherland  liberty 
was  doomed,  and  that  the  prince’s  so-called  tolerance 
was,  as  he  expressed  himself,  lending  an  ear  to  the 
devil. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 


THE  BAN. 

1580. 

N January,  Orange  made  a stirring  ap- 
peal to  the  states-general.  “ Not- 
withstanding the  fact  that  I have 
repeatedly  pointed  out  to  you,  by 
word  of  mouth  and  in  writing  (as,  in- 
deed, your  records  can  testify),  what 
necessities  threaten  us,  once  again 
must  I revert  to  the  subject.”  1 In  vigorous  terms 
he  then  sketched  the  situation,  and  touched  on  the 
proposed  colleges.  There  was  no  doubt  that  a cen- 
tral council,  a superior  college  with  power  to  act, 
needed  to  be  established  immediately.  War  was 
upon  them.  Irresolution  was  at  the  root  of  all  their 
ills. 


1 The  speech  sounds  as  though  it  were  reported.  Gachard  (Cor., 
iv. , 196)  takes  it  from  a pamphlet  entitled  Remonstrance  fait e a 
messieurs  les  deputez  des  dtats  gdndraux,  le  ix.  yanvier  ipSo,  par 
monseigneur  le  prince  d'  Orange,  chez  Giles  Vanden  Rade  a Vanneau 
d'or  sur  le  Vleminx-  Veit.  The  document  is  not  found  in  any 
archives.  The  substance  of  this  speech  had  been  given  November 
26,  1579.  In  spite  of  it,  the  states-general  were  about  to  separate 
without  taking  action.  Hence  this  remonstrance  on  January  9th. 


300 


1580] 


The  Ban. 


301 


“ It  is  not  so  strange  that  we  have  lost  a single  city  as 
that,  in  our  disorganised  condition,  we  have  lost  but  one. 
Organisation  and  central  power,  gentlemen,  we  must 
have,  and  this  fact  I beg  you  to  consider,  and  to  report 
to  your  constituents.  Bear  in  mind,  too,  what  I have 
said  before,  and  what  you  have  seen  in  times  of  stress. 
Everyone  who  finds  himself  in  a tight  place  comes  to  me, 
as  if  I had  everything  in  my  hand,  while  I am  forced  to 
see  suffering,  and  know  that  I am  powerless  to  act.” 

He  mentioned  briefly  the  articles  drafted  at 
Cologne,  which  it  did  not  become  them  to  accept, 
the  falling  off  of  former  friends  to  the  national  cause, 
and  other  complications  that  threatened  them. 

“ Begging  you  again,  gentlemen,  to  believe  that  this  is 
no  mere  oration,  but  that  I speak  of  existing  calamities, 
which  threaten  to  bury  you  in  their  ruins  if  you  let  them 
fall.  I speak  plainly,  to  the  end  that,  if  evil  come,  I may 
not  be  at  fault.  Nevertheless,  whatever  the  issue,  be- 
lieve, by  the  grace  of  God,  that  I am  resolved  to  live  and 
die  with  you.” 

A few  days  later  he  wrote  1 to  the  four  members 
of  Flanders,  pointing  out  that  the  whole  object  of 
the  states-general  was  frustrated,  when  the  deputies 
came  with  insufficient  authorisation.  “ Above  all, 
choose  representatives  who  have  the  cause  of  our 
fatherland  at  heart,  and  who  are  capable  of  laying 
aside  private  and  partisan  interests.”  As  he  had 
said  before,  the  deputies  acted  like  advocates  retained 
by  the  provinces  or  cities  to  urge  their  individual 
claims  or  to  protect  their  local  interests,  instead  of 


1 Gachard,  Cor.,  iv.,  208. 


302 


William  the  Silent. 


[1380 


advising  together  for  public  weal  like  councillors  to 
whom  public  matters  were  entrusted. 

This  remonstrance  did  not  bring  the  assembly  at 
once  to  the  prince’s  views,  but  it  was  not  without 
its  effect.  The  states-general  dissolved  well  disposed 
towards  the  French  alliance,  but  they  had  taken  no 
action.'  Each  province  had  to  be  convinced  indi- 
vidually that  each  would  receive  advantage  in  par- 
ticular. They  still  had  a vague  fear  that  the  interests 
of  the  “ generality  ” did  not  represent  the  sum  of 
the  interests  of  the  local  governments. 

Towards  the  end  of  January  Orange  set  out  for 
Holland.  Matthias  accompanied  him  and  was  richly 
entertained  at  the  old  Nassau  palace  in  Breda,  where 
they  stopped,  as  the  first  stage  of  their  journey.  On 
February  1st,  they  went  on  to  The  Hague,  which 
they  reached  in  one  day.* 2  It  was  three  years  since 
the  prince  had  been  in  Holland.  The  affectionate 
reception  he  met  with  must  have  been  a great 
pleasure  after  the  cold  distrust  that  he  had  lately  ex- 
perienced in  Brabant.  His  object  in  the  journey  was 
twofold.  He  hoped  to  persuade  his  own  provinces  to 
accept  Anjou.  In  this  he  was  unsuccessful.  Holland 
and  Zealand  could  not  forget  St.  Bartholomew,  and 
held  resolutely  aloof,  in  spite  of  the  many  argu- 
ments presented  to  them,  like  Count  John’s  parallel 

’ Orange  did  not  depend  on  the  reports  of  the  deputies  to  their 
constituents.  In  order  to  ensure  general  knowledge  of  the  delibera- 
tions he  sent  drafts  of  the  articles  concerning  the  council  and  the 
reception  of  Anjou  to  the  various  provinces. — Groen,  Archives , vii., 
203. 

2 Ibid.  ; Bor,  iii.,  160.  A year  later  Farnese  took  Breda  by  storm 
and  gave  it  over  to  pillage. 


1580] 


The  Count's  Anxieties. 


303 


columns  of  advantages  and  disadvantages.  The 
prince’s  second  purpose  was  to  convince  his  brother 
that  private  matters  ought  to  yield  to  public  need. 

Count  John  met  Orange  at  The  Hague  and  con- 
sented to  remain  at  least  a little  longer  in  lower 
Germany.  On  February  8th,  he  wrote  to  Dr. 
Schwarz  that  he  had  not  the  heart  to  desert  the 
prince,  and  on  the  same  day  to  his  councillors,  in  re- 
gard to  the  disposition  of  his  motherless  children  1 : 

“ I do  not  agree  with  you  that  none  of  my  daughters 
should  go  to  the  Landgrave  William,  because  the  land- 
gravine is  young  and  delicate  ; and  because  children  can- 
not be  properly  cared  for  in  such  a court.  I prefer  that 
my  children  should  be  accustomed  in  their  youth  to  disci- 
pline and  to  some  privation,  rather  than  have  them  too 
tenderly  nurtured.  Nor  is  it  advisable  to  decline  kind 
offers  for  petty  reasons.  ...  As  regards  the  little 
boys,  I approve  your  plan  of  sending  them  for  a short 
time,  at  least,  to  the  house  of  one  of  our  brothers-in-law, 
choosing  the  one  where  the  young  people  are  best 
brought  up.  Our  heavy  household  expenses  can  then  be 
cut  down,  and  the  children  can  learn  morals  and  obedi- 
ence, while  they  are  still  too  young  for  study.  In  course 
of  time  they  can  come  here,  and  become  at  home  in  the 
language  before  they  begin  regular  lessons.”  2 

The  advance  of  the  negotiations  with  Anjou  con- 
tinued to  troublesome  of  Orange’s  adherents  greatly. 

1 From  Leyden.  Groen,  Archives , vii.,  207.  The  second  letter  is 
from  Utrecht.  He  was  evidently  on  his  way  back  from  The  Hague. 

2 John  felt  very  poor.  In  May,  Dr.  Schwendi  informs  him  that 
Fraulein  Juliana  is  with  the  landgravine,  “Where,  thank  God,  she 
will  be  quite  free  from  expense.”  Ibid,,  358. 


304 


William  the  Silent. 


[1580 


The  following  letter  from  Lazarus  Schwendi  ex- 
pressed the  sentiment  of  many  people  on  the 
subject 1 : 

“ Monseigneur  : My  silence  does  not  proceed  from 
lack  of  heart  or  affection,  but  from  the  times,  and 
the  danger  of  writing.  . . . Col.  Claus  Halstat, 

bearer  of  this,  will  tell  you,  in  my  behalf,  certain  things 
concerning  not  only  your  honour  and  reputation,  but 
your  conscience  and  duty  towards  God  and  man,  and 
especially  towards  the  fatherland.  Up  to  now  you  have 
been  marvellously  aided  by  God  and  by  men.  I beg 
your  Excellency  to  use  your  fortune  reverently,  and  not 
to  despair  of  the  future,  nor  to  embrace  desperate  reme- 
dies without  the  direst  necessity,  which  has  not  yet  been 
apparent.  By  God’s  grace,  a new  ray  of  hope  is  visible, 
that  your  affairs  will  have  a reasonable  and  tolerable  is- 
sue, better  far  than  you  could  have  hoped.  Do  not  go  too 
far  with  the  slippery  and  fraudulent  French , under  whose 
sail  neither  state  nor  prince  has  ever  come  to  port. 
Await  patiently  the  new  treaty  of  peace,  which  will  se- 
cure you,  I hope,  what  has  hitherto  been  refused,  espe- 
cially since  you  are  not  in  immediate  danger  and  can 
provide  for  your  safety.  Do  not  commit  the  grave  error 
of  driving  out  the  archduke,  whose  presence  has  pre- 
served your  authority  through  confusion.  Believe  me, 
you  could  not  have  held  out  without  him.  I firmly  trust 
that  you  will  be  left  to  govern  freely,  and  to  permit  the 
free  exercise  of  religion,  if  you  are  careful. 

“ On  the  other  hand,  if  you  come  to  an  agreement  with 
the  French,  you  and  yours  will  be  abhorred  by  everyone. 
Believe  me,  if  God  blind  men,  their  destruction  is  at  hand. 


1 Groen,  Archives , vii.,  228. 


1580] 


Reply  to  Remonstrance . 


305 


Blindness  comes  when  they  forsake  the  straight  and  bet- 
ter way,  and  take  that  which  is  false  and  crooked.  There 
will  be  a different  feeling  against  the  French  than  against 
the  Spanish  king,  who  is  their  natural  lord,  and  can 
justify  himself  in  various  ways.  But  I will  not  enlarge  on 
the  subject,  and  will  rely  for  the  rest  on  the  bearer, 
Claus  Halstat,  begging  your  Excellency  to  take  my  ad- 
monition in  good  part,  etc. 

“ Your  devoted,  etc.,  servant, 

“Lazarus  de  Schwendi. 

“ Kuensheim,  Feb.  27th.” 

The  first  answer  that  Orange  drafted  to  this  letter 
and  to  the  verbal  messages,  was  so  bitter  against 
Germany’s  lukewarmness  in  aiding  her  fellow  Prot- 
estants, that  he  judged  it  inexpedient  to  send  it.1 
The  letter  finally  dispatched  was  more  moderate.2 
He  thanks  Schwendi  for  his  good  wishes,  which  are 
grateful,  “ as  just  now  I find  myself  abandoned  and 
poor,  not  only  in  aid,  but  also  in  advice.”  Then,  in 
round,  unvarnished  terms,  he  proceeds  to  show  why 
he  cannot  accept  the  counsel  offered  him  : 

“ Those  who  owed  us  assistance  have  turned  a deaf 
ear  to  our  prayers.  What  can  we  hope  from  reform 
within  the  Church  ? Germany’s  experience  has  proved 
the  utter  futility  of  any  such  scheme.  Did  not  the 
Council  of  Trent  drag  on  as  long  as  the  trunks  of  ten 
elephants,  and  was  not  the  end  a flat  condemnation  of 
Protestants  as  heretics  and  excommunicated  people  ? 
These  lands  are  in  more  danger  than  is  Germany.  If 
you  realise,  as  you  seem  to  do  in  your  letter,  that  it  is 
impossible  to  remedy  the  troubles  without  granting  free 


1 Groen,  Archives , vii.,  239. 


2 Ibid.,  230. 


3°6 


William  the  Silent. 


[1580 


exercise  of  religion,  I fail  to  see  your  ray  of  good  hope, 
as  there  is  the  same  disposition  as  ever  to  root  out  pure 
religion.  In  my  simple  judgment,  your  phrase  can  be 
turned  ‘ when  God  blinds  men,  their  ruin  is  at  hand.’ 
For  they  [the  enemies  of  religion]  will  not  see  the 
deplorable  condition  of  Christendom,  the  ruin  of  flourish- 
ing states,  and  the  advance  of  the  Turks,  and  think  only 
of  extirpating  those  whom  they  ought  to  protect.1  So, 
monsieur,  it  seems  to  me  that  if  this  land,  seeing  itself 
so  ill  treated,  resolves  to  change  its  prince, — which  I am 
not  yet  sure  it  will  do, — the  blame  should  be  cast  on 
those  who  are  the  cause,  and  not  on  the  poor  sufferers. 

“ And  if,  in  this  case,  they  find  themselves  obliged  to 
abandon  the  archduke — whose  humble  servant  I am, 
and  I would  feel  more  than  any  living  man  if  harm  or 
indignity  came  to  him — it  is  not  their  fault,  but  the  fault 
of  those  who  from  lightness  of  heart,2  or  from  some 
trivial  reason,  have  withdrawn  their  hand  from  him,  and 
abandoned  him  entirely.  Is  it  not  true  that  his  imperial 
Majesty  refused  to  acknowledge  his  title  of  governor, 
which  other  strangers  accorded  him  ? Also,  in  this  last 
treaty  at  Cologne,  his  Majesty’s  commissioners  were  sur- 
prised that  the  states-general  of  this  land  demanded  him 
for  governor,  and  rejected  that  article  entirely.  Besides, 
not  only  by  connivance,  but  also  by  express  testimony, 
verbally  and  in  writing,  they  have  approved  the  act  of 
the  provinces  who  separated  from  the  ‘generality’  of  the 
estates,  and  allied  themselves  to  Spain,  by  which  his 
Highness  was  deprived  of  his  governorship  with  the 
same  frivolity  with  which  they  summoned  him,  without 
even  informing  their  allies  of  their  action. 

1 Schwendi  had  said  that  help  would  be  given  by  Germany.  This 
is  the  prince’s  answer. 

2 Gayete  de  cceur. 


1580] 


The  French  Alliance. 


30  7 


“ If  the  emperor  and  princes  made  so  little  of  having 
approved  his  rejection,  what  hope  could  be  given  to  the 
people,  of  aid  from  him,  abandoned  by  every  one,  even 
by  those  who  are  the  nearest,  and  have  the  strongest 
reason  to  wish  him  to  remain  ? What  fault  can  be  im- 
puted to  those  if,  in  their  necessity,  they  turn  to  another  ? 
Everyone  knows  that  I have  done  my  best  to  honour 
him,  though  I was  not  consulted  on  his  coming.  . . . 

Schwarzburg  and  M.  Prunier  assured  me  that,  if  I could 
hold  the  treaty  with  M.  Anjou  in  abeyance  for  three 
months,  I would  do  service  to  the  House  of  Austria.— 
The  negotiation  has  not  only  been  delayed  three  months, 
but  nearly  two  whole  years,  by  which  any  one  can  see 
that  we  have  not  thrown  ourselves  headlong  into  the 
arms  of  the  French.  His  Majesty  had  plenty  of  time  to 
come  to  a decision  had  he  wished.  You  undoubtedly 
mean  well,  but  there  are  pensioners  of  Spain  about  the 
Austrian  court  who  have  done  their  best  to  do  us 
damage. 

“ As  to  the  slippery  and  fraudulent  nature  of  the 
French,  pray,  what  title  can  be  given  to  the  Spaniards 
and  the  Spanishised,  who  have  thrown  not  only  their 
subjects,  but  their  allies  into  servitude  and  destitution  ? 
The  reputation  of  those  who  had  these  provinces  under 
their  domination  is  far  worse  than  the  fame  of  those  who 
united  Brittany,  Guienne,  Burgundy,  or  Piedmont  to 
France.” 

The  tone  of  this  letter  was  the  more  bitter,  as  just 
at  this  time  the  treachery  of  Rennenberg,  whom 
John  of  Nassau  mentioned  as  being,  besides  himself, 
Orange’s  only  trustworthy  friend,  culminated  in  a 
coup  dPtat  by  which,  on  the  night  of  March  3d,  he 
possessed  himself  of  the  city  of  Groningen,  and  went 


3°8 


William  the  Silent. 


[1580 


over  to  Parma.  This  was  the  severest  loss  the 
patriots  had  suffered  in  all  the  defection  of  the  years 
1579  and  1 5 So.1 

Orange  prolonged  his  stay  in  Holland  through  the 
month  of  March.  He  was  received  with  especial 
warmth  at  Amsterdam,  and  kindly  treated  in  the 
other  towns.  During  this  journey  Charlotte  re- 
mained at  Antwerp,  and  acted  as  her  husband’s 
viceroy.2  The  prince  ordered  that  all  papers  should 
be  shown  to  her  before  being  forwarded. 

The  discussion  of  the  Anjou  alliance  seems  to 
have  gone  on  openly,  with  little  reference  to  the 
archduke.3  All  sorts  of  biblical  and  classical  authori- 
ties were  ransacked  for  arguments  for  and  against 
Anjou.  Aldegonde  argues  in  one  passage  : 

“ When  they  say  we  must  trust  all  to  God  after  doing 
what  we  can,  they  contradict  themselves  ; for  if  we 
ought  to  rely  on  God  we  must  see  in  His  holy  word  what 
God  is  accustomed  to  do,  and  in  the  current  events  what 
God  offers  us.  He  has  not  promised  to  give  us  a king  or 
prince  who  is  of  the  true  religion,  as  that  is  not  His  way 
of  action.  On  the  contrary,  He  means  to  keep  His 
people  vigilant.  He  has  often  given  a defender  or  for- 
eign liberator  who  had  not  knowledge  of  God,  wishing 
that  His  people  be  content  with  this  favour,  inasmuch 

1 Groen,  Archives,  vii.,  196,  204.  One  of  the  reasons  for  his 
defection  alleged  by  Rennenberg,  and  which  was  probably  the  true 
one,  was  his  fear  of  Nassau  influence.  “ Every  government  of  im- 
portance will  be  given  to  a Nassau,  forsooth,  and  leave  us  the  small 
places.” 

2 Ibid.,  264. 

3 He  returned  to  Antwerp  and  wrote  many  plaintive  letters  to 
Orange. 


1580] 


The  Prince  in  Holland. 


3°9 


as  the  prince  He  gives  them  does  not  persecute  God’s 
people.” 

This  was  the  line  of  argument  taken  by  many 
preachers  who  handled  the  subject  in  hydra-headed 
sermons  and  in  verbose  pamphlets. 

In  the  end  of  March,  an  assembly  of  the  states  of 
Holland  met  at  The  Hague.1  They  wished  to  main- 
tain the  position  they  had  taken  in  1576.  They  had 
practically  renounced  allegiance  to  Philip  then.  Now 
they  were  willing  to  erase  his  name  from  their 
records,  but  they  were  not  inclined  to  write  in  that 
of  Anjou.  It  is  one  of  the  contradictions  in  history, 
that  in  the  very  region  where  the  prince  w'as  strong- 
est in  personal  influence,  his  opinion  in  this  import- 
ant matter  had  the  least  weight.  Holland  had  never 
followed  him  in  recognising  Matthias,  and  did  not 
wish  to  do  so  in  treating  with  Anjou. 

On  March  29th,  the  states  resolved  that  the  names 
of  the  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  states  should  be  put 
at  the  head  of  all  official  acts.  They  further  desired  to 
give  him  the  old  title  of  Count  of  Holland.2  These 
resolutions  remained  secret,  however,  and  the  assem- 
bly finally  yielded  to  the  prince’s  entreaty  to  con- 
sider the  negotiations  with  Anjou.  By  April  7th, 
Orange  left  The  Hague  and  returned  to  Antwerp. 
He  felt,  on  the  whole,  that  his  journey  had  been  suc- 

1 Groen,  Archives , vii.,  305.  Great  efforts  were  made  to  have 
this  an  important  meeting.  All  the  little  towns  were  summoned  to 
assist. 

2 Holland,  without  wishing  to  break  with  the  ‘generality,’  or  to 
leave  the  Union  of  Utrecht,  wanted  to  form  a little  republic  with 
the  prince  as  chief.- — Ibid.,  306. 


3io 


William  the  Silent. 


[1580 


cessful.  In  the  ban  published  against  him  shortly 
afterwards,  this  expedition  was  mentioned  as  revolu- 
tionary and  incendiary.  This  he  indignantly  denies, 
but  it  is  true  that  his  personal  presence  was  able  to 
accomplish  what  no  wordy  proclamations  could.  In 
spite  of  Rennenberg’s  defection,  in  spite  of  all  the 
small  differences  over  the  land,  there  was  in  1580, 
certainly,  a prospect  of  an  independent  government, 
though  the  prince’s  dream  of  a United  Netherlands 
was  fading  away. 

John’s  letters  of  this  month  to  his  officers  at  Dil- 
lenburg,  are  full  of  anxiety  about  his  children  whom 
he  cannot  forget  in  the  midst  of  his  state  cares. 
Evidently,  however,  he  speedily  thought  that  it  was 
too  great  a burden  for  a man  to  bear  alone,  and 
looked  about  to  see  what  worthy  dame  was  free  to 
help  him.  His  first  thoughts  on  the  matter  came 
very  quickly  on  his  loss,  as  may  be  seen  from  the 
following  letter  1 to  his  faithful  friend  Dr.  Schwarz  : 

“ Dear  Doctor  : In  order  to  have  your  advice  freely 
on  a certain  matter,  I will  not  conceal  from  you  a vision 
I had  about  it.  On  the  21st  of  last  July,  I was  very 
anxious  at  having  had  no  news  from  my  sainted  spouse. 
Just  as  I was  going  to  bed  I called  my  servants  in  to 
know  what  they  had  heard  from  her  Excellency,  and 
felt,  although  they  would  answer  nothing,  that  all  was  not 
well  with  her.  Then  I went  to  sleep,  very  heavy  hearted, 
and  that  same  night  I thought  I was  married  again  to 
the  Fraulein2  we  were  speaking  of,  and  dreamed  it  so 
often  that  I was  annoyed.  On  the  following  morning 
when  the  sad  tidings  were  announced  to  me  by  my  serv- 

1 Groen,  Archives,  vii.,  323.  Condensed. 

2 Kunigunde,  daughter  of  the  Elector  Palatine. 


1580] 


Count  John. 


3 1 1 

ants  and  the  prince’s  messenger,  sorrow  made  me  for- 
get my  dream  ; but  after  the  lapse  of  several  months, 
when  the  dowager  electress  was  suggested  to  me  among 
others,  not  only  did  that  dream  occur  to  me,  but  also  this 
fact.  As  far  as  I know  I have  never  spoken  a word  to 
the  maiden  all  the  days  of  my  life,  but  I remember  hear- 
ing both  from  my  sainted  spouse  and  from  the  prince’s 
daughter,  that  she  had  quite  an  inclination  for  me. 
Once  she  sent  me  a message  through  my  late  wife  and 
my  niece  that  I might  always  trust  her.  Of  course,  my 
marriage  with  the  old  electress  would  be  pious,  virtuous, 
and  on  many  accounts  might  be  advisable  for  me  ; more- 
over she  has  borne  her  cross,  knows  how  to  treat  gentle- 
men and  when  she  should  be  patient,1  but  as  she  has 
already  had  two  husbands  and  is  rather  older  and  taller 
than  I am,  I do  not  feel  altogether  drawn  towards  her. 

“ The  prince  rather  favours  the  old  one,  while  the  prin- 
cess and  the  prince’s  daughter  prefer  the  young  lady. 
So  I have  come  to  the  conclusion  you  will  see  in  the 
enclosed  instructions.  AV ill  you,  in  as  quiet  a manner  as 
possible,  make  inquiries  about  this  person,  what  kind  of 
a mind,  head,  and  character  she  has,  and  then  talk  to 
my  mother  about  it  at  the  first  opportunity  ? If  there 
be  no  reason  why  such  a marriage  should  not  take  place 
with  conscience  and  honour,  just  begin  the  negotiations. 
Do  not  allow  any  needless  gossip  \allerhand  unniitz 
Geschwetz\" 

On  April  9th,  John  sends  Count  Ernest  Schauen- 
berg  a long  epistle.2  After  descanting  on  affairs  in 
general,  he  says : 

1 As  is  shown  elsewhere,  John  had  grown  very  irascible  and  realised 
that  his  wife  would  need  patience. 

2 Groen,  Archives , vn.,  327. 


312 


William  the  Silent. 


[1580 


“ The  states-general  will  meet  in  eight  or  ten  days  to 
discuss  three  points  : item, — government  for  the  whole 
Netherlands  ; item, — the  better  maintenance  of  military 
affairs  ; item, — how  to  come  to  an  understanding  with 
Alempon.  The  land  is  loath  to  take  this  step,  but  there 
is  no  other  alternative,  etc.,  etc.  The  prince,  thank  God,  is 
pretty  well,  and  so  are  his  wife  and  children.  He  is  in 
fairly  good  spirits  in  spite  of  incredible  labours,  dangers, 
and  fatigues.  You  could  not  believe  that  any  man  could 
endure  so  much,  and  you  would  rejoice  if  you  could  see 
him.  His  two  eldest  daughters  are  not  yet  married  ; 
perhaps  something  will  be  done  about  it  soon.  Count 
Gunther  1 and  his  wife  are  fairly  well,  as  times  go.  His 
Honour  manages  to  have  plenty  to  eat  and  drink,  and 
to  gather  a pleasant  company  around  him.  Nothing  is 
lacking  to  him  except  that  he  is  not  well  paid  by  these 
lands,  and  he  is  often  tormented  with  the  gout,  and  my 
sister  with  the  toothache.2  If  his  debts  were  only  paid 
up  they  would  certainly  lead  a stately  existence.  Until 
that  happens,  his  Honour,  as  well  as  I,  is  driven  to  bor- 
row money  from  time  to  time,  and  he  is  often  forced  to 
send  both  his  plate  and  my  sister’s  jewels  on  a little 
pleasure  trip.3 4  As  for  myself,  I keep  fresh  and  sound, 
but  am  very  poor,  and  tired  out  with  so  much  work.  If 
I wanted  titles,  or  were  willing  to  enrich  myself  without 
remorse  or  consideration  for  the  nation’s  stress,  I have 
had  opportunities  enough  to  do  so,”  etc. 

In  May,  John  took  his  final  resolution  and  resigned 
his  offices  in  Guelderland.  He  wrote  to  his  brother1 

1 Count  Gunther  of  Schwarzburg,  husband  of  Catherine  of  Nassau. 

2 John  seems  to  be  sarcastic  here. 

3 “ Das  silbergeschir  und  meine  schwester  kleinodien  spatsieren 
gehen  lassen.” 

4 Groen,  Archives,  vii.,  341,  343.  The  count’s  last  service  as 


1580] 


Juliana , Countess  of  Nassau. 


313 


that  the  burden  was  too  heavy  for  him,  and  that  his 
home  affairs  demanded  his  presence.  He  wanted 
peace,  and  to  be  married  to  Kunigunde,  that  maiden 
who  had  appeared  so  opportunely  in  his  dreams,  and 
he  was  probably  urged  to  hasten  his  wooing  from  the 
following  passage  in  a letter*  1 from  Dr.  Schwarz : 

“ I understand,  from  a trusty  friend,  that  the  said 
young  person  has  had  an  offer  from  a count  of  East 
Friesland,  whom  she  rejected  because  of  difference  in 
religion  and  for  other  reasons.”  To  relieve  his  anx- 
iety about  his  household  expenses,  the  good  doctor 
continues  : “ Fraulein  Juliana  is  now  under  the  care 

of  the  Landgrave  William’s  wife,  without  costing  us 
a penny.  Fraulein  Marie  thought  she  would  stay  by 
the  old  lady-mother  until  Count  Gunther’s  arrival.” 
The  old  lady-mother  needed  no  one  to  stay  with 
her  long. 

In  June,  Orange  wrote2  a little  letter  to  her,  beg- 
ging her  to  forgive  him  for  being  so  lax  a corre- 
spondent, which  he  knows  she  would  do,  if  she  could 
see  how  deeply  he  was  immersed  in  business.  He 
had  bidden  Marie  to  write  her  all  details.  He  was  ill 
with  fever  for  several  days,  but  is  better  now.  By  the 
same  courier,  Charlotte  sends  a respectfully  affection- 
ate letter.3  She  speaks  of  the  prince’s  enormous 
absorption  in  business,  his  fever,  and  his  recovery  : 

“ As  to  myself,  madam,  I am  as  usual,  and  am  happy 
with  our  big  and  little  children,  and  only  wish  I might 

stadtholder,  and  one  that  he  counted  as  very  valuable,  was  his 
endeavour  to  have  an  evangelical  bishop  elected  at  Munster. 

1 Groen,  Archives , vii.,  358.  5 Ibid .,  366, 

8 June  8th,  Ibid,,  368. 


3H 


William  the  Silent. 


[1580 


have  the  honour  of  seeing  you  once  more  in  this  life. 
My  eldest  daughter,  Louise  Juliana,  says  that  you  would 
love  her  the  best  because  she  has  your  name.  She  begins 
to  speak  German,  and  is  tall  for  her  age.” 

These  letters  were  the  last  ever  written  to  the 
mother,  who  had  given  so  many  hostages  to  fortune, 
and  yet  passed  away  without  one  son  near  her. 
Juliana  died  on  June  1 8th,  in  her  seventy-sixth  year, 
leaving  behind  her  one  hundred  and  twenty-three 
children  1 2 * * and  grandchildren.  She  was  a woman  of 
sturdy  character,  and  had  left  her  impress  on  all  the 
sons  and  daughters  whom  she  had  sent  out  into  the 
world.  Her  letters  have  shown  what  was  her  life,  and 
her  personality.  While  she  was  still  vigorous,  she 
had  made  the  long  journey  to  Brabant  several  times. 
Her  later  years  were  spent  in  Dillenburg,  where  she 
was  a loved  and  honoured  member  of  the  household. 

His  mother’s  death  hastened  John’s  departure, 
upon  which,  however,  he  had  already  decided.  In 
July,  he  joyfully  took  his  way  back  to  his  pater- 
nal estates,  where  he  had  affairs  in  his  own  hand,  and 
where  he  would  not  be  called  upon  to  “ break  his 
head  ” over  unsolvable  problems,  or  to  attempt  to 
satisfy  a rebellious  and  uneasy  people.  His  marriage 
plans  were  pushed  forward  rapidly.  His  friendly 
councillors  gave  him  advice  to  his  taste,  and  decided 
that  the  late  Elector  Palatine’s  daughter  was  a fitter 
bride  for  John  than  her  step-mother.5  Dr.  Schwarz 

1 Bor.  iii.  431.  Hoofd  xx.  907. 

2 The  dowager  was  Emilia  de  Nuenar,  who  was  Henry  Brederode’s 

widow  before  she  married  the  Elector  Palatine. — Groen,  Archives , 

vii.,  362. 


1580] 


The  Prince  Alone. 


3i5 


thought  that  the  count’s  dream  should  have  weight. 
He  added  that  the  difference  in  height  was  another 
important  point,  as  “ it  would  look  odd  to  see  the 
countess  taller  than  the  count,  when  they  were  in 
company  or  walking  on  the  street  together.”  1 

In  August  the  betrothal  was  celebrated,  and  the 
marriage  was  appointed  for  September  3d.  Orange 
writes2  on  August  27th,  an  affectionate  letter  of  con- 
gratulation, only  regretting  that  his  wife  and  daughter 
could  not  be  among  the  wedding  guests.  He  sends 
George  de  Wittgenstein  as  his  personal  represent- 
ative. 

Charlotte,  too,  writes  cordially.3  She  had  known 
the  bride  at  Heidelberg,  where  she  always  “ loved 
her  as  a sister.”  In  both  these  letters,  John’s  resi- 
dence in  Germany  is  referred  to  as  temporary,  but 
John  had  no  wish  to  return  to  the  medley  in  the 
Netherlands.  On  August  29th,  he  writes  to  the 
landgrave4 5  that  the  country  has  plunged  in  so  deeply 
with  Alen^on  that  it  will  never  get  out.  He  would 
evidently  have  preferred  his  brother’s  acceptance 
of  the  oft  offered  sovereignty.  John  had  said  that 
only  he  and  Rennenberg  stood  by  the  prince.  Now, 
again,  the  prince  was  left  alone,  left  with  the  whole 
weight  of  the  responsibility  which  he  could  not  toss 
lightly  from  his  mind,  as  Count  John  had  done.6 


1 Groen,  Archives , vii.,  363.  2 Ibid.,  386. 

3 Ibid.,  389.  4 Ibid.,  390. 

5 In  the  month  of  August,  William,  one  of  John’s  sons,  was  wounded 
before  Coevorden.  Orange  mentions  this  in  a letter  (Gachard,  Cor., 

iv.,  246)  to  the  Union  of  Utrecht,  as  a proof  of  the  devotion  of  the 
whole  Nassau  family  to  the  cause  of  the  Netherlands. 


3 1 6 


William  the  Silent. 


[1580 


When  the  negotiations  at  Cologne  had  failed, 
Philip  determined  to  treat  the  man  whom  his 
brother  had  assured  him  held  the  whole  country 
in  his  hand,  in  a different  manner.  Early  in  the 
year  Granvelle  wrote 1 2 to  Margaret  of  Parma  that 
he  was  rejoiced  indeed  at  Philip’s  resolution  to  put  a 
price  on  the  prince’s  head.  “ This  offer  (30,000 
crowns  for  Orange,  dead  or  alive)  will  frighten  him 
to  death,  as  he  is  well  known  to  be  an  arrant  coward.” 
In  March,  this  “ happy  resolution  ” bore  fruits  in  a 
new  edict  against  Orange,  which,  however,  was  not 
promulgated  in  the  Netherlands  until  June.’ 

In  this  document  Philip  told  his  story,  how  good 
his  government  had  been,  except  when  Alva  had 
gone  beyond  his  instructions  and  had  imposed  un- 
warrantable taxation,  how  Orange  had  taken  advan- 
tage of  that  mistake  and  hastened  to  the  Netherlands 
to  excite  the  people  to  rebellion,  how  he  had  only 
been  admitted  on  his  promise  to  remain  loyal  to  the 
king  and  to  maintain  the  Catholic  religion.  The 
prince  had  broken  all  his  promises  to  man  and  to 
God.  He  had  married  an  abbess  during  the  lifetime 
of  his  legitimate  wife.  Philip  had  left  no  efforts 


1 Jan.  3d.  Groen,  Archives,  vii.,  193. 

2 “ Ban  et  Edict  en  forme  de  Proscription  fait  par  la  majestie  du 
roynostre  sire  alen-contre  de  Guillaume  de  Nassau,  prince  d’Orange, 
comme  clief  et  perturbateur  de  l’estat  de  la  Christiente  et  specialle- 
ment  de  ces  Pays-Bas,  par  lequel  chacun  est  authorise  de  l’offenser  et 
oster  de  ce  monde,  comme  peste  publique,  avec  pris  a qui  le  fera  et  y 
assistera.”  This  was  printed  at  Louvain.  I have  used  an  edition  of 
L' Apologie,  published  in  1858,  to  which  this  ban  and  other  documents 
are  added.  Lettenhove  says  that  Granvelle  must  be  considered  the 
author  of  this  document. — Les  Huguenots , etc.,  vi.,  85. 


1580] 


Publication  of  the  Ban. 


3i  7 


untried  to  check  and  to  pacify  the  restless  and  con- 
tumacious rebel,  the  one  hostile  element  among  his 
loving  subjects.  His  late  beloved  brother  had  sent 
messenger  after  messenger  to  try  and  bring  this  one 
man  to  terms.  Orange  did  not  want  peace.  He  had 
gone  deeper  and  deeper  in  rebellion  and  had  had 
himself  elected  Ruward  of  Brabant  by  a tumultuous 
assembly. 

“ Therefore,  for  all  these  just  reasons,  for  his  evil 
doings  as  chief  disturber  of  the  public  peace  and  as  a 
public  pest  ...  we  banish  him  forever  and  forbid  all 
our  subjects  to  visit  or  communicate  with  him  in  public 
or  in  secret.  ...  We  declare  him  an  enemy  of  the 
human  race  . . . and  in  order  the  sooner  to  remove 
our  people  from  his  tyranny  and  oppression,  we  promise 
on  the  word  of  a king  and  as  God’s  servant,  that  if  one 
of  our  subjects  be  found  so  generous  of  heart  and  so 
desirous  of  doing  us  service  and  the  public,  good,  who 
has  any  means  of  executing  this  ordinance  and  ridding 
us  of  this  said  pest,  either  by  delivering  him  to  us  quick 
or  dead,  or  by  depriving  him  at  once  of  life,  in  any  way , 
we  will  give  him  or  his  heirs,  landed  estates  or  cash  at 
his  desire,  to  the  amount  of  20,000  golden  crowns.  If 
he  has  committed  any  crime1 — of  any  kind  whatever — 
we  will  pardon  him  ; if  he  be  not  noble,  we  will  ennoble 
him  for  his  valour,  and  if  the  principal  takes  other 
persons  for  his  assistance  in  his  enterprise,  we  will 
reward  them  according  to  the  service  rendered,  pardon 
their  crimes,  and  ennoble  them  too.” 

This  proclamation  was  sent  to  the  Netherlands 
with  orders  that  it  should  be  published  by  the 
governors,  “ so  that  none  can  claim  ignorance.”  The 


William  the  Silent. 


[1580 


318 


Prince  of  Parma  was  very  loath  to  do  his  uncle’s 
bidding  in  regard  to  this  ban.  He  thought  it  was 
possible  that  Orange  might  win  more  sympathy 
than  obloquy  if  he  were  so  publicly  offered  as  a mark 
for  the  dagger  of  any  assassin.  He  had  proposed  to 
take  advice  of  the  reconciled  provinces  on  the  sub- 
ject.1 Philip  set  aside  this  suggestion,  but  Parma  did 
not  hasten  to  execute  the  final  commands.  He 
wrote  to  the  governors  on  June  15th,  but  the  paper 
was  not  printed  until  July  2d,  and  not  really 
published  by  the  councils  until  late  in  August. 

The  reply  made  by  the  prince  to  this  famous  or 
infamous  ban  has  been  frequently  referred  to  in  the 
course  of  this  story.2  It  is  known  as  The  Apology, 
though  there  is  nothing  humbly  apologetic  in  the 
argument.  Though  it  is  written  in  the  first  person 
as  coming  direct  from  the  prince,  it  is  said  to  have 
been  the  work  of  a reformed  minister,  Pierre  Villiers.3 
This  man  may  have  prepared  the  document  for  pub- 
lication, and  he  may  have  worked  up  the  peroration, 
but  the  mark  of  the  prince’s  hand  and  mind  is 
evident  throughout  the  composition,  to  any  one 
familiar  with  his  letters.  It  certainly  is  not  a 


1 Philip’s  first  suggestion  was  made  in  a letter  of  November  30, 
1579,  t°  which  Parma  responded  in  January,  1580  (Gachard,  Cor., 
vi.,  19-24).  He  sends  a draft  for  a ban,  but  does  not  wholly  approve. 

2 Orange  was  at  Antwerp  when  he  heard  of  this  ban.  Before  com- 
posing his  answer  he  consulted  many  people,  especially  the  council  of 
Holland  and  Zealand. — Gachard,  Cor.,  vi.,  xl.,  and  37. 

3 Pierre  l’Oyseleur  or  de  Villiers. — Gachard,  Cor. , vi.,  xliii.  ; 
Groen,  Archives,  vii.,  452.  Lettenhove  considers  that  it  was 
drafted  by  Villiers  and  corrected  by  Hubert  Languet. — Les 
Huguenots,  etc.,  vi.,  90. 


1580]  The  Apology.  319 

monument  of  literary  style,  but  it  is  a vigorous, 
vehement  self-defence,  an  explanation  made  to  the 
states-general,  as  alone  having  the  right  to  judge 
of  his  actions.  The  self-restraint  hitherto  mani- 
fested by  Orange  in  his  letters  is  cast  aside  here. 
There  is  no  trace  of  respect  for  the  divine  right 
of  kings  in  this  paper.  Philip  is  addressed  as  a 
man  by  a fellow-man,  and  his  character  is  painted 
with  a daring  pen.  All  the  crimes,  indeed,  that  had 
been  imputed  to  him  were  referred  to  as  facts.1 

Orange  reviews  the  whole  story  of  his  life,  and  his 
relations  with  the  late  emperor  and  the  present 
king;  defends  his  every  loyal  action  up  to  the  time 
of  Alva’s  coming,  and  justifies  himself  in  his  dis- 
loyal course  since  that  date,  as  he  claims  that  Philip 
had  forfeited  all  his  hereditary  rights  to  the  individ- 
ual provinces  by  his  violation  of  the  time-honoured 
charters  of  the  land.  He  quoted  Demosthenes  in 
saying  that  distrust  was  the  bulwark  of  a nation 
against  tyranny.  Philip  himself  had  planted  dis- 
trust deep  in  the  hearts  of  his  would-be  obedient 
subjects,  and  a free  people  had  revolted,  as  they  had 
done  before  in  similar  but  far  less  aggravated  cir- 
cumstances. He  reminds  Philip  that  “ I was  born 
a free  lord  and  have  the  honour  of  bearing  the  name 
of  an  absolute  prince,  although  my  principality  is  not 
of  great  extent.”  He  points  out  that  the  imposi- 
tion of  the  taxes  had  been  unfair,  unjust  and  entirely 

1 De  Thou  (Ixxi.,  363)  considers  that  these  portions  are  far  too 
bitter.  Voltaire  characterises  the  whole  document  as  “un  des  plus 
beaux  monuments  de  l’histoire.” — Essai  sur  des  Mceurs , etc.,  iii. , 
495- 


320  William  the  Silent.  [1580 

illegal,  but  that  the  people  had  protested,  too, 
against  the  suppression  of  liberty  of  conscience.  He 
defends  bitterly  his  personal  reputation. 

“ It  suffices  for  me  to  say  in  one  word  before  you,  gentle- 
men, and  before  all  Europe,  that  every  Spaniard  or  Span- 
ishised  person,  no  matter  of  what  rank  he  may  be,  who  says, 
or  who  will  say,  as  this  infamous  proscription  proclaims, 
that  I am  a traitor  and  a miscreant,  that  same  person  has 
spoken  falsely  and  against  the  truth.  ...  If  you,  gentle- 
men, judge  that  either  my  absence  or  my  death  can  serve 
you,  I am  ready  to  submit  to  your  judgment.  Here  is  my 
head,  over  which  no  prince  nor  monarch  but  you  has  con- 
trol. Dispose  of  it  for  your  welfare,  for  the  preservation 
of  your  republic.  But  if  you  judge  that  the  mediocre  ex- 
perience and  industry  which  I have  acquired  by  patient 
toil,  if  you  judge  that  the  remnant  of  my  property  and 
my  life  can  serve  you,  take  them  and  let  us  work  together 
for  the  defence  of  this  good  people.  If  you  will  continue 
the  favour  you  have  hitherto  shown  me,  make  your  resolu- 
tion for  the  preservation  of  this  land  and  i je  te  maintien- 
drai.'  ” 

In  December,  the  states-general  assembled  at 
Delft.  On  the  13th,  the  following  letter  from  the 
prince  was  read,  though  he  himself  was  present, 
accompanied  by  Count  Hohenlohe  and  several 
friends.1 

“Messieurs:  You  have  seen  a certain  sentence  in 

form  of  a proscription,  sent  hither  by  the  King  of  Spain, 
and  published  by  order  of  the  Prince  of  Parma.  As,  by 
this,  my  enemies  have  tried  to  assail  my  honour  and  attack 


1 Hoofd,  xvii.,  675. 


1580] 


The  Apology. 


321 


my  past  actions,  I have  taken  the  advice  of  many  notable 
persons,  especially  the  chief  councillors  of  the  land.  . . . 
I am  advised  to  do  nothing  to  satisfy  my  honour  but  to 
publish  a writing  showing  how  unjustly  I have  been  ac- 
cused. According  to  their  advice,  gentlemen,  as  I recog- 
nise you  alone  as  my  superiors,  I present  to  you  my 
defence  against  the  accusation  of  my  adversaries,  in 
which  I not  only  unmask  their  imposture  and  calumnies, 
but  also  legally  justify  all  my  past  actions.” 

He  ends  by  saying  that  he  had  offered  his  resig- 
nation again  and  again,  but  he  was  ready  in  the 
future  as  in  the  past,  to  lay  down  his  life  for  the  coun- 
try’s good,  and  he  begged  them  to  let  his  paper  see 
light,  so  that  “the  whole  world  may  judge  of  the 
equity  of  my  cause  and  the  injustice  of  my  adver- 
saries.” 

One  Zomer,  advocate  of  Ghent,  then  read  the 
Apology  to  the  assembly.1  On  the  succeeding  days 
they  discussed  the  ban,  which  they  decided  was  as 
insulting  to  them  as  to  the  prince.  On  the  17th, 
their  resolutions  were  drawn  up  by  I.  Houfflin2 — 
Complete  confidence  was  expressed  in  the  prince. 
His  answer  contained  nothing  but  the  truth.  He 
had  accepted  his  offices  at  their  entreaties  and  they 
refused  to  consider  his  resignation.3 

1 Hoofd,  xvii.,  675. 

2 Res.  des  Etats-Gin. , December  13th,  14th,  17th,  and  19th; 
Gachard,  Cor.,  vi.,  41. 

It  is  somewhat  incomprehensible  that  the  states-general  had  not 
seen  the  ban  earlier.  “ Les  Etats-generaus  aiants  depuis  quelques 
jours  veu  et  leu  une  proscription,”  etc.  This  phrase  may  have  been 
only  a formula. 

3 The  deputies  of  Guelderland  and  Utrecht  did  not  think  that  they 


322 


William  the  Silent. 


[1580 


On  January  25th,  the  prince  wrote1  again  to  the 
states  : 

“You  know,  messieurs,  I have  not  answered  all  the 
libels  issued  against  me,  but  this  proscription  could  not 
be  overlooked.  Since  my  defence  was  written,  a false 
letter,  forged  by  my  enemies,  has  fallen  into  my  hands, 
which  was  said  to  have  been  sent  by  me  to  the  Duke  of 
Anjou,  or  as  they  say,  Duke  of  Alentpon,  and  intercepted 
by  them.  Various  copies  have  now  been  sent  over  Chris- 
tendom. This  letter  is  so  uncouthly  written  as  regards 
style  and  subject,  that  anyone,  by  casual  reading,  might 
discover  that  there  is  no  appearance  of  truth,  and  that  it 
is  only  an  impudent  invention,  unworthy  of  answer.” 

This  letter  referred  to,  was  one  of  the  many  forger- 
ies that  played  a prominent  part  in  the  political 
history  of  the  day.2  In  it  occurs  the  following  sen- 
tence : 

“ As  to  religion,  that  is  plain  and  clear.  No  sovereign 
who  hopes  to  come  to  any  great  advancement  ought  to 
consider  religion,  or  hold  it  in  regard.  Your  Highness, 
by  means  of  the  garrisons  and  fortresses,  will  easily  be 
master  of  the  principal  cities  in  Flanders  and  Brabant, 

were  authorised  to  sign  this  Apostille , without  reference  to  their  con- 
stituents. 

“ Die  anwesenden  Staden  alhier  aus  Brabandt,  Flandern,  Mechlen, 
Gelderlandt,  Holland,  Frieslandt  und  Stifft  Utrecht,  haben  meins 
Hern  Printzen  Apologia  . . . allerdings  approbirt,  und  gutt 

gefunden  das  dieselbig  im  offentlichen  druck  moge  gegeben  werden.” 
— A.  Christiani  to  Count  John,  December  22,  1580.  Groen,  Archives, 
vii.,  480. 

1 Apologie , etc,,  p.  37 . 

2 Orange  to  Anjou. — Bor,  iii,  239;  Groen,  Archives,  vii.,  380. 


1580]  Treaty  with  the  Duke  of  Anjou.  323 


even  if  the  citizens  opposed  you.  Afterwards  you  can 
compel  them  without  difficulty  to  any  religion  which  may 
seem  conducive  to  the  interests  of  your  Highness.” 

Had  credence  been  given  to  the  authenticity  of 
this  letter,  the  effect  on  the  Protestant  mind  must 
have  been  disastrous.  Luckily,  it  was  at  once 
counted  as  a forgery  by  the  majority.1 

Undoubtedly  Orange  willingly  gave  voice  to  all 
his  suppressed  bitterness  against  Spain,  because  he 
saw  an  opportunity  of  pushing  matters  to  a crisis. 
There  was  method  in  his  violence.  The  negotia- 
tions with  Anjou  had  gone  on  energetically  during 
the  summer  months,  and  in  September,  a deputation 
from  the  states,  with  Aldegonde  at  the  head,  made 
their  way  to  France  to  tender  the  sovereignty  to  the 
Duke  of  Anjou.  Three  weeks  later 3 an  accord, 
known  as  the  Treaty  of  Plessis  les  Tours,  was  duly 
signed  between  the  Protestant  provinces  and  the 
fourth  son  of  Catherine  de  Medici.  Having  under- 

1 During  the  autumn  and  winter  of  1580-81  Rennenberg  was  carry- 
ing on  a harrying  warfare  against  his  late  friends  in  the  north,  where 
Hohenlohe  opposed  him  with  the  army  of  the  union  (Hoofd,  xvii., 
672).  In  January  he  was  laying  siege  to  the  little  town  of  Steenwyk 
which  held  out  bravely  for  the  patriots.  When  this  forged  letter  was 
circulated,  Rennenberg  sent  a copy  into  the  town  with  the  following 
note  (Meteren,  x.,  457) : 

“ Most  Honourable,  Most  Steadfast  : As,  during  the  present 
front,  you  have  but  little  exercise  in  the  trenches — as  you  cannot  pass 
your  time  in  twirling  your  finger-rings  because  you  have  sold  them  to 
pay  your  soldiers’  wages — as  you  have  nothing  to  rub  your  teeth  upon, 
nor  to  scour  your  stomachs,  and  as  nevertheless  you  require  some- 
thing to  occupy  your  minds,  I send  you  the  enclosed  letter  in  the  hope 
that  it  may  yield  amusement.” — January  15,  1581. 

2 Groen,  Archives , vii. , 400. 


324 


William  the  Silent. 


[1580 


taken  the  mission,  Aldegonde  spared  no  pains  to 
make  it  successful,  and  he  extolled  the  virtue  and 
wisdom  of  the  new  ruler  to  the  skies,  in  a manner 
that  is  somewhat  difficult  to  understand.  The  two 
things  that  made  this  alliance  possible  were  : (i) 
that  Henry  III.  seemed  disposed  to  favour  the 
Protestants  ; (2)  that  there  were  fair  prospects  of  a 
marriage  between  Elizabeth  and  Anjou. 

There  was  another  Protestant  prince  in  the  field 
who  might  have  been  a more  advantageous  chief  had 
he  not  been  so  poor.  Henry  of  Navarre  showed 
himself  willing  to  be  friendly  to  Orange.  In  Decem- 
ber he  availed  himself  of  an  opportunity  to  send  the 
prince  a line,  congratulating  him  on  the  news.  “ We 
are  now  preparing  to  aid  the  estates.  I have  prom- 
ised to  accompany  Monsieur,  to  help  him,  as  is  the 
duty  of  a good  compatriot,  but  the  desire  I have  to 
see  you  invites  me  not  the  less.” 

The  young  archduke  was  completely  disregarded 
in  these  transactions,  and  his  position  was  far  from 
being  either  honourable  or  comfortable.  He  had  no 
money,  he  could  not  even  go  from  Antwerp  to  Delft 
to  join  the  prince,  as  he  writes  pathetically  on  No- 
vember 7th.1  He  had  been  useful  to  Orange  as  a 
figure-head,  but  his  usefulness  was  at  an  end,  though 
his  feeble  voice  was  heard  from  time  to  time  in  the 
land. 

In  the  winter,  Orange  sent  his  Apology  to  the  vari- 
ous European  monarchs  and  princes,  with  accom- 
panying letters  to  clear  his  own  reputation  further, 
and  to  show  what  was  the  position  of  the  few  Neth- 


Gachard,  Cor. , iv.,  259  et  al. 


FRANQOIS  OF  VALOIS,  DUKE  OF  ANJOU, 
(From  an  old  print.) 


1581] 


The  New  Colleges. 


325 


erland  states  who  were  still  holding  together.  With 
a package  of  the  pamphlets  that  he  forwarded  to 
Count  John,1 2 * *  the  prince  urged  his  brother’s  return  to 
the  provinces.  This  request  was  repeated  in  many 
other  letters,  but  the  doughty  John  could  not  be 
again  dislodged  from  his  ancestral  hearth,  for  fraternal 
love  or  hopes  of  honours  for  his  sons.  In  April  he 
addressed  a lengthy  memorial  to  his  brother,  ex- 
plaining the  reasons  for  his  refusal.  The  sum  of  his 
arguments  was,  that  affairs  in  the  Netherlands  were 
confused,  and  he  saw  neither  glory  nor  profit  in 
working  longer  through  the  labyrinth.  There  is  a 
note  from  John  Casimir5  to  John  (April  5th),  justify- 
ing his  conduct  and  congratulating  himself  and  Count 
John  that  they  two  honest  Germans  were  well  out  of 
the  “ confused  chaos,”  and  wishing  the  Netherlands 
joy  of  Anjou. 

The  matter  of  the  central  council  before  referred 
to,  was  finally  settled  in  the  states-generai  in  January, 
1581.  Two  colleges  were  established,  who  were  to 
exercise  executive  authority  from  two  centres,  one 
on  one  side,  the  other  on  the  other  side  of  the 
Meuse.  The  states-generai  were  not  efficient  in  ex- 
ecutive action,  and  these  smaller  bodies  were  planned 
to  supply  that  deficiency.  It  was  expressly  stipu- 
lated that  there  was  to  be  no  interference  with  the 

1 Groen,  Archives,  vii.,  508. 

2 Ibid. , 530. 

There  are  two  sets  of  parallel  columns  of  arguments  which  belong 
to  this  time,  probably  drawn  up  by  John’s  secretary.  1st.  On  the  rela- 

tive advantages  of  Casimir  staying  by  Orange  or  going  over  to  Spain. 
2d.  Comparisons  between  Casimir  and  Orange,  to  the  advantage  of 

the  latter. — Ibid. , 549,  550. 


3 26 


William  the  Silent. 


[1581 


states-general,  and  that  Anjou’s  election  should  not 
be  in  any  way  impeded.  Orange  had  become  so 
weary  of  the  snail-like  doings  of  the  large  delibera- 
tive body  that  he  had  urged  the  erection  of  a council, 
but,  undoubtedly,  an  ulterior  idea  in  establishing  this 
new  branch  of  the  administration  just  at  this  epoch, 
was  to  provide  a check  on  their  future  governor. 

There  was,  however,  another  more  weighty  step 
to  be  taken  before  the  final  summons  could  be 
sounded.  On  December  30,  1580,  the  Treaty  of 
Plessis  les  Tours  had  been  ratified  by  the  states-gen- 
eral in  the  provinces  and  further  confirmed  in  France 
by  the  Treaty  of  Bordeaux  on  January  23,  1581.  In 
the  following  July  the  states-general  reassembled  to 
complete  the  work  of  governmental  reconstruction 
in  which  these  two  measures  had  been  the  first  pre- 
paratory steps.  Their  seat  of  deliberations  was 
changed  from  Delft  to  Amsterdam,  from  Amsterdam 
to  The  Hague.  In  that  city  on  July  26th,  Philip  was 
declared  deposed  forever  from  the  sovereignty  he 
had  so  solemnly  received  from  his  father  a quarter 
of  a century  before. 1 The  document  in  which  the 
links  between  the  autocratic  Spanish  ruler  and  his 
dissatisfied  subjects  were  severed,  is  a memorable  one 
in  the  world’s  history.  The  existence  of  a social 
contract  between  ruler  and  ruled  was  assumed,  and 
these  Netherland  burghers  solemnly  asserted  that 
the  contracting  party  of  the  one  part,  their  sovereign, 

1 Groen  says  : “ L’abjuration  solennelle  par  les  etats-generaux  eut 
lieu  a Amsterdam  le  26  juillet.”  This  seems  to  be  an  error.  The  act 
given  in  Bor  is  dated  s’ Gravenhage. — Groen,  Archives , vii.,  586. 
Bor,  iii.,  276.  Strada  (ii. , 191)  gives  Antwerp. 


1581] 


The  Oath  of  Abjuration. 


327 


having  failed  to  fulfil  his  obligations,  the  contract- 
ing party  of  the  second  part  were  relieved  from  all 
duty  towards  him  and  were  justified  in  renouncing, 
forever,  their  allegiance  to  Philip  II.  of  Spain.  This 
declaration,  over  sixty  years  before  Charles  Stuart 
warred  with  his  Parliament,  and  two  centuries  before 
the  American  Congress  announced  their  legal  inde- 
pendence of  George  III.,  was  remarkable  indeed. 
Strada  characterises  this  as  a deed  of  infamy  1 which 
he  shudders  to  describe. 

“These  Flemings  violated  the  faith  which  Nature  her- 
self teaches  each  nation  to  cherish  for  her  legitimate 
sovereign.  Many  people  trembled  with  apprehension, 
which  was  increased  by  a terrible  earthquake  felt  over 
all  Flanders  and  extending  even  to  Paris.  Many  thought 
this  an  evil  presage.” 

The  actors  in  the  drama  took  a different  view  : 

“ All  men  know  [so  runs  the  introduction  to  the  docu- 
ment of  abjuration]  that  God  appoints  a king  to  cherish 
his  people  as  a shepherd,  his  flock.  When  he  fails  in  this 
duty,  when  he  grinds  down  his  people,  evades  their 
ancient  liberties  and  treats  them  as  slaves,  he  is  no  prince, 
but  a tyrant.  Then  may  the  estates  of  the  land  legally 
renounce  him  and  put  another  in  his  place.” 

This  proposition  that  a king  only  held  his  divine 
rights  during  good  behaviour,  was  maintained  in 
the  announcement  sent  to  the  diet  in  Germany.  It 
must  be  remembered,  however,  that  this  document 
was  a culmination,  not  an  initiation.  Years  had 


1 “ Facinns,”  ii. , 190. 


328 


William  the  Silent. 


[1581 


passed  since  Philip  had  been  rex  de  facto  in  the 
northern  portion  of  his  hereditary  domains.  The 
Act  of  Abjuration,  startling  as  were  its  contents, 
told  no  news  to  the  world.  It  merely  stated,  in  a 
somewhat  original  form,  existing  conditions. 1 

Up  to  this  date  Matthias  had  figured  in  all  pro- 
clamations as  Philip’s  lieutenant.  With  this  abjura- 
tion of  his  royal  cousin  his  own  office  expired  per  sc. 
He  had,  indeed,  handed  in  his  resignation  in  June. 
It  had  been  accepted,  and  in  October  he  set  out  for 
Germany  without  leave-taking.  The  states  voted 
him  a pension  of  50,000  florins,  but  there  is  no  record 
that  this  was  ever  paid. 2 

It  was  agreed  by  the  states  that  the  regulation  of 
the  government  should  be  administered  by  the  prince 
until  the  arrival  of  Anjou,  now  their  governor-elect. 
Plolland  and  Zealand  did  not  act  with  the  “ gener- 
ality ” in  this.  In  their  acceptance  of  the  prince’s 
authority  they  omitted  the  time  limit.  They  had 
no  intention  of  acknowledging  the  French  duke,  ex- 
cept as  the  governor  of  their  allies. 

The  Walloon  provinces  were  out  of  this  contract, 
as  they  had  returned  to  Spanish  allegiance.  Thus, 
the  seventeen  provinces  were  now  divided  into  three : 
one  portion  under  William  of  Nassau,  one  under 
Anjou,  and  the  third  under  Parma.  The  arrange- 
ment was  not  an  ideal  one,  but  Orange  was  always 

1 The  abjuration  met  with  much  opposition.  The  Amsterdam 
merchants  feared  a disastrous  loss  of  trade  and  the  Catholics  feared 
over-dominant  Protestantism. — Groen,  Archives,  s ii.,  586;  see  also 
Strada,  ii.,  190  et  seq. 

2 Groen,  Archives,  vii.,  588. 


muGimlivJilimHjjianuimm.li\diamm,Ncapolis,SujluiQ-{ietvldIymr,acKx  (kthohcus. 

m,'Bmhcmtiie,(jelnnd,et  dux  nandrur,  tdodandu^damiCTiife,  etc.  comes jicaris fun 
n 


PHILIP  II. 

(Based  on  an  old  print.) 


1581] 


Breda. 


329 

accustomed  to  cut  according  to  his  cloth,  and  not  to 
refuse  the  best  that  was  possible  in  his  eyes,  though 
it  fell  far  short  of  all  wished  for. 

Three  days  after  the  Act  of  Abjuration  was  ac- 
cepted by  the  estates,  a formula  was  drafted,  to  which 
everyone  was  asked  to  swear. 

“ I solemnly  swear  that  henceforward  I will  neither 
respect,  obey,  nor  recognise  the  King  of  Spain  as  my 
prince  and  master  ; that  I now  renounce  the  King  of 
Spain  and  consider  myself  absolved  from  the  allegiance 
I formerly  owed  him.  At  the  same  time  I swear  fidelity 
to  the  United  Netherlands,  namely,  the  provinces  of 
Brabant,  Flanders,  Guelderland,  Holland,  Zealand,  etc., 
etc.,  and  also  to  the  national  council  and  superior  body 
established  by  the  estates  of  these  provinces  ; and  prom- 
ise my  assistance  according  to  the  best  of  my  abilities 
against  the  King  of  Spain  and  his  adherents,  and  all 
other  national  enemies.  This  is  done  and  resolved  in 
the  assembly  of  the  states-general  of  the  United  Nether- 
lands in  The  Hague,  July  29,  1581.”' 

While  Philip  was  thus  declared  to  have  no  more 
rights  in  the  land,  his  nephew  succeeded  in  re-estab- 
lishing royal  authority  in  the  prince’s  own  city  of 
Breda.  The  people  made  a brave  resistance,  “ but 
proved  weaker  in  numbers  than  in  courage,”  and  the 
place  was  given  over  to  pillage. a The  Abb6  of  St. 
Gertrude  hastened  thither  and  re-established  the 
Catholic  religion.  “ Thus  was  the  city  returned  to 


1 Bor,  iii.,  280. 

2 Strada,  ii.,  195. 


330 


William  the  Silent. 


tl58l 


the  king  and  the  citizens’  souls  to  God  ” is  Strada’s 
comment.  In  June,  shortly  after  the  loss  of  Breda, 
the  prince  bought  the  seigniory  of  Flushing  and  the 
margravate  of  Veer.'  As  soon  as  the  assembly  at 
The  Hague  broke  up,  the  prince,  accompanied  by 
the  deputies  of  the  states,  went  to  Zealand,  to  take 
formal  possession  of  his  new  estates.  He  also  put 
various  cities  in  a state  of  defence.1 2  Then  he  pro- 
ceeded to  Ghent.  The  Act  of  Abjuration  was  pub- 
lished and  accepted  in  all  the  places  he  visited. 

In  August,  Anjou  crossed  the  borders  with  a gal- 
lant troop  of  5000  cavalry,  all  “ volunteers  and  noble 
gentlemen.”  He  succeeded  in  making  Parma  raise 
the  siege  of  Cambray,  and  then,  finding  the  estates 
not  yet  ready  to  receive  him,  he  went  over  to  Eng- 
land to  see  Elizabeth,  while  Parma  applied  himself 
to  the  siege  of  Tournay,  which  finally  yielded  on 
November  30th. 

When  the  states  left  The  Hague  in  August,  it  was 
with  the  understanding  that  they  should  reassemble 
in  Antwerp  in  October.  By  December  1st,  only  a 
few  deputies  had  arrived.  Orange  made  a vigorous 
speech  to  them  on  the  delay  that  had  ensued,  and 
on  the  dangers  that  threatened  them3: 


1 These  estates  had  lapsed  to  the  king  on  the  death  of  the  last  pos- 
sessor without  heirs.  In  1572  the  states  resumed  the  titles,  as  Philip 
had  never  paid  the  debts  upon  them.  The  prince  paid  149,000  guild- 
ers and  the  states  were  lenient  about  the  payment. — See  Meteren, 
iii.,  500;  Hoofd,  xvii.,  722;  Arend,  Algemeene  Geschiedenis  des 
Vader lands,  116,  441  ; R/s.  de  Hollande , June  26,  1581,  quoted  in 
Les  Huguenots,  etc.,  vi.,  102. 

2 Gachard,  Cor.,  v.,  vii. 

5 Groen,  Archives,  viii  , 40  ; Bor,  iii.,  282. 


1581] 


The  Prince  s Appeal. 


331 


“ It  is  two  whole  months  since  the  estates  should  have 
met  in  this  city.  . . . Tournay  is  besieged,  and  other 
evils  threaten  us.  Under  these  circumstances,  gentle- 
men, this  nonchalance  is  an  incredible  misfortune,  which 
does  not  proceed  as  much  from  lack  of  understanding  or 
laziness,  as  from  the  fact  that  every  one  is  more  inter- 
ested in  private  than  in  public  affairs.  The  people  will 
not  realise  that  this  war  is  their  war , and  that  it  is  they 
who  are  fighting  for  their  liberty,  for  their  persons,  for 
their  conscience.  Hence  it  happens  that  when  money 
is  asked  for,  without  which  neither  I nor  any  mortal  can 
wage  war,  they  bicker  about  it  as  though  they  were  talk- 
ing to  the  late  emperor.  They  ought  to  see  that  it  is  not 
I whom  they  refuse,  it  is  themselves.  I do  not  want 
their  money — though  calumniators  have  accused  me  of 
doing  so.  Again  I say  to  you,  gentlemen,  this  is  your 
war,  and  when  you  are  asked  to  deliberate,  it  is  upon 
your  own  affairs.  Each  province  has  its  council,  each 
land  its  forces  and  its  money,  so  that  what  is  much  to  all 
is  little  to  each  one. 

“ It  is  true  that  a central  council  has  been  established, 
but  without  powers.  Where  there  is  no  authority,  how 
can  there  be  military  discipline  ? how  can  finance,  jus- 
tice, and  other  affairs  be  regulated  ? And  there  never  can 
be  authority  from  those  who  have  not  a sou  to  pay  out, 
as  neither  I nor  the  council  have  . . . . You  must 

see  that  the  government,  established  by  you  and  the 
states,  will  not  last  longer  than  the  end  of  January.  If 
you  have  not  established  order  by  that  time  there 
will  be  no  need  of  a governor,  as  there  will  be  no 
land.” 

In  England,  it  seemed  for  a time  as  though 
Anjou  were  progressing  finely  in  his  wooing.  On 


332 


William  the  Silent. 


[1581 


November  22d,  Aldegonde,1  who  had  gone  to  Eng- 
land with  a deputation  in  October,  writes  that 
Elizabeth  had  exchanged  rings  with  the  duke,  and 
that  the  marriage  was  definitely  arranged.3  This 
urged  forward  the  people  to  complete  their  bargain 
with  their  new  protector.  The  embassy  in  England 
was  directed  to  press  his  coming,  and  they  began  in 
earnest  to  prepare  to  receive  their  governor-elect,3 
with  all  the  pageantry  they  loved  so  dearly. 

1 Justin  of  Nassau  accompanied  Aldegonde  on  this  mission. 

2 Froude,  xi.,  472  ; Les  Huguenots,  etc.,  vi.,  120. 

3 Anjou  was  possibly  urged  to  conclude  a compact  with  the  states 
by  two  suggestions  : (1)  that  Elizabeth  might  marry  Parma,  and  per- 
suade him  to  desert  Spain  and  to  ally  himself  with  Netherland  in- 
terests ; (2)  that  if  he  refused,  the  states  would  offer  the  sovereignty 
to  Henry  of  Navarre.— Les  Huguenots,  etc.,  vi.,  258-262  et  seq. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

THE  HAND  OF  THE  ASSASSIN. 

1582. 

HE  unwearying  exertions  of  the  Prince 
of  Orange  to  establish  a French  pro- 
tectorate in  the  provinces,  were  at  last 
crowned  with  success.  His  profound 
faith  that  in  that  alliance  lay  their  only 
hope  was  now  to  be  put  to  the  test. 
To  John’s  lengthy,  cautious  argu- 
ments he  said,1  that  the  man  fallen  among  thieves 
“ did  not  refuse  the  aid  of  the  Samaritan,  one  of 
different  faith,  after  the  priest  and  the  Levite  had 
passed  him  by.”  To  the  remonstrance  of  others,  it 
was  urged  that  a dog  whose  character  was  well  known 
could  be  made  a safe  guardian  of  the  flock  if  he  were 
properly  muzzled.  “ Not  what  we  want  but  what 
we  can  get,”  he  had  said  to  all  who  had  honestly 
thought  that  the  prince  was  carrying  the  revolting 
provinces  out  of  the  frying-pan  into  the  fire. 

Even  after  the  states  had  sent  Anjou  money  to 
defray  his  expenses,  the  French  prince  lingered  on 

1 June  20,  1581.  Groen,  Archives , vii. , 573. 


333 


334 


William  the  Silent. 


[1582 


in  England.  Hoofd  says1 2  that  Orange  and  many 
other  gentlemen  spent  the  whole  of  January  await- 
ing his  arrival  in  Zealand.  Elizabeth  escorted  her 
guest  as  far  as  Canterbury,  and  parted  from  him  with 
somewhat  hollow  assurances  of  affection.  A few 
days  previous,  she  had  told  him  that  she  would  be  a 
sister  to  him,  but  her  farewell  was  said  with  loving 
phrases  whose  portent  was  more  than  sisterly. 

On  February  8th,  the  duke  set  sail  with  escort  of 
fifteen  ships,  and  arrived  at  Flushing  on  the  ioth.3 
Crowds  of  people  flocked  to  meet  him,  and  his  jour- 
neys to  Middelburg  and  Antwerp  were  made  a tri- 
umphal progress, — though  the  provinces  which  ac- 
cepted him  were,  in  truth,  but  a small  portion  of  an 
already  small  country.  This  long-looked-for  and 
much-talked-of  ruler,  or  protector,  was  not  as  insig- 
nificant a character  as  the  Austrian  archduke,  but 
he  had  little  else  to  recommend  him.  In  person  he 
was  small  and  ill-formed,  like  all  his  mother’s  sons. 
The  dread  malady  of  smallpox  could  not  then  be 
held  in  bounds,  and  the  duke  was  badly  marked  by 
its  ravages.  His  cheeks  were  so  swollen  that  he 
looked  like  a frog,  and  his  nose  was  double.  He 
was  young  in  comparison  to  Elizabeth,  but  youth 
could  not  compensate  for  a repulsive  exterior,  and 
she  bade  him  a tender  adieu,  without  entertaining 
the  slightest  intention  of  seeing  him  again.  She 
wrote  pleasant  letters  3 to  the  states-general  and  to 

1 Hoofd,  xix.,  745. 

2 Ibid.  ; Letters  of  Orange,  Feb.  loth  ; Gachard,  Cor.,  v., 
xiii.,  23. 

3 Groen,  Archives,  viii. , 60  et  al. 


1582] 


The  Duke  of  Anjou. 


335 


Orange,  recommending  their  new  protector  to  their 
kindness,  but  did  not  announce  the  nearer  alliance 
with  him,  the  hope  of  which  had  been  a prime  fac- 
tor in  pushing  forward  the  negotiations  between  the 
provinces  and  Anjou. 

The  reception  in  Middelburg  was  fine,  but  when 
the  party  reached  Antwerp,  whither  they  went  by 
boat,  the  greeting  given  was  still  more  magnificent, 
according  to  all  descriptions.1  On  February  1 8th 
the  French  prince  was  installed  as  Duke  of  Brabant. 
Orange  himself  placed  the  hereditary  ducal  mantle 
on  the  new  incumbent’s  shoulders. 

“ As  he  buttoned  it  he  said, — words  noticed  by  his 
suite  and  all  the  company  : ‘ Monseigneur,  this  button 
must  be  securely  fastened,  so  that  no  one  can  snatch  the 
mantle  from  your  Highness.’  Then  as  he  put  the  hat 
on  his  head,  he  added  : ‘ Monseigneur,  I pray  God  that 
you  may  guard  this  attire  carefully.  Now  you  are 
indeed  Duke  of  Brabant.’  Many  of  those  present  would 
have  gladly  wagered  that  the  button  was  not  firmly  but- 
toned nor  the  hat  well  placed,  and  the  result  justified 
their  prognostications.” 2 

While  Anjou  was  being  cloaked  with  these  honours 

'“I  pass  over  the  Doric  erection  at  the  gate,  the  chariot  of  the  maid 
of  Antwerp  (Maiken  ?),  the  great  boat  of  the  rhetoricians  at  the  corner 
of  the  Gasthuys  Straet,  near  St.  George’s  Church,  the  spectacle  of  the 
painters  at  the  comer  of  the  Huyvetters  Straet,  the  representations  at 
the  Meerbruche,  the  triumphant  arches  at  St.  Catherine’s  Bridge, 
opposite  the  Cruystraete,  battalions  of  bourgeois  in  various  places, 
nymphs  and  giants  in  the  markets,  whales,  marine  monsters,  and 
Neptune  on  the  Hoogstraat,  with  numerous  columns,  theatres,  gate- 
ways, and  arches.” — Renon  de  France,  iii.,  ig. 

2 Ibid. , 14. 


336 


William  the  Silent. 


[1582 


there  was  also  no  neglect  in  providing  a proper 
muzzle  for  him.  Pledges  of  every  kind  were  de- 
manded from  him,  and  every  effort  was  made  to 
protect  the  cherished  provincial  privileges  from 
infringement  by  their  new  watch-dog.1 2 

It  was  now  more  than  a year  since  the  publication 
of  Philip’s  ban  against  the  prince.  The  first  result 
was,  that  the  answering  Apology  had  aided  in  precipi- 
tating the  renunciation  of  the  Spanish  monarch’s 
authority,  though  Orange’s  opponents  treated  this 
document  as  beneath  notice.  The  royalist,  Renon, 
said  it  did  not  seem  to  him  suitable  for  a soldier  to 
take  to  publishing  writings  in  that  fashion,  but  the 
pen  had  proved  an  efficient  weapon  in  that  instance. 
The  liberal  offers  made  by  Philip,  at  first,  undoubt- 
edly, inspired  many  a criminal  with  hopes  of  clearing 
his  own  record  and  winning  honours  for  his  posterity, 
and  still  more,  caused  many  a conscientious  fanatic 
to  wonder  if  his  hand  were  not  the  destined  instru- 
ment to  rid  the  Church  of  this  pest.3  But  many 
months  passed  before  either  an  assassin  or  a dreamer 
succeeded  in  putting  his  project  into  execution. 

The  first  public  attempt  took  place  a month  after 
Anjou’s  installation,  and  was  almost  crowned  with 
success.  The  1 8th  of  March  chanced  to  be  the  new 

1 The  Earl  of  Leicester  and  Walter  Raleigh  assisted  at  all  this 
pageant.  As  they  were  about  to  return  to  England,  the  Taciturn 
charged  the  latter  to  say  to  Elizabeth,  Sub  umbra  alarum  tuaruvi 
protegimur.  We  are  protected  by  the  shadow  of  thy  wings. 

2 The  latter  class  was,  in  truth,  the  dangerous  one.  The  difficulties 

of  escape  were  sufficient  to  deter  any  one  from  an  attempt  to  kill  the 
prince,  who  was  moved  by  no  stronger  motive  than  that  of  self- 
advancement. 


1582] 


The  Attempted  Assassination. 


337 


governor’s  birthday,  and  preparations  were  made  for 
celebrating  the  occasion  in  the  evening.  In  the 
morning,  it  being  Sunday,  Orange  went  to  church 
in  the  chapel  he  had  established  on  the  citadel  hill, 
where  a minister  from  Tournay  preached  the  sermon. 
He  invited  several  gentlemen  to  return  with  him  to 
dinner,  the  French  ambassadors,  Messrs,  de  Laval 
and  des  Pruneaux,  being  of  the  party.1  They  all 
intended  to  sup  at  the  general  banquet  prepared  by 
Monsieur  in  the  evening,  to  the  states-general  and 
officers  of  Antwerp  in  commemoration  of  his  birth- 
day. 

It  was  a family  dinner  and  all  the  household  were 
at  the  table,  among  whom  were  Maurice,  then  four- 
teen years  old,  and  two  of  John’s  sons.  The 
company  lingered  long  over  their  dessert  as  the 
conversation  was  very  lively. 

“The  dinner  ended,  the  Prince  passing  out  of  the 
great  chamber  with  the  Count  of  Hollock  and  the  said 
Dellavall,  and  followed  by  the  troop,  he  took  occasion 
upon  Lavalle’s  speech,  who  commanded  the  tapestry,  to 
say  sundry  things  about  the  same,  and  beholding  the 
tapestry  as  he  went,  was  ready  to  have  entered  the  second 
chamber,  having  his  eyes  still  fixed  upwards,  when  sud- 

1 W.  Herlle  to  Lord  Burleigh,  March  20th. — Groen,  supplement, 
220. 

Except  the  extracts  from  Herlle  and  other  slight  references,  this 
account  is  taken  from  a pamphlet  published  by  Plantin  in  1582, 
entitled,  Bref  Recueil  de  V assassinat  commis  en  la  per sonne  des  tres 
illustre prince  d'  Orange , Conte  de  Nassau , etc.  This  also  appeared 
in  Dutch  as  Koort  Verhaal,  etc.  My  notes  are  from  the  French 
version  as  given  in  Gachard,  Cor. , vi. , 46.  Apparently  there  were  a 

few  more  details  in  the  Dutch  version. 

VOL.  11. — 22 


338 


William  the  Silent. 


[1582 


denly  a person  of  small  stature  and  less  representation 
(of  the  age  of  three  or  twenty-four  years,1  ill  clad,  and  of 
face  pale,  drawing  to  a black  melancholick  colour,  shaven, 
saving  the  upper  lip,  whence  a thin  black  hair  began 
to  issue)  presented  himself  as  though  he  had  some  re- 
quest to  exhibit  and  once  being  put  back  by  a halberder, 
still  persisted  and  suddenly  discharged  a pistol  (that  he 
held  unseen)  at  the  Prince,  which  by  reason  of  over- 
charging recoiled  in  his  hand  and  made  the  piece  and  bul- 
let to  mount  upwards  from  his  level,  taking  the  Prince 
between  the  ear  and  the  end  of  the  jaw  of  the  right  side, 
passing  clean  through  the  left  cheek,  without  offence  to 
the  arterye,  the  jaw,  tongue,  or  tooth,  (as  yet  hitherunter 
is  said)  saving  that  it  grated  upon  one  tooth,  whereat  the 
Prince  nether  staggering,  nor  astonyed,  beheld  the  fellow, 
till  he,  amazed  with  his  own  fact,  and  bound  as  it  were 
to  the  place  by  a divine  power,  let  his  dagger  fall  to  have 
made  away,  whereat  one  Bonnyvet  stabbed  him  in  the 
breast,  and  then  he  was  presently  slain  in  furie  by  the 
company  much  against  the  Prince’s  will,  who  cried  still  to 
save  him,  but  in  vain,  for  he  had  in  less  than  a moment 
no  less  than  thirty-three  mortal  wounds  given  him.”  2 

According  to  another  account,  the  murderer’s 
pistol  was  so  close  to  the  prince’s  face,  that  the 
beard  and  hair  were  singed,  and  the  wound  was 
actually  cauterised  as  the  bullet  passed  in,  thus  pre- 
venting the  flow  of  blood  that  would  otherwise  have 
instantly  ensued.  The  action  was  so  quick  that  no 
one,  Orange  least  of  all,  knew  just  what  had  taken 
place.  The  prince  indeed  thought  that  a part  of 
the  ceiling  had  fallen. 


1 So  in  original. 

a See  also  Hoofd,  xix.,  752  et  seq. 


ATTEMPTED  ASSASSINATION  OF  THE  PRINCE  OF  ORANGE  (1582),  BY  JOHN  JAUREGUY. 

(From  an  old  print.) 


1582] 


The  Attempted  Assassination. 


'y  ^ r\ 

oo  9 


When  he  recovered  from  being  stunned  and 
blinded,  and  realised  the  situation,  his  first  thought 
was  for  the  criminal.  He  said  quickly,  “ Do  not  kill 
him,  I forgive  him  my  death,”  1 and  then  turning  to 
the  French  ambassador,  he  added  : “ What  a faith- 
ful servant  does  his  Highness  lose  in  me.”  Imme- 
diately after  he  was  led  to  his  chamber,  supported  on 
both  sides,  for  he  could  not  walk  alone.  The  first 
feeling  among  those  present  was  that  French 
treachery  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  attack,  and  this 
sentiment  was  echoed  throughout  the  city  when  the 
news  went  abroad.  The  fear  that  the  new  governor 
was  instituting  a second  St.  Bartholomew  gained 
a ready  credence  at  once. 

Maurice’s  behaviour  was  curiously  self-contained 
for  a lad  of  fourteen,  who  had  seen  his  father  shot 
before  his  very  eyes.  He  made  no  outcry,  but  stood 
quietly  on  guard  over  the  body  of  the  would-be 
murderer  to  see  that  no  papers  were  taken  away 
without  his  knowledge.  First,  the  pistol  was  picked 
up  and  it  was  discovered  that  it  had  blown  off  Jau- 
reguy’s — such  proved  to  be  the  name  of  the  villain — 
thumb  in  the  discharge,  so  that  he  had  not  been 
able  to  use  the  dagger  which  was  found  in  his  trunk- 
hose. 

A further  search  was  made,  some  papers  and 
pamphlets  were  found  and  given  to  Maurice,  who 
showed  them  to  one  of  his  father’s  servants,  saying, 
as  he  burst  into  tears : “ See  what  the  wretch  had 
with  him.”  The  man  answered  : “ Monsieur,  do  not 

1 “ Doodt  hem  niet,  vergeef  hem  myen  dood  ” — “ ne  le  tuez  point, 
je  luy  pardonne  ma  mort,” 


340 


William  the  Silent. 


[1982 


distress  yourself.  God  can  preserve  your  father ; but 
take  care  of  the  papers  ; we  must  discover  something 
about  the  unhappy  man,  or  the  whole  city  will  be  in 
confusion.”  To  which  he  replied  : “Alas!  I am  afraid 
there  is  some  other  scamp  here  who  will  take  them 
away  from  me.”  The  young  gentleman  was  moved 
to  speak  thus,  because  there  was  a report  through 
the  room,  that  the  very  people  who  had  slain  the 
assassin  were  accomplices,  so  that  suspicion  fell  on 
the  prince’s  best  friends  and  servants.  On  these 
words  of  the  young  count,  the  above-mentioned  ser- 
vant covered  him  with  his  cloak  and  said : “ Come 
with  me,  monsieur,  I will  place  your  papers  in  safety.” 
He  did  this,  taking  him  to  the  common  room  of  the 
house.  Looking  over  the  papers  in  security,  they 
soon  saw  that  everything  was  in  Spanish.  “ Mon- 
sieur, there  is  no  danger  for  you,”  said  the  servant. 
“ Go  back  and  make  a further  search.  I will  stay  by 
you.”  This  was  done,  and  the  said  servant  hastened 
to  assure  everyone  that  a Spaniard  had  done  the 
deed,  and  that  all  suspicions  against  the  French  were 
groundless.  The  young  count  soon  returned  bring- 
ing the  rest  of  the  papers,  a cross  and  Agnus  Dei , a 
green  wax  candle,  and  two  bits  of  toad-skin,  which 
were  supposed  to  be  charms.  The  same  servant 
glanced  at  the  first  papers,  which  he  found  to  be 
prayers  and  vows.  Then  he  broke  the  seal  of  a 
packet  of  letters,  which  proved  to  be  written  in 
Spanish,  by  a Spaniard  to  a Spaniard.  He  an- 
nounced this  fact  and  then  left  further  investiga- 
tion to  Aldegonde,  who  soon  arrived  upon  the 
scene.  When  the  rest  of  the  packet  was  opened  Mar- 


1582] 


The  Attempted  Assassination. 


341 


nix  found  two  letters  of  credit — one  for  2000  crowns, 
the  other  for  877, — with  letters  of  advice,  all  in  Span- 
ish and  by  Spaniards.  The  books  were  a book  of  hours, 
a Jesuit  catechism,  and  two  tablets,  written  from  one 
end  to  the  other,  relating  to  his  project.  Gifts  were 
promised  to  the  Virgin  Mary,  to  the  Angel  Gabriel, 
Christ,  and  the  son  of  Christ, — even  of  Christus  eenen 
zoone  had,'  if  they  would  intercede  with  the  Al- 
mighty in  behalf  of  his  success.  He  pledged  himself 
to  live  on  bread  and  water  for  a week  if  he  escaped 
alive.  The  presents  he  would  give  to  various  shrines 
were  distinctly  specified.  There  was  also  a charm 
which  he  thought  would  make  him  invisible  directly 
after  the  deed. 

Anjou  was  at  once  informed  by  Aldegonde  of  the 
above  facts.  He  convened  the  state  council,  ap- 
pointed an  early  session  of  the  states-general,  and 
issued  a proclamation  summoning  all  persons  who 
had  any  information  of  any  kind  concerning  the 
crime,  to  give  it  instantly.1 * 3  At  first,  of  course,  the 
chief  necessity  was  to  find  out  how  widespread  was 
the  plot.  As  at  Lincoln’s  assassination,  the  question 
was,  whether  this  were  a party  or  individual  crime. 
The  whole  story  was  speedily  unravelled,  and  it  was 
plainly  proven  that  the  knowledge  of  this  particular 
attempt  was  confined  to  but  four  people. 

The  facts  were  as  follows.  Gaspar  d’Anastro  was 
a Spanish  merchant  living  in  Antwerp.  Times  were 
hard,  and  he  found  himself  on  the  verge  of  bank- 

1 Meteren,  xi.,  19, 

■ Gachard,  Cor.,  vi.,  lx.  He  also  took  a guard  of  native  Nether- 

landers  to  show  his  confidence. 


342 


William  the  Silent. 


[1582 


ruptcy,  from  which  Philip’s  liberality  seemed  to  offer 
a chance  of  redeeming  himself  financially.'  He  en- 
tered into  correspondence  with  Philip,  and  signed  a 
contract  by  which  he  promised  to  kill  the  prince 
within  a specified  period.  He  was  to  receive  in  re- 
turn 80,000  ducats  and  the  cross  of  Santiago.  The 
Prince  of  Orange,  indeed,  admitted  so  many  people 
to  his  presence  that  the  deed  was  possible,  but  es- 
cape most  improbable,  and  Anastro  himself,  being 
inspired  by  purely  selfish  motives,  had  no  idea  of 
letting  his  life  terminate  in  the  same  hour  as  that  of 
his  victim.  He  had  as  cashier  another  Spaniard,  by 
the  name  of  Venero,  who  was  in  his  confidence. 

To  him  Anastro  revealed  the  project,  and  they 
wept  together  at  the  thought  of  the  poor  master’s 
embarrassment  and  the  dangers  he  would  have  to 
run  to  get  free  from  debt,  and  they  decided  that 
there  was  no  reason  why  John  Jaureguy,  a servant, 
should  not  throw  himself  into  the  breach  and  let 
Anastro  reap  the  reward.  How  they  succeeded  in 
bringing  Jaureguy  to  this  point  of  view  is  not  re- 
lated. Devotion  to  Anastro  or  religious  zeal  must 
have  been  the  mainspring  of  his  action,  as  his  share 
of  the  spoil  was  only  to  have  been  28 77  crowns. 
Anastro  laid  his  plan  well,  went  to  Dunkerque,  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  a passport  over  the  border,  on 
pretence  of  his  agent’s  illness  at  Calais,  and  was  safe 
within  Parma’s  lines  two  hours  before  the  order  came 
to  arrest  him.  Venero,  the  cashier,  and  a Dominican 
monk  named  Zimmerman,  were  the  only  victims  for 


Bref  Recueil,  Bor,  iii. , 312  et  seq. 


1582]  The  Accomplices.  343 

popular  indignation.  The  latter  had  heard  Jaure- 
guy’s  confession  of  his  intention,  and  was  thus  cog- 
nisant of  the  deed  before  its  commission. 

Both  made  full  written  statements  of  all  they 
knew,  and  suffered  the  penalties  of  their  knowledge. 

Their  execution  took  place  on  March  28th,  so 
that  the  following  note  1 2 from  Orange  to  Aldegonde, 
bearing  no  date,  was  probably  written  on  the  27th  : 

“ M.  de  St.  Aldegonde  : 

“ I have  heard  that  they  are  to  do  justice  to-morrow 
to  the  two  prisoners,  accomplices  of  the  person  who  fired 
at  me.  For  my  part  I would  willingly  pardon  the  offence 
against  me,  and  if  they  have,  perhaps,  merited  a heavy 
and  rigorous  punishment,  I beg  you  ask  the  magistrate 
not  to  make  them  suffer  torments,  but  to  be  content  with 
a quiet  death. 

“ Your  good  friend  to  do  you  service, 

“ Wm.  of  Nassau.” 

Owing  to  this  letter,  Zimmerman  and  Venero  were 
strangled  before  being  quartered,  and  were  thus 
spared  the  torments  which  it  was  the  custom  to  in- 
flict upon  poor  wretches  before  death  came  to  relieve 
their  sufferings.  The  execution  took  place  opposite 
the  town  house,  on  Wednesday,  March  28th,  ten 
days  after  the  crime. 

A letter  of  one  Derens  to  de  Berghes,  on  March 
27th,  says  3 : 

1 This  letter  does  not  exist  in  MS.  Groen  takes  it  from  the 
French  version  of  the  above  mentioned  pamphlet. — Archives , viii., 
80.  See  also  Gachard,  Cor.,  vi.,  80. 

2 Ibid. , 77. 


344 


William  the  Silent. 


[1582 


“ The  people  first  cried,  ‘ This  is  a second  Paris,’  and 
instant  measures  had  to  be  taken  to  protect  Alenyon  and 
his  people.  . . . As  soon  as  the  prince  came  a little 

to  himself  his  first  thought  was  to  protest  that  Alenyon 
was  in  no  wise  responsible  for  this  deed.  . . . As  soon 
as  the  public  was  a little  calmer,  it  was  discovered  that 
d’Anastro,  three  months  previously,  had  been  bought  by 
the  King  of  Spain  for  80,000  ducats  and  a cross  of  St. 
Iago,  while  the  murderer  was  to  have  only  6000  ducats, 
a bill  of  change  for  the  amount  being  found  among  his 
papers.  God  was  still  merciful,  because  if  he  had  per- 
mitted this  to  be  done  in  the  evening  at  Alenyon’s  ban- 
quet, there  would  have  been  no  limit  to  the  misery  and 
confusion  that  would  have  followed. 

“ There  is  good  hope  from  the  prince’s  condition  that 
he  will  not  die  from  the  wound.1 2  He  does  not  speak,  in 
order  not  to  set  back  the  quetsure , but  makes  known  his 
wants  by  signs  or  writing,  and  has  already  sent  letters  to 
many  places.” 

The  first  grief  of  the  frightened  family  was  piteous 
to  see.  “ The  poor  princess,  overcome  with  vehe- 
ment passion,  did  swoon  continually  ; the  children, 
confounded  with  tears  and  cries,  troubled  all  the  place, 
and  the  family  present  were  utterly  perplexed.”  1 

1 Herlle  says  (p.  225) : “ Touching  the  state  of  the  prince’s  person, 
this  is  to  be  considered.  First,  he  is  of  years  given  to  surfeit,  and 
had  at  that  dinner  committed  some  extraordinary  excess  ; further, 
that  he  is  one  whose  head  and  spirit  do  labour  continually  and  was 
never  hurt  before.”  The  truth  of  this  first  statement  seems  to  me 
very  doubtful.  Orange  was  very  spare,  and  it  seems  impossible  that 
he  could  have  been  so  continuously  industrious  had  he  been  over-fond 
of  table  pleasures. 

2 Ibid. 


1582] 


The  Hemorrhage. 


345 


Maurice’s  self-control  has  been  described,  and  the 
others  soon  forgot  themselves  in  care  for  the  invalid, 
who  remained  in  a very  precarious  condition  for 
three  weeks. 

The  patient  was  far  more  pre-occupied  with  the 
thought  of  clearing  Anjou  from  suspicion,  and  of 
supporting  him  in  his  authority,  than  of  saving  him- 
self. But  the  slightest  exertion  was  highly  danger- 
ous for  him.  The  ball  had  entered  the  neck  under 
the  right  ear,  passed  downward  through  the  roof  of 
the  mouth,  and  out  under  the  left  jawbone,  grazing 
one  tooth.  The  slight  cauterisation  made  by  the 
pistol  nozzle  checked  the  hemorrhage  that  might 
have  been  fatal,  but  after  the  wound  was  dressed 
there  was  constant  danger  that  it  might  bleed 
afresh,  as  it  was  impossible  to  make  the  bandages 
very  tight  at  that  point. 

“ Here  we  have  been  in  great  terror,”  wrote  Marie  of 
Nassau,1  “ thinking  my  lord  must  surely  die.  A fortnight 
after  the  shooting  he  had  such  a bleeding  from  a vein 
that  was  slightly  grazed,  that  we  gave  up  all  hope.  The 
hemorrhage  lasted  several  days.  He  resigned  himself  to 
death,  and,  bidding  us  all  good-night,  said,  ‘ It  is  over 
with  me.’ s 

“ You  cannot  believe  how  troubled  we  were  to  see  my 
lord  in  such  pain,  without  being  able  to  relieve  him. 

“ Never  shall  I forget  that  day.  But  he  has  been  saved 
by  a miracle.  There  has  been  no  hemorrhage  now  for 
fourteen  days,  and  the  doctors  and  barbers  think  he  will 
be  completely  restored  to  health.  He  has  to  keep  per- 

1 To  Count  John,  April  i8th.  Groen,  Archives , viii. , 87. 

5 “ Es  ist  nun  mit  mir  gedan.” 


34^ 


William  the  Silent. 


[1582 


fectly  still,  and  is  not  allowed  to  speak  more  than  is 
necessary.  That  is  the  reason  why  Philip  (Engel,  the 
secretary)  has  not  answered  your  queries.  The  doctors 
forbid  my  lord  doing  any  business  at  present.  I wish  it 
were  possible  for  your  Excellency  to  see  how  my  lord  is 
changed  and  grown  thin.  There  is  really  nothing  on 
him  but  skin  and  bones.  I hope  his  flesh  will  soon  come 
back  when  he  begins  to  eat. 

“Up  to  now  he  has  had  no  meat  ; nothing  but  bread, 
water-soup,  and  things  of  that  kind,  for  he  cannot  yet 
chew  easily,  but  I believe  in  a day  or  two  he  is  to  be 
allowed  to  begin  to  eat  and  try  how  it  agrees  with  him. 
In  the  greatest  haste,  March  18th. 


Evidently  time  had  stopped  for  Marie  on  the 
disastrous  day  when  Jaureguy  fired.  She  writes 
March  18th,  when  the  date  should  have  been  a 
month  later.  Death  did  appear  imminent  when  the 
cicatrix  fell  off,  as  it  seemed  impossible  to  stop 
the  bleeding  without  choking  the  sufferer.1  Anjou’s 
own  physician,  Leonardo  Botalli,  devised  a simple 
and  efficacious  expedient.  The  pressure  of  a broad 
firm  thumb  upon  the  vein  checked  the  flow  of  blood. 
A succession  of  attendants,  relieving  each  other 
night  and  day,  was  provided,  and  the  hemorrhage 
was  stanched  until  the  wound  closed.  On  April 

2 ist,  “ me  her  begins  to  eat,”  wrote  Marie.  “ Masti- 

— 

1 Over  twelve  pounds  of  blood  were  lost.  “Naa  veele  rniddelen 
vergeefs  aangewendt  ried  Botalli  dat  verscheyde  persoonen,  elkand- 
ren  verpoozende,  zouden  gestaadelyk  den  duym  op  het  loch  houden.” 
Hoofd,  xix.,  756. 


“Your  Excellency’s  wholly  devoted  and  true 
“ daughter  to  the  end  of  my  life. 

“ M.  F.  v.  N.  v.  O.” 


1582] 


Rumours. 


347 


cation  is  difficult,  but  things  seem  to  taste  good.”  1 
The  recovery  once  begun  seems  to  have  been  rapid, 
as  on  the  same  day  Orange  himself  writes  to  the 
count  in  response  to  the  queries  of  Philip  Engel.2 
On  May  2d,  the  invalid  was  able  to  go  in  person  to 
the  cathedral  to  offer  thanks  for  his  preservation. 

The  rumours  that  went  abroad  immediately  after 
the  attempted  assassination  were  various  and  con- 
fused. 

“ Colonels  and  other  principal  personages  were  ad- 
mitted at  once  to  the  prince’s  chamber,  to  whom  he  made 
a very  loving  and  pithy  oration,  showing  that  this  subor- 
nation against  his  life  proceeded  not  from  Monsieur  or 
from  any  French  desire,  but  directly  from  his  capital 
enemy,  the  King  of  Spain.”  3 

The  tumult  in  the  city  was  calmed  by  these  wit- 
nesses, who  were  able  to  assure  the  excited  populace 
that  Orange  was  still  in  life,  and  that  his  dearest 
wish  was  that  no  harm  should  come  to  the  new  pro- 
tector while  “ the  Taciturn  ” was  incapacitated  from 
protecting  him.  It  was  more  difficult  to  convince 
people  at  a distance  that  the  wound  had  not  proved 
fatal.  The  Prince  of  Parma  acted  promptly  on  the 
first  reports,  and  wrote  to  the  cities  urging  them  to 
leave  their  ways  of  rebellion  and  return  to  the  arms 

1 Marie  to  John  : “ Welches  im  ziemlich  wol  geschmeckt  hat.” 
She  apologises  for  having  written  her  last  letter  so  hastily,  hut  she  was 
hurt  at  his  not  writing. 

2 This  letter  is  strangely  cold  considering  that  the  prince  had  just 
returned  from  the  doors  of  death.  A note  to  Conde,  April  25th,  is 
far  warmer. 

3 Herlle,  Groen,  supplement,  223. 


34$ 


William  the  Silent. 


[1582 


of  their  loving  monarch.1 2  When  he  heard  that  his 
opponent  was  only  wounded,  he  thought  that  the 
announcement  was  simply  a ruse  to  hold  the  cities 
back  from  action  until  further  steps  could  be  taken. 

As  late  as  May  20th,  Granvelle  wrote 3 : 

“ I consider  the  prince’s  death  as  certain.  If  he  had 
not  suffered  so  many  torments  at  the  end,  1 would  have 
wished  that  his  death  had  been  sudden,  so  that  Alenpon 
and  all  his  suite  might  have  been  massacred,  as  surely 
would  have  been  the  case.” 

In  another  letter  he  proposed  that  Count  Buren 
should  be  sent  to  the  Netherlands  as  governor. 
His  Spanish  training  would  ensure  fidelity  to 
Philip,  and  from  his  parentage  he  might  be 
acceptable  to  the  people.  But  these  good  people  all 
counted  without  their  host,  and  the  prince  came 
triumphantly  back  to  life. 

Jaureguy’s  bullet  failed  in  its  immediate  object, 
but  it  destroyed  another  victim  besides  those  who 
plotted  the  prince’s  death  and  met  their  own. 
Charlotte  of  Bourbon  never  recovered  from  the 
shock  of  March  18th.  The  long  strain  of  nursing, 
despite  the  loving  assistance  given  her,  told  heavily 
on  her  shattered  health.  As  the  prince  passed  out 

1 Hoofd,  xix.,  755  ; Meteren,  xi.,  24  ; Bor,  iii.,  314. 

2 Groen,  Archives , viii.,  99. 

The  Cardinal  was  greatly  disappointed  at  the  turn  of  events. 
On  June  2d,  he  wrote  : “ The  French  give  me  great  uneasiness 
by  their  report  that  Orange  lives,  and  has  been  seen  with  Alenjon 
at  a window,  wearing  a bit  of  a plaster  on  one  of  his  cheeks. 
Fortassis  spectrum.  1 can  only  still  hope  that  he  is  dead.  ...  I 
am  also  assured  that  his  apostate  nun  died  of  pleurisy.  It  would  in- 
deed be  fine  to  bury  them  together.” — Ibid.,  104. 


1582] 


Charlotte  of  Bourbon. 


349 


of  danger,  she  yielded  to  a fever,  to  which  she 
succumbed  on  May  5th,  three  days  after  her  hus- 
band’s public  thanksgiving. 

If  Orange  had  hoped  for  political  advancement 
from  his  marriage  with  Charlotte  of  Bourbon  he  had 
been  disappointed.  The  French  alliance  did  not  in 
any  way  come  to  pass  through  her  efforts,  while  the 
loss  of  German  friends,  that  it  had  caused  had  been 
very  serious.  Prudentially  it  was  a great  error,  but 
from  a personal  point  of  view,  the  marriage  had  been 
singularly  happy.  From  the  beginning  Charlotte 
was  a loving  and  happy  wife,  demanding  little,  and 
grateful  for  all  that  her  new  life  had  given  her. 

With  each  successive  year  she  seemed  to  have 
taken  a larger  part  in  her  husband’s  public  affairs, 
and  acted  as  his  viceroy  and  agent  in  a way  that 
Anne  of  Saxony  had  never  done. 

She  left  six  little  girls  under  seven  years  old.  The 
first  had  been  named  for  her  grandmother,  the  second 
for  Queen  Elizabeth;  the  third,  born  in  1578,  when 
it  was  hoped  that  a reunion  of  the  seventeen  prov- 
inces was  still  not  impossible,  was  named  Catherine 
Belgia,  and  had  the  states-general  and  Catherine 
Schwarzburg,  for  whom  she  was  also  named,  as  her 
sponsors.  On  September  9th,  the  states-general  de- 
creed that  an  income  of  three  thousand  pounds  a 
year  from  the  estate  of  Linghen  should  be  paid  to 
their  god-child.1 2  In  1579,  Charlotte  Flandrina  was 
born  in  Antwerp,  to  whom  the  estates  at  Ghent 
voted  an  income  of  two  thousand  florins.3 


1 Gachard,  Cor.,  vi.,  310,  313. 

2 Ibid. , 315,  320.  It  is  rather  singular  that  this  child,  born  in  the 


350 


William  the  Silent. 


[1582 


I find  no  records  of  the  christening  or  sponsors  of 
Charlotte  Brabantina  in  1580.  The  sixth  child  first 
saw  the  light  in  Antwerp,  in  the  autumn  of  1581, 
and  was  christened  Emilie  Antwerpiana.  The  city 
presented  300  florins  at  once  to  her  nurses. 

Little  passages  in  some  of  the  familiar  letters  show 
that  the  life  led  by  the  prince’s  family  was  by  no 
means  luxurious.  But  Charlotte  was  not  a complain- 
ing woman.  She  made  light  of  the  inconvenient 
lodgings  and  cold  barracks  into  which  they  moved 
from  one  city  to  another,  and  found  real  happiness 
in  “ our  big  and  little  girls,”  as  she  frequently  wrote 
in  her  letters.  Her  married  life  evidently  was  a de- 
lightful contrast  to  the  youth  she  had  spent  in  the 
cloister,  or  to  the  years  when  she  had  been  a de- 
pendent on  the  bounty  of  the  Elector  Palatine.  She 
lived  down  the  obloquy  which  had  been  cast  upon 
her  at  the  time  of  her  marriage,  and  the  sterling 
worth  of  her  character  was  finally  acknowledged  by 
all  the  prince’s  own  friends,  who  had  been  filled  with 
consternation  at  the  imprudence  of  the  marriage. 
Her  brother-in-law  wrote  in  1580/  that  she  was  the 
greatest  consolation  and  support  to  the  prince  in  his 
troubles,  owing  to  her  virtues  and  her  understanding, 
and  was  tenderly  beloved  by  him. 

Antwerp  showed  her  all  possible  honour  after  her 
death.  “ Two  thousand  long  mantles,”  says  Hoofd,* 1 2 
“ followed  her  to  the  grave  on  the  nineteenth  of  May, 


hour  of  the  Catholic  reaction,  should  have  returned  to  the  ancient 
faith  and  died  as  the  Abbess  of  Poitiers. 

1 Groen,  Archives , vii.,  333. 

2 xix. , 756. 


1582] 


A Young  Traveller. 


351 


but  her  virtues  will  keep  her  memory  green,  not 
only  in  the  heart  of  her  spouse,  but  in  the  hearts  of 
all  who  knew  her.” 

From  this  time  on,  Marie  of  Nassau  abandoned  all 
thoughts  of  returning  to  her  adopted  home  at  Dillen- 
burg,  and  devoted  herself  to  the  care  of  her  little 
step-sisters.  After  a time,  Charlotte’s  father,  the 
Duke  of  Montpensier,  offered  to  take  charge  of  one 
of  his  granddaughters.  Orange  answered  his  offer  1 
on  September  5th  : 

“ Monsieur  : I have  received  your  letters  from  Paris, 
and  nothing  could  be  more  grateful  to  me  than  your 
kindness.  As  you  express  a desire  to  have  my  little  girl, 
I will  at  once  arrange  that  she  shall  be  taken  to  a place 
where  my  messengers  will  have  the  honour  of  placing 
her  at  once  in  the  care  of  you  and  of  madam.  I will 
send  her,  so  please  God,  from  this  city,  on  the  14th  in- 
stant, so  that  she  will  arrive  at  Calais,  if  the  wind  serve, 
five  days  later.  I hope,  from  what  you  write,  that  she 
will  find  there  some  kind  of  a coach  or  litter  to  take 
her  on. 

“ As  yet  I have  decided  nothing  about  my  other 
daughters,  and  hope  you  will  take  it  in  good  part  that  I 
only  send  you  one.  There  is  no  need,  Monsieur,  to 
assure  me  that  the  child  shall  be  well  cared  for. 

“ Having  the  honour  to  be  your  daughter,  I do  not 
doubt  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  order  all  that  is  neces- 
sary for  her.” 

While  the  people  were  rejoicing  that  Orange  had 
come  back  to  them  from  the  dead,  an  appeal  was 


1 Groen,  Archives , viii.,  126. 


352 


William  the  Silent. 


[1582 


made  to  the  various  estates  to  indemnify  the  prince 
for  the  expense  he  had  incurred  in  behalf  of  the 
country.1  As  the  result  of  this  action,  the  Abbey  of 
Afflighem,  the  county  of  Alost,  and  the  Marquisate 
of  Berghes  were  given  to  him.2 3  He  also  received 
other  ecclesiastical  confiscations  from  time  to  time, 
among  which  was  the  old  monastery  at  Delft,  where, 
finally,  he  ended  his  days.  Holland  was  also  moved 
by  this  event  to  press  another  matter.  Several  times 
had  the  estates  desired  to  show  that  they  had  no  in- 
tention of  taking  a foreign  protector  for  their  own 
affairs,  by  formally  giving  to  Orange  the  countship 
they  had  withdrawn  from  Philip.9 

After  Orange’s  illness  this  offer  was  renewed  and 
accepted  by  the  prince,  in  a letter  of  August  14th 
from  Bruges.4  The  offer  and  acceptance,  however, 
constituted  but  the  preliminaries.  It  was  further 
necessary  that  so-called  letters  of  Renversal  should 
be  drawn  up  and  delivered,  and  that  a new  constitu- 
tion should  be  confirmed  by  mutual  oaths.  After 
all  these  steps,  a ceremonious  inauguration  was  to 
be  celebrated,  and  that  never  took  place.  The  im- 


1 See  Gachard,  Cor.,  v.,  xvii.  el  seq. 

2 Anjou  to  the  states  of  Brabant,  and  their  replies. — Ibid.,  36. 
Orange  to  Bloyere. — Ibid.,  48.  Res.  des.  Etats-Gen.,  etc. — Cor.,  vi., 
336.  Remontrance,  etc., — Ibid.,  339. 

3 Anjou  had  indeed  joined  the  title  of  Count  of  Holland  and 
Zealand  to  that  of  Duke  of  Brabant,  according  to  the  Treaty  of  Bor- 
deaux, but  it  was  a simple  fiction. — Les  Huguenots , etc.,  vi.,  279. 

On  May  6th,  the  prince  announced  to  the  states  of  Holland  that 
Anjou  agreed  that  his  (Orange’s)  name  alone  should  figure  in  the  doc- 
uments, “such  being  the  popular  will.” 

4 Bor,  iii. , 186.  In  July,  1 581,  he  had  accepted  this  for  a time  only. 


1582] 


The  Countship  of  Holland. 


353 


portance  of  this  transaction  at  this  time  was,  that  it 
is  shown  plainly  that  Holland  had  firmly  resolved 
that  she,  as  a state,  would  have  nothing  to  do  with 
the  new  protector,  and  that  the  Prince  of  Orange 
saw  that  there  was  no  further  use  in  trying  to  make 
them  do  so,  and  that  he  consented  to  be  Count  of 
Holland  because  he  saw  that  his  dreams  of  a consti- 
tutional union,  of  a true  United  Netherlands,  were 
vain. 

VOL.  II. — 23 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 


THE  FRENCH  PROTECTORATE. 

1582-1583. 

URING  the  prince’s  illness  the  new 
Duke  of  Brabant  was  considered 
the  active  head  of  the  government.' 
From  his  bed  Orange  tried  to 
strengthen  his  authority,  and  to  in- 
duce the  people  to  respect  the  will 
of  the  ruler  whom  they  had  volun- 
tarily summoned  to  their  shores.  In  July,  the  alien 
was  further  honoured  by  receiving  the  title  of  Count 
of  Flanders,  Duke  of  Guelderland,  and  Lord  of 
Friesland.3  When  Anjou,  accompanied  by  Orange, 
made  a state  journey  to  Bruges  to  be  duly  invested 
with  the  Flemish  countship,  another  attempt  was 
made  on  the  life  of  the  latter,  which  was  intended 

1 Groen,  Archives , viii.,  76. 

2 This  was  the  time  when  Holland  renewed  the  offers  of  the  count- 
ship  to  the  Prince  of  Orange.  In  this  year  Pope  Gregory  intro- 
duced the  new  calendar,  which  had  only  partial  vogue  in  Europe. 
In  October,  after  the  4th,  the  date  was  written  the  15th.  Brabant, 
Flanders,  Artois,  Hainault,  Holland,  and  Zealand  adopted  the  new 
dates,  but  Guelderland,  Zutphen,  Utrecht,  Overyssel,  Friesland, 
Groningen,  and  others  remained  eleven  days  behind  the  time.  When 
the  states  of  Holland  passed  on  this,  it  was  voted  that  the  salary  of 
1 500  guilders  lately  voted  to  the  Prince  of  Orange,  should  be  paid  for 
the  omitted  days.  Hoofd,  xix.,  776. 

354 


15821 


The  Duke  of  Anjou. 


355 


to  strike  the  former  at  the  same  time.1  An  Italian, 
Basa,  and  a Spaniard,  Salcedo,  were  detected  in  a 
scheme  to  poison  both  princes.  They  confessed 
that  Parma  had  hired  them  for  the  purpose.  Un- 
fortunately, young  Count  Egmont,  who  had  recently 
gone  over  to  the  Spanish  party,  was  implicated  in 
this  plot  to  murder  his  father’s  friend.  He  did  not, 
however,  suffer  for  his  crime,  as,  through  Orange’s 
intercession,  he  was  allowed  to  escape  to  France. 

Honours  were  shown  to  him,  but  the  French  duke 
did  not  feel  much  happier  in  his  position  than  his 
Spanish  and  Austrian  predecessors  had  done.  He 
complained  that  he  was  not  treated  as  he  deserved. 
Elizabeth,  who  still  posed,  episodically,  as  Anjou’s 
bride,  thought  it  meet  to  espouse  his  cause,  as  she 
had  done  before.  On  August  9th  she  wrote 2 to 
Orange,  saying  that  she  found  it  more  than  passing 
strange  that  such  a lack  of  confidence  should  be 
shown  to  a gentleman  who  had  abandoned  his  coun- 
try out  of  pity  for  the  poor  Netherlanders.  It  was 
not  seemly  that  he  should  be  so  ill-paid,3  and  forced 

1 Hoofd,  xix.,  762.  2 Groen,  Archives , viii. , 120. 

3 One  of  Anjou’s  chief  grievances  was  his  budget.  His  demands 
for  his  household  expenses  were  as  follows  : 


Chapel  . 

. . 6,600  florins 

Bedchamber  . 

. . 2,400 

House 

. . 31,600 

Wine  cellars  . 

600 

Fuel 

. . 4,000 

Bakery  . 

1,300 

Fruitery  . 

. . 1,200 

Kitchen  . 

. . 70,000 

Miscellaneous  furnishings  . 16,000 

Guard 

. . 18,000 

Court  officers  . 

. . 200,000 

It  was  very  difficult  to  provide  this  amount  in  the  poverty  to  which 
war  had  reduced  the  provinces. 


356 


William  the  Silent. 


[1583 


to  play  a secondary  part.  The  queen  adds  a post- 
script in  her  own  hand  : “ Mon  cousin,  je  vous  pro- 
mets,  en  foy  de  Princesse,  que  s’il  pleust  h Monsieur 
d’ouvrir  les  oreilles  aux  honorables  offertes  quy  luy 
sont  presentez,  il  n’auroit  raison  de  regretter  la 
partie.  Et  pourtant  gardez  vous  en  de  le  trop 
tourmenter.”  Anjou  fully  shared  this  opinion  of 
Elizabeth  regarding  his  treatment.  His  courtiers 
and  advisers  kept  harping  on  the  fact  that  he  was 
playing  second  fiddle  in  the  state  orchestra,  as  ill- 
befitted  a son  of  France.1  “Why  go  on  in  this 
slow,  unsatisfactory  way,”  they  urged,  “ taking  a 
little  authority  meted  out  by  these  burghers,  jealous 
of  their  purse-strings,  sharing  that  petty  modicum 
with  the  Prince  of  Orange?2  Take  your  rights  at 
one  bold  stroke.  Make  yourself  master  of  Flanders. 
France  will  stand  at  your  back.”  Such  arguments 
fell  pleasantly  on  the  protector’s  ear.  He  had 
neither  an  inherited  nor  an  acquired  distaste  for 
treachery,  and  was  quite  ready  to  seek  new  things, 
disregardful  of  the  many  promises  he  had  solemnly 
sworn. 

At  that  epoch  the  bedrooms  of  high  personages 
were  often  used  as  consulting-rooms  for  dangerous 
plotting.  Early  in  January,  1583,  after  the  above- 
mentioned  suggestions  had  rankled  in  Anjou’s  mind 
for  some  weeks,  he  invited  several  of  his  associates 

1 Iloofd,  xix.,  77g  ; Strada,  ii. , 258;  Renon  de  France,  iii.,  42 
el  seq.  ; Meteren,  xi.,  57  et  seq.  ; Wagenaar,  xxviii.,472. 

5 Lettenhove  gives  the  French  version  of  a Flemish  doggerel  that 
was  sung  on  the  streets  at  this  time  : “ Orange  gouverne  tout,  Sainte 
Aldegonde  conseille  tout,  en  attendant  que  tout  soit  emporte  par  le 
diable.” 


1583] 


The  Duke  of  A njou. 


357 


to  visit  him  after  he  was  in  the  safe  seclusion  of  his 
bed.  Then  and  there  he  recapitulated  the  grievances 
he  had  suffered  during  the  year  of  his  protectorate. 
He  was  convinced  that  but  two  courses  lay  open  to 
him,  both  of  which  he  had  carefully  considered, — to 
leave  these  ungrateful  and  parsimonious  Flemish 
tradesmen  to  their  own  devices,  or  to  show  them, 
once  for  all,  that  he  was  a man  of  mettle.  Finally, 
he  had  decided  on  the  latter  manner  of  proceeding. 
His  plan  was  ready.  He  proposed  that  Dunkerque, 
Dixmude,  Termonde,  Bruges,  Ghent,  Vilvoorden, 
Alost,  and  other  important  places,1 2  should  be  in- 
vaded, at  one  and  the  same  time,  by  French  troops 
sent  thither  under  pretext  of  quieting  tumults,  which 
were  to  be  purposely  excited  between  the  burghers 
and  the  garrisons.  Antwerp  should  be  taken  by  his 
own  ducal  hand.  Here  was  prospect  of  plunder  and 
sport.  The  French  cavaliers  threw  honour  to  the 
winds,  and  agreed  to  the  project  with  all  their  hearts. 
Their  master  had  been  chary  in  his  choice  of  con- 
fidants, and  wisely  left  out  of  the  plot  those  whose 
criticism  he  feared. 

“ The  Marshal  de  Biron  [so  declares  Bentivoglio]  was 
among  the  confederates,  while  Bor  says  he  at  least  ap- 
proved the  work  in  hand,  but  his  daughter*  told  me  that 
her  father  took  in  no  more  than  a pinch  of  it,  and  as- 
sured the  Prince  of  Orange  that  Monsieur  (thus  are 
known  the  sons  or  brothers  of  the  reigning  house  in 


1 Hoofd,  xix. , 781. 

2 “ Maar  zyn’  dochter  heeft  my  verhaalt  hoe  haar  vaader  viiet  dan 
een  snofken  daar  af  vernam.” — Ibid. 


358 


William  the  Silent. 


[1583 


France)  cooked  the  project  so  secretly  that  no  odour 
was  wafted  abroad.” 

Among  the  gentlemen  whom  Anjou  feared  to 
trust  was  du  Plessis-Mornay,  who  was  on  good  terms 
with  Orange.  He  was,  accordingly,  dispatched  on 
an  errand  to  France.  The  prince  regretted  his  de- 
parture at  first,  but  he  comprehended  the  real  reason 
later.'  When  these  friends  gave  their  unqualified 
approval  to  his  scheme,  Anjou  leaped  from  his  bed, 
all  unclad  as  he  was,  and  kneeling  down  begged 
God’s  blessing  on  his  project,  which  was  to  avenge 
insults  to  the  Church  as  well  as  the  duke’s  own  in- 
dignities. 

By  January  16th,  a body  of  French  troops  was 
gathered  at  Borgerhout,  close  to  Antwerp  walls,  and 
Anjou  was  ready  to  complete  his  enterprise  on  the 
morrow.1 2  It  is  said  that  a masked  man  rushed  into 
the  guard-house  that  night,  and  warned  the  inmates 
that  danger  was  threatening  them.3  Suspicion  and 
uneasiness  were  certainly  in  the  air  and  affected  both 
civilians  and  soldiers.  The  captain  of  the  guard 
felt  their  influence  and  imparted  his  fears  to  Orange, 
who  assured  him  that  he  had  complete  confidence  in 
their  protector’s  good  faith,  though  he  agreed  to  all 
precautionary  measures  usual  when  an  attack  was 
expected.  So  little  belief  had  the  prince  in  the 
righteousness  of  this  distrust  against  his  French 
prot^gt,  that  he  sent  the  burgomaster  to  the  ducal 


1 Hoofd,  xix.,  786  ; Bor,  iii. , 340. 

2 Groen,  Archives , viii.,  141. 

’ Strada,  ii. , 260. 


1583] 


The  Duke  of  Anjou. 


359 


headquarters  to  inform  Anjou  of  the  accusations. 
That  staunch  ally  protested  that  he  would  die  for 
Antwerp,  but  injure  it  never,  while  a secret  attack 
on  its  liberties  was  simply  beyond  his  comprehension. 
This  was  a private  message  on  the  evening  of  the 
1 6th.  On  the  17th,  a formal  deputation  of  magis- 
trates and  militia,  accompanied  by  Orange,  waited 
on  Anjou.  He  solemnly  avowed  that  no  lamb 
could  be  more  innocent  of  evil  intentions  than  he, 
their  chosen  governor.  No  sooner  had  his  reassured 
visitors  left  him  than  the  duke  sent  a messenger 
after  the  prince,  proposing  an  afternoon  visit  to  the 
extra-mural  camps.  Orange  declined  the  suggestion, 
begged  him  not  to  leave  the  city  that  day,  and  re- 
turned to  his  dwelling  near  the  citadel. 

Anjou  sat  down  to  his  noonday  dinner,  at  which 
he  received  a letter  that  agitated  him  extremely. 
When  he  had  read  it  he  stuck  it  in  a little  muff  that 
he  carried  on  his  arm.1  Immediately  after  this  he 
ordered  his  horse,  sent  the  first  back  to  the  stable  as 
too  restless  for  his  purpose,  mounted  the  second,  and 
rode  off  through  the  Kipdorp  gate  with  about  two 
hundred  armed  followers.  As  he  crossed  the  draw- 
bridge he  waved  his  hand  to  the  troops,  saying : 
“ That  is  your  city,  go  and  take  possession  of  it.” 
This  was  between  twelve  and  one  o’clock,  and  most 
of  the  citizens  were  still  at  table.  The  duke  then 
galloped  off  to  the  camp,  while  his  escort  re-entered 
the  city,  slaying  at  the  gate  the  few  guards  who  op- 
posed their  progress.  They  cried,  “ Ville  gaigne’e ! 

1 Hoofd,  xix. , 786:  “ stale  het  voorts  in  een  moffelken  dat  hy  an 
den  arm  had.” 


36° 


William  the  Silent. 


[1583 


Tue,  tue  ! Vive  le  due  d' Anjou  ! Vive  la  messe  ! ” as 
they  clattered  over  the  pavements.  Reinforcements 
from  the  camp  quickly  followed  this  first  troop,  an 
onslaught  was  made  upon  the  town,  and  it  seemed 
for  a short  time  as  though  the  French  had  the  upper 
hand.  But  the  Antwerp  citizens  were  full  of  pluck, 
and  they  showed  no  white  feather  that  day.  They 
were  taken  by  surprise,  and,  engaged  in  their  daily 
avocations,  were  unarmed,  but  indignation  supplied 
the  place  of  preparation.1  They  made  vigorous 
fight  not  with  the  cheating  yard-wand,  but  with  all 
other  kinds  of  improvised  weapons,  as,  from  the 
roof-tops  they  hurled  down  tiles,  from  the  windows, 
heavy  furniture,  etc.,  to  such  good  purpose,  that 
nearly  a thousand  of  their  treacherous  allies  were 
slain,  while  few  burghers  lost  their  lives.’ 

Anjou  stood  aloof  from  the  heat  of  the  fray,  forced 
to  endure  the  vehement  reproaches  of  those  of  his 
countrymen  who  had  been  judged  too  honourable 
to  be  safe  confidants  of  this  secret  project.  After 
the  first  dash,  he  had  clapped  Burgomaster  Schoon- 
hove,  who  with  Justin  of  Nassau,  had  accompanied 
him  out  of  Antwerp,  on  the  shoulder,  saying:  “ This 
is  the  day  that  shall  raise  me  to  full  sovereignty  over 
the  Netherlands.”  3 

Hoofd  does  not  record  the  good  burgher’s  reply, 
but  he  might  have  said  : “ So  thought  Don  John  when 

1 It  is  said  that  the  French  officers  had  made  iheir  preparations  in 
advance,  by  visiting  the  chief  jewellers’  shops  under  pretence  of  pur- 
chasing, with  the  real  intent  of  selecting  their  plunder  beforehand. 

2 The  number  is  put  at  1583,  but  as  that  is  the  date  of  the  year,  its 
accuracy  may  be  doubted. 

3 Hoofd,  xix.,  787. 


1583] 


The  French  Fury. 


361 


he  seized  Namur,  but  his  deed  proved  the  first  nail 
in  his  coffin.”  The  war-cry  of  the  French  was: 
“ The  city  is  gained  ! Long  live  the  mass  ! Long  live 
the  Duke  of  Anjou  ! Kill,  kill ! ” They  soon  found 
that  the  city  was  not  gained,  that  Anjou’s  reputa- 
tion, none  too  brilliant  before,  never  recovered  from 
the  crime  of  that  day,  and  while  much  killing  was 
done,  the  victims  were  not  the  ones  they  had  dedi- 
cated to  slaughter.  The  citizens  worked  together 
with  wonderful  unanimity.  “ Rich,  poor,  young,  and 
old  displayed  an  equal  zeal.  Beggar,  Papist,  Lu- 
theran, were  forgotten  names.”  1 

Everything  happened  so  quickly  that  Orange  did 
not  reach  the  scene  of  action  from  his  distant  quarter 
of  the  city  until  the  worst  was  over.  His  first 
thought  was  to  quell  the  fighting  before  the  breach 
between  natives  and  foreigners  became  irreparable. 
“ Do  not  shoot,  citizens,”  he  cried,  “ it  is  a misunder- 
standing.”2 By  that  time  the  assailants  were  pretty 
well  repulsed,  and  the  citizens’  brave  self-defence 
had  gained  them  the  day.  Little  remained  for  the 
would-be  mediator  to  do  except  to  calm  the  excited 
populace,  and  this  he  succeeded  in  accomplishing, 
though  it  is  doubtful  if  they  were  quite  in  a mood 
to  count  as  a “ misunderstanding,”  an  attack  where 
treacherous  intent  on  the  part  of  their  quondam 
allies  was  patent  to  all. 

1 Hoofd,  xix.,  788. 

2 “ Schiet  niet,  burghers,  schiet  niet,  het  is  een  misverstandt.” 

Anjou  had  planned  to  remove  Orange  from  the  scene  by  “ taking 

him  under  his  protection,"  but  this  scheme  had  miscarried. — Ibid.. 
789. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1583 


362 

This  audacious  attempt  to  seize  Antwerp  and  its 
repulse,  received  the  name  of  the  French  Fury. 
The  results  might  have  been  more  deadly  than  those 
of  the  Spanish  Fury  seven  years  previous,  for  here 
the  assault  came  in  a time  of  apparent  calm,  from 
alleged  friends ; there,  when  all  the  world  was  alarmed, 
from  declared  enemies.  Motley  justly  remarks  that 
this  very  condition  probably  proved  the  city’s  salva- 
tion.1 2 In  1576,  the  city’s  defence  was  committed  to 
mercenary  regiments.  When  the  attack  came,  all 
men  looked  to  them  for  protection.  In  1583,  the 
citizens  were  forced  to  act  for  themselves,  to  rely  on 
their  own  right  arms.  On  the  other  hand  the  French 
were  too  self-confident.  They  had  no  expectation  of 
an  effective  resistance  and  fell  back  on  meeting  its 
unexpected  force. 

Anjou  had  failed  in  gaining  possession  of  Antwerp, 
but  Termonde  was  his  and  to  that  place  he  deter- 
mined to  march  at  once.  On  the  way  thither  he 
lost  about  a thousand  of  his  men  from  the  overflow- 
ing of  a dyke  near  Mechlin,  which  had  been  cut  to 
impede  his  progress,  and  he  was  forced  to  camp  near 
Berchem  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Vilvoorden,  and  to 
delay  going  to  Termonde  until  a few  days  later. 

Flis  intention  had  been  plain  enough.  His  stew- 
ard, La  Foughre,  taken  prisoner  at  Bruges,  confessed3 
that  the  duke’s  plan  was  to  assure  himself  of  the 
person  of  Orange,  to  sack  the  city,  abolish  the  re- 
formed religion,  discard  the  constitution  he  had 
granted,  annul  the  letters  of  Renversal , by  which  he 


' iii. , 556  ; Strada,  ii. , 264. 

2 Hoofd,  xix. , 784. 


1583] 


The  Duke's  Letters. 


had  recognised  the  prince’s  authority  in  Holland, 
Zealand,  and  Utrecht.  In  short,  he  proposed  to  es- 
tablish a firm  government,  according  to  his  own 
tastes,  and  not  according  to  the  will  of  the  sovereign 
people,  who  had  invited  him  to  take  the  helm,  so 
that  the  glitter  of  his  ducal  garments  might  shine 
afar  and  show  the  Spanish  monarch  that  his  place 
was  filled.  But  they  had  not  offered  him  the  whole 
ship  of  state,  and  that  was  what  he  wanted. 

The  scheme  fell  through.  The  duke  then  lost  no 
time  in  opening  a correspondence  with  the  man  whose 
rivalship  he  feared,  and  with  the  states,  his  epistles 
being  absolutely  unparalleled  in  audacity.  His 
first  letter  was  written  on  the  afternoon  of  the  17th, 
to  the  effect  that  Orange  must  understand  that  the 
events  of  the  day  were  caused  entirely  by  the  indigni- 
ties offered  to  him.  He  further  begged  the  prince 
to  see  to  it  that  no  harm  came  to  his  people.  At 
the  same  time  he  wrote  to  the  states,  sending  also, 
Seigniors  Lantmetre  and  Schollier  to  the  magistrates 
and  colonels  of  Antwerp  “ to  explain  everything.”  1 
He  requested  that  his  furniture  and  clothes,  as  well 
as  all  the  belongings  of  his  suite,  should  be  forwarded 
to  him,  that  prisoners  should  be  returned,  and  a sup- 
ply of  food  given  him  for  his  men.  He  intimated, 
moreover,  that,  though  he  had  been  very  ill-requited 
for  his  great  kindness  to  the  oppressed  Flemings, 
still  he  might  be  induced  to  forgive  and  forget. 

The  Prince  of  Orange  had  soothed  the  excited 
people  on  the  streets.  His  next  task  was  to  restrain 


1 Gachard,  Cor.,  v.,  79  ; Bor,  iii. , 344. 


364 


William  the  Silent. 


[1583 


the  righteous  indignation  of  the  states  from  too 
vehement  expression.  This  was  the  more  difficult, 
inasmuch  as  the  indignation  was  echoed  through 
Germany  with  a triumphant  “ We  told  you  so,”  from 
the  many  Protestants  who  had  deprecated  Medicean 
assistance  for  the  Netherland  cause. 

On  January  21st,  the  landgrave  writes1 2  to  two 
friends : 

“ You  will  have  heard  the  result  of  Alengon’s  [Anjou] 
augustly  offered  help.  The  people  there  had  better  look 
sharp  and  not  let  their  mouths  be  smeared  with  honey. 
It  can  be  seen  clearer  than  the  sun  \clarius  sole ] from 
this  transaction,  that  no  matter  what  is  said,  the  only  in- 
tent is  to  uproot  religion.  You  have  often  heard  me  say 
that  I could  not  wonder  sufficiently  at  the  prince’s  course 
in  entrusting  the  defence  of  this  same  religion  to  the 
enemy,  in  commending  the  lambs  to  the  wolves.  / never 

expected  any  good  from  so  doing.” 

♦ 

Other  neighbours  took  different  views  and  hast- 
ened to  express  their  views  to  Orange.  Queen  Eliza- 
beth wrote  3 from  Richmond  : 

“ My  Cousin  : As  many  reports  are  daily  sown  about 
this  new  accident  [j/V]  that  lately  happened  at  Antwerp,  I 
send  a gentleman  to  you  expressly  to  learn  the  truth  from 
your  own  lips.  I have  charged  him  to  point  out  to  you 
how  close  to  me  are  Monsieur’s  fortunes,  and  to  beg  you 
to  see  to  it  that  no  harm  come  to  him  on  account  of  the 
late  trouble.  I do  not  know  what  the  immediate  cause 
was,  but  I remember  that  Monsieur  has  often  complained 

1 Groen,  Archives , viii.,  141.  The  date  is  probably  old  style. 

2 January  22d.  Ibid.,  142. 


1583] 


Cousinly  Letters. 


365 


to  us  of  many  wrongs  and  indignities  that  he  has  suf- 
fered over  there. 

“Your  affectionate,  good  cousin, 

“ Elizabeth.” 

That  from  England.  From  Paris,  another  gentle- 
man hastened  to  the  prince’s  side  to  talk  over  the 
“Antwerp  accident,”  bringing  a note1  in  the  queen- 
mother’s  own  handwriting : 

“ My  Cousin  : The  king  and  I send  you  Sr.  de  Miram- 
beau,  not  because  we  credit  all  the  reports,  for  we  think 
too  well  of  you  to  believe  you  guilty  of  ingratitude  to- 
wards my  son  and  towards  those  who  went  with  him  to 
aid  you.  You  loved  him  too  well  to  play  so  base  a trick  on 
a prince,  supported,  too,  by  a King  of  France.  Until  I am 
fully  informed  of  the  truth,  I will  not  cease  hoping  that 
when  you  summoned  my  son  you  wished  to  serve  him. 
In  so  doing  you  will  receive  due  recognition  from  all 
who  belong  to  him. 

“ Your  good  cousin 

“ Catherine.” 

The  prince’s  answers  to  these  cousinly  epistles  are 
very  simple  and  dignified.  To  the  English  queen 
he  wrote  (February  14th)  that  she  will  have  learned 
the  whole  truth,  as  ample  letters  have  been  sent  from 
Antwerp,  a few  days  earlier.2  “ On  which  testimony, 
Madame,  I do  not  doubt  that  you  will  be  able  to 
judge  fairly  who  ought  to  be  accused  and  who  not. 
. . . Since  affairs  have  come  to  such  a pass,  I 

'January  30th.  Groen,  Archives,  viii.,  148.  One  author  (Mezeray, 
v.,  256)  asserts  that  Catherine  had  urged  her  son  to  establish  his 
authority  firmly,  by  seizing  some  strong  places. 

5 Ibid.,  157. 


366 


William  the  Silent. 


[1583 


hope  that  God  will  counsel  us  how  to  come  out  to 
His  glory.”  With  which  he  remained  her  humble 
servant. 

Catherine’s  letter  was  acknowledged  with  rather 
dry  courtesy.1  Her  messenger  will  report  what  he 
has  seen  and  heard  in  Antwerp  : 

“ I can  only  assure  your  Majesty  that  I have  never 
loved  prince 2 more  than  his  Highness,  and  I was  unwilling 
to  credit  the  testimony  of  my  eyes.  For  my  good  and 
loyal  services,  I have  met  with  no  recompense,  except, 
that,  having  escaped  one  peril,  I found  myself  exposed 
to  another  equally  great,  although  I had  the  means  to 
serve  Monsieur  in  this  country  and  elsewhere,  if  he  had 
been  willing  to  take  my  advice.” 

In  February,  the  magistrates,  colonels,  captains, 
and  quartermasters  of  Antwerp  asked  Orange  for  a 
definite  expression  of  opinion  as  to  what  should  be 
done.  In  his  reply,3  he  said  that  he  was  somewhat 
reluctant  to  express  his  opinion  because  he  was  so 
ill-equipped  for  action.  He  himself  was  powerless 
to  provide  even  a single  city  with  a garrison,  yet  it 
was  he  who  received  blame  for  any  loss.  Then  he 
sketched  the  whole  story  of  Anjou’s  relations  to  the 
states,  acknowledging  that  by  his  duplicity  he  had 

1 Groen,  Archives , viii.,  158. 

2 This  might  well  be  true  without  saying  much.  The  royalty  with 
whom  Orange  had  dealt  were  not  inspiring  of  either  confidence  or 
love. 

3 Groen,  Archives , viii.,  149  ; Hoofd,  xx.,  997  ; Bor,  iii.,  349, 
354.  This  abstract  is  made  from  the  French  version  as  given  in 
Gachard,  Cor. , v.,  95.  It  was  read  aloud  in  Flemish  before  the  states- 
general,  though  apparently  it  was  not  addressed  to  them  as  a body. 


1583] 


Reconciliation  with  Anjou. 


36/ 


annulled  all  agreements.  Still,  as  far  as  the  prince 
could  see,  there  were  but  three  courses  possible 
for  them  to  follow  : (i)  reconciliation  with  Philip  ; 
(2)  dependence  on  themselves ; (3)  reconciliation 
with  Anjou.1  They  knew  the  impossibility  of  the 
first,  if  they  wished  to  preserve  the  evangelical 
religion.  It  would  certainly  be  preferable  to  depend 
only  upon  their  own  resources,  their  own  energies, 
but  in  the  midst  of  war,  with  enemies  on  all  sides, 
he  did  not  regard  independence  as  practicable.  In 
their  present  union  there  was  a great  lack  of  central 
power,  of  central  interest,  of  central  responsibility. 
Each  province  thought  so  much  more  of  local  self- 
interest  than  of  the  common  weal,  that  he  could  not 
see  how  they  could  hold  together  without  some  other 
force.  Jealousy  of  state  rights  was  a serious  block  in 
the  course  of  general  government.  To  his  mind, 
therefore,  the  last  course  seemed  the  only  one  they 
could  adopt.  “ With  France  to  back  him,”  urged 
Orange,  “Anjou  is  our  best  and  only  aid.” 

The  negotiations  that  followed  were  spiritless  and 
dreary.2  Everyone  felt  that  confidence,  a confidence 
brought  into  existence  only  by  the  most  careful 
nursing,  had  been,  after  all,  based  on  a foundation  of 
quicksand.  In  the  first  burst  of  indignation  against 
Anjou  the  title  of  Duke  of  Brabant  was  offered  to 
Orange.  He  declined  it,  and  a spirit  of  distrust  was 
excited  against  him  when  he  continued  to  brave  pub- 
lic opinion  and  to  urge  mooring  their  bark  to  a reed, 
broken  before  their  very  eyes.  Anjou  remained  at 


1 Groen,  Archives,  viii.,  149. 

2 See  Meteren,  iv. , 97  ; Bor,  iii.,  354. 


368 


William  the  Silent. 


[1583 


Termonde,  and  kept  his  messengers  busy,  bearing 
communications  to  the  states.  At  first  he  had  not 
attempted  to  deny  his  part  in  the  attack  on  Antwerp, 
simply  stating  that  he  could  not  longer  have  re- 
mained quiescent  under  ill-treatment,  without  being 
a Matthias.1  After  a time,  however,  he  changed  his 
tone,  and  claimed  that  the  whole  disturbance  had 
been  due  to  accident  and  to  insubordination  of  his 
troops. 

The  final  result  of  the  cousinly  letters,  of  the 
duke’s  professions  that  he  would  do  better,  and  of 
the  prince’s  firm  conviction  that  they  could  do  no 
better,  was,  that  the  states  made  a new  provisional 
arrangement  with  their  protector,  which  was  signed 
on  the  26th  and  28th  of  March,  1583. 

“ Thank  God,”  wrote  Anjou  to  Orange,  “ that  He 
mspired  you  to  reconcile  me  and  the  states  happily. 
I hope  that,  with  His  aid,  this  compact  will  last  for- 
ever. Certainly  there  will  be  no  lack  of  faith  on  my 
part.”  2 The  accord  stipulated  that  Anjou  was  to 
receive  30,000  florins  for  his  troops,  and  to  surrender 
the  towns  that  he  held.  The  French  prisoners  were 
to  be  liberated,  the  duke’s  property  restored,  while 
he  waited  at  Dunkerque  for  a new  and  “ perpetual  ” 
arrangement.  As  events  proved,  these  were  all  idle 
words,  as  Anjou  never  again  set  foot  within  the 
Netherlands. 

In  the  midst  of  these  public  uncertainties,  Orange 
negotiated  a private  French  alliance  on  his  own  ac- 
count, which  was  not  altogether  pleasing  to  the  anti- 

1 Wagenaar,  xxviii.,  434  ; Letter  to  Henry  III.,  Bor,  iii.,  348. 

2 Gachard,  Cor.,  v.,  125. 


1583] 


Louise  Coligny. 


369 


French  party,  though  the  orthodoxy  of  the  new  con- 
nection was  unimpeachable.1 2  When  Admiral  Coligny 
fell  at  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  his  son-in- 
law,  Teligny  perished  with  him.  The  seventeen-year- 
old  Louise  Coligny,  Madame  Teligny,  bride  of  scarce 
a year,  was  thus  bereft  of  both  husband  and  father 
in  that  one  terrible  night.  She  remained  a widow 
for  eleven  years,  and  then  consented  to  share 
Orange’s  by  no  means  easy  life.  On  April  7,  1583, 
she  arrived  in  Zealand;  on  the  nth,  at  Antwerp, 
where  she  was  quietly  married  to  the  prince  on  the 
following  day. 

I have  seen  no  comments  or  gossip  in  regard  to 
this  marriage.  Nothing  could  have  been  urged 
against  its  propriety  except  that  the  prince  already 
had  too  many  to  provide  for,  and  that  it  seemed  to 
bring  him  nearer  to  France  than  was  agreeable  to 
public  sentiment  at  the  moment.3  Orange  was  still 
in  his  prime,  not  completing  his  fiftieth  year  until 
April  25th,  while  Louise  was  twenty-eight  years  old. 

The  event  was  publicly  honoured,  cannon  were 
fired  and  church  bells  rung,  with  due  signs  of  public 
rejoicing.  Whether  the  Nassau  family  also  rejoiced 
does  not  appear  in  the  records.  Maurice  and  Philip, 
John’s  son,  announced  the  event  to  Count  John 
without  the  slightest  expression  of  their  own  senti- 
ments on  the  subject3:  “You  will  have  heard, 

1 Wagenaar,  xxviii.,  499  ; Hoofd,  xix.,  810. 

2 In  the  announcement  of  this  marriage  to  the  states  of  Holland,  it 
was  stated  that  his  Excellency  had  arranged  it  before  the  event  at 
Antwerp. — Rds.  de  Holl. 

3 Groen,  Archives , viii. , 185,  187. 


370 


William  the  Silent. 


[1583 


monsieur,  how  his  Highness  has  made  an  accord 
with  messieurs  the  states,  and  how  my  father  married 
Madame  de  Teligny  on  the  I2th  instant.”  Philip 
uses  almost  the  same  laconic  words,  and  there  are 
none  of  Marie’s  charming  little  home  letters,  nor  of 
John’s  ponderous  utterances,  to  shed  further  light  on 
family  opinion.  That  the  count  did  not  fail  to  write 
to  his  new  sister-in-law  is  shown  by  a pleasant  little 
note  1 from  her  on  July  1st,  which  she  sends  him  by 
his  secretary,  Philip  Engel : 

“ I hasten  to  assure  you  how  honouied  I feel  that  God 
put  it  into  the  heart  of  monseigneur  the  prince  to  take 
me  for  his  companion  ; I recognise,  too,  His  further 
favour  in  giving  me  as  kin  so  many  noble  lords  who 
cherish  the  fear  of  God,  among  whom,  you,  monsieur, 
hold  the  first  rank.” 

It  is  very  difficult  to  sketch  briefly  the  events  of 
this  year.  Almost  any  summary  gives  undue  weight 
to  some  portion  of  the  detached  tangled  mass. 

Parma  watched  the  Antwerp  occurrences  closely, 
and  took  advantage  of  any  slight  opportunity  of  re- 
instating his  uncle’s  authority.  Flanders,  Brabant, 
Overyssel,  Mechlin,  Utrecht,  Guelderland,  Friesland, 
Holland,  and  Zealand  had  all  contributed  to  Anjou’s 
maintenance.  Philip’s  lieutenant,  therefore,  was 
forced  to  remain  in  the  south,  shut  out  from  the 
most  important  portion  of  his  accredited  govern- 
ment. 

Philip,  becoming  impatient  at  his  subjects’  reluc- 
tance to  accept  Alexander,  had  thought  to  humour 


1 Groen,  Archives,  viii.,  228. 


1583] 


Royalist  Gains . 


371 


them  by  sending  back  Margaret  of  Parma  to  resume 
the  regency.  Divided  authority  not  suiting  the 
young  commander,  his  mother  yielded  to  his  wishes 
and  resigned  her  charge,  but  remained  privately  in 
the  provinces  until  late  in  1583,  when  she  returned 
to  Italy. 

Alexander’s  appeals  to  the  cities  in  March,  1582, 
had  met  with  little  open  response,  but  his  agents 
were  at  work  everywhere  and  he  succeeded,  gradu- 
ally, in  gaining  footholds  in  many  places.1  Imme- 
diately after  the  attack  on  Antwerp,  Parma  issued 
new  invitations  to  the  provinces  to  return  to  their 
true  allegiance.  At  the  same  time  he  entered  into 
secret  negotiations  with  Anjou,  offering  to  buy  him 
outright.  The  two  dukes  haggled  over  terms  for 
some  months,  simultaneously  with  Anjou’s  parley- 
ing with  the  states.  Orange  was  not  ignorant  of 
these  intrigues.  Instead,  however,  of  the  knowledge 
convincing  him  that  it  was  best  to  renounce  Anjou 
forever,  he  was  only  the  more  anxious  to  stop  that 
dangerous  business,  by  pinning  the  French  prince 
down  by  firmer  bonds. 

When  Parma  failed  in  winning  over  the  ally  of  his 
enemies  by  private  bargains,  he  renewed  his  military 
efforts  with  success,  and  in  the  summer  of  1583, 
Eindhoven,  Diest,  Dunkerque,  Nieuwport,  and  other 
places  surrendered  to  his  generals.  In  Ghent,  where 
so  much  braggadocio  oratory  concerning  ancient  re- 
publicanism had  been  expended,  movements  were 
set  on  foot  to  urge  the  people  to  give  up  the  game 
and  to  return  to  the  arms  of  their  loving  Spanish 

1 Strada,  II. , v.,  266. 


372 


William  the  Silent. 


[1583 


monarch.  Orange  sent  many  letters  to  magistrates,1 
sheriffs,  and  private  individuals  urging  them  to  cleave 
to  “ the  generality.” 

This  wide-spread  faint-heartedness  was  discoura- 
ging enough  to  the  prince.  A private  defection 
touched  him  even  more  keenly,  though  this  time  he 
was  not  taken  wholly  unawares.  William  de  Berghes, 
husband  to  Maria  of  Nassau,2  had  been  suspected  of 
lukewarmness  towards  his  brother-in-law  and  towards 
the  general  cause,  several  times  in  the  course  of  his 
career.3  In  1579,  his  wife  wrote  plaintively  to  her 
brothers,  warmly  defending  the  count  from  these 
charges  which  were,  however,  not  unfounded.  Later, 
a correspondence  4 * between  him  and  Parma  at  that 
very  date,  was  revealed.  When  he  was  appointed 
stadtholder  of  Guelderland  in  1581,  as  successor  to 
Count  John,  he  abandoned  his  designs,  according  to 
his  biographer,  and  administered  his  government 
honestly  for  a time.  His  nomination  to  the  office 
was  in  accordance  with  the  prince’s  general  theory, 
that  it  was  best  to  hold  a doubtful  adherent,  by  put- 
ting responsibility  upon  him.  The  letter  that  he 
wrote  6 in  behalf  of  de  Berghes,  to  the  states  of  Guel- 
derland, was  as  follows : “ My  brother-in-law,  desir- 
ous of  a recommendation  to  the  stadtholdership, 
has  assured  me  of  his  love  and  devotion  to  the  ser- 
vice of  the  righteous  cause  of  the  fatherland.  I only 

1 Groen,  Archives , viii. , 234  et  al. 

2 This  was  the  prince’s  second  sister,  b.  1539,  d.  1586. 

3 Groen,  Archives , vii.,  181. 

4 Ibid.,  viii.,  288.  Also  Willem  van  den  Berg en  syne  tijdgenooten, 

E.  van  Reidt. 

6 Hoofd,  xx.,  820. 


1583] 


Gerard  True  Uses. 


373 


wish  he  had  proved  this  earlier.  Still,  better  late 
than  never.”  1 This  was  indeed  damning  with  faint 
praise,  but  de  Berghes’s  assurances  were  accepted 
and  he  received  the  appointment.  It  is  possible,  as 
Hoofd  says,  that  the  prince’s  distrust  rankled  in  the 
new  stadtholder’s  mind. 

In  1583,  de  Berghes  again  opened  a correspondence 
with  Parma  and  agreed  to  deliver  over  to  him  the 
town  of  Zutphen,  which  would  open  the  provinces 
to  the  king.  The  scheme  was  discovered.  On  No- 
vember 15th,  Count  de  Berghes  was  arrested  and 
taken  to  The  Hague  with  the  incriminating  letters, 
that  proved  his  duplicity  beyond  question.  After  a 
time  he  was  liberated  and  instantly  took  service, 
with  all  his  sons,  openly,  under  the  king. 

Across  the  Rhine,  just  beyond  the  borders  of  the 
Netherlands,  changes  were  taking  place  which  threat- 
ened to  affect  the  provinces  seriously.  Gerard 
Truchses,  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne,  determined  to 
renounce  his  allegiance  to  Rome,  led,  indeed,  to  this 
decision  by  his  desire  to  marry  Agnes  Mansfeld. 
On  January  17,  1583,  he  authorised  the  exercise  of 
the  Augsburg  Confession.  On  the  25th,  he  was  pub- 
licly married.3  He  had  not  expected  to  secularise  his 
see,  and  institute  an  hereditary  barony  as  had  been 
done  in  some  cases.  He  hoped  to  remain  as  a 
Lutheran  ecclesiastic.  He  did  not  succeed  in  this 

1 “ Ich  moghte  wenschen,  dat  hy  die  wat  eerder  beweezen  hadde. 
Doch  beeter  spaade  dan  nemmer.” 

2 Groen,  Archives,  viii.,  159  et  al.  All  the  German  letters  are 
full  of  the  event.  The  archbishop  failed  in  gaining  hearty  support 
among  the  Protestants  because  they  suspected  that  he  was  not  a 
sound  Lutheran. 


374 


William  ihe  Silent. 


[1583 


plan.  A civil  war  broke  out  in  Germany,  the  Prot- 
estant princes  undertaking  to  support  the  archbishop 
in  opposition  to  Ernest  of  Bavaria,  appointed  his 
successor.  John  Casimir  was  ready  to  espouse  the 
cause  and  to  form  a grand  Protestant  alliance  in 
which  he  should  be  supreme.  The  death  of  his  elder 
brother,  the  Count  Palatine,  interrupted  these  plans, 
as  he  went  to  Heidelberg  to  take  part  in  the  new 
administration.  Truchses  was  forced  to  fly  from 
Cologne  and  took  refuge  with  the  Prince  of  Orange. 

In  Antwerp,  the  feeling  against  Orange  became 
very  bitter  by  the  early  summer  of  1583.  The 
people  could  not  understand  his  motives  in  en- 
deavouring to  reinstate  Anjou  in  the  authority  he 
had  misused.  They  feared  the  French,  and  thought 
the  only  gifts  to  be  expected  were  fragile  promises. 
In  one  disturbance  that  took  place  early  in  July,  the 
crowd  actually  forced  the  prince  back  from  the  city 
gate  1 as  he  was  going  out,  with  the  cry  : “ Traitor,  he 
is  about  to  deliver  Antwerp  to  the  French  ! ” A few 
days  later  there  was  a report  that  he  intended  to 
fortify  himself  in  the  citadel.  An  irate  mob 
threatened  to  attack  his  person  and  were  only  calmed 
with  difficulty.  The  magistrates  were  timid  and 
feared  to  punish  the  offenders  for  this  outrage.  The 
prince  was  deeply  hurt  at  this  lack  of  confidence  in 
him,  on  the  part  of  those  who  should  have  believed 
in  his  faith  as  in  their  own.  He  was  expecting  to 
go  to  Middelburg  where  the  states-general  were 
assembled.  After  this  occurrence  he  hastened  his 
departure  and  left  Antwerp  precipitately  on  July 

1 Groen,  Archives,  viii.,  233  ; Hoofd,  xx.,  810. 


1583] 


The  Duke  of  Anjou. 


375 


22d,  indignant  that  an  insult  to  him  should  have 
been  allowed  to  pass  unpunished.1  At  the  same 
time  or  shortly  afterwards  his  family  went  to  Delft, 
where  they  took  up  their  abode  in  the  old  convent 
of  St.  Agatha.2 

One  of  the  first  actions  of  the  general  body  was 
again  to  ask  the  prince  to  charge  himself  with  the 
central  government.  He  responded  to  the  request 
on  September  6th,3  in  a long  document,  accepting  the 
office  ad  interim  only,  and  reserving  the  right  of 
resignation  if  the  provinces  did  not  conform  to  the 
order  established.  The  assembly  that  met  at  Mid- 
delburg  took  the  name  of  states-general,  though,  in 
truth,  the  whole  public  were  no  longer  adequately 
represented.4  The  states  of  Brabant  were  reduced 
to  a small  number  of  nobles,  and  to  the  cities  of 

1 It  may  have  been  that  Antwerp  quickly  repented  her  ingratitude 
towards  the  man  who  had  been  her  defender.  On  August  20th,  there 
was  recorded  “ An  act  of  the  burgomasters,  sheriffs,  treasurers, 
receiver,  council,  citizens,  and  common  inhabitants  of  Antwerp,”  to 
give  an  income  of  2000  Rhine  florins  to  Emilia  Antwerpiana  the 
prince’s  youngest  daughter.— Gachard,  Cor.,  vi.,  349. 

2 Louise  Coligny  found  this  journey  a very  trying  experience.  “ She 
told  my  father  that  she  was  greatly  surprised  at  the  difference  between 
French  and  Dutch  customs.  She  was  put  in  an  open  wagon  instead 
of  a carriage,  and  had  nothing  to  sit  on  but  a board.  In  the  short 
distance  between  Rotterdam  and  Delft  she  was  almost  shaken  to 
pieces.” — Aubery  du  Maurier,  Mtmoires. 

3 Gachard,  Cor.,  v.,  173.  This  had  already  been  done  by  an  act 
of  February  1st.  His  authority  was  intermediary  and  restricted,  the 
co-operation  of  the  council  of  state  being  stipulated.  Orange  had 
accepted  this  tentatively. 

* The  abbots  who  composed  the  ecclesiastical  estate  had  been,  for 
the  most  part,  forced  from  their  monasteries  or  had  abandoned  them 
voluntarily. — Gachard,  Cor.,  v.  xx. 


376 


William  the  Silent. 


[1583 


Brussels  and  Antwerp,  while  many  of  the  other 
provinces  were  either  not  represented  at  all,  or  very 
meagrely. 

The  prince  was  still  deeply  interested  in  the  ques- 
tion of  the  recreant  protector  and  did  not  abate  his 
efforts  to  reinstate  him.  Des  Pruneaux,  on  Anjou’s 
side,  was  untiring  in  his  attempts  to  arrange  mat- 
ters. In  September,  he  addressed  a long  letter 
to  the  states,  urging  them  to  complete  their  ar- 
rangements with  his  master.1 *  “ His  Highness  only 
hopes  that  they  will  not  drown  in  order  to  avenge 
themselves.”  Every  possible  argument  is  urged  to 
persuade  the  august  body  to  cease  their  delays. 
But  nothing  is  so  difficult  to  mend  as  broken  faith. 
Anjou  again  approached  the  provinces  and  wrote3  to 
the  prince  from  Cambray  : 

“ My  Cousin  : In  accordance  with  the  resolution 
adopted  by  myself  and  my  mother,  I came  hither  yester- 
day with  a good  escort,  and  every  day  new  volunteers 
flock  to  my  standard.  All  the  troops  who  were  in 
Flanders  ought  to  be  here  within  a couple  of  days.  I 
hope  to  be  able  to  put  1800  horse  and  8000  foot  in  the 
field,  losing  as  little  time  as  possible.  But  I have  infinite 
cause  to  complain  of  the  states,  from  whom  I have  not 
received  a single  line  since  I left  Dunkerque.  If  I be- 
haved as  they  do,  in  which  I should  be  quite  justified, 
everything  would  be  in  worse  train.  But  I will  prove  to 
the  whole  world  that  I am  not  to  blame  if  their  affairs 
go  ill.  They  would  better  bear  that  in  mind  as  they  are 
the  interested  party.” 


1 Groen,  Archives , viii. , 241. 

‘‘Ibid.,  252. 


1584] 


D iscou  ragement. 


377 


In  October  and  November,  he  wrote  again  to 
Orange,  describing  Parma’s  overtures  to  him,  with 
assurances  that  he,  the  honest  Anjou,  meant  to  hold 
firm  to  his  treaty  with  the  states. 

Count  John’s  letters  to  the  prince  at  this  time  are 
full  of  gloomy  forebodings.  He  seems  to  have 
abandoned  all  hopes  of  seeing  better  times.1  He 
mentions  that  the  deputies  to  the  diet  have  been  at 
Frankfort  for  some  time,  but  they  do  not  seem  to 
do  anything.  Of  the  Saxon  deputy,  Volmar  Ber- 
lepsch,2  he  adds:  “He  does  not  understand  the 
business  and  will  only  do  the  more  mischief,  as  he  is 
credited  with  being  an  atheist  and  a small,  mean- 
spirited  man.  The  Brandenburger  deputy  is  good, 
but  they  say  he  is  under  Berlepsch’s  thumb  and  lets 
himself  be  led  by  the  nose.” 

In  January,  the  prince  was  very  anxious  about  a 
strong  royalist  movement  in  Ghent.  The  immediate 
issue  was  very  uncertain.  He  wrote  to  that  old 
unruly  spirit,  Imbize,  urging  him  to  act  with  the 
“ generality,”  and  to  keep  in  touch  with  that  other 
demagogue,  Ryhove,  now  Governor  of  Termonde.3 
As  often  before,  Orange  felt  that  he  must  use  what 
material  he  could  get,  not  what  he  wanted. 

On  January  29th,  Frederic  Henry,  the  prince’s 
twelfth  child,  was  born  at  Delft.4  On  the  30th,  the 

1 Groen,  Archives,  viii. , 274. 

2 This  is  the  man  who  was  sent  to  Anne  of  Saxony  at  Cologne 
in  1570. 

3 Groen,  Archives,  viii.,  305. 

4 Ris.  des  ttats-ghieraux , Jan.  30th  and  June  12th.  This  youngest 
son  was  the  only  one  to  hand  down  his  father’s  name  to  posterity. 
See  Groen,  Archives,  viii.,  404. 


378 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


states  sent  a deputation  to  congratulate  Orange. 
The  baptism  did  not,  however,  take  place  until  June 
1 2th.  The  Kings  of  Navarre  and  Denmark  and  the 
estates  of  Holland,  Zealand,  and  Utrecht  were  his 
sponsors. 

On  January  2ist,  Count  John  wrote  to  Orange, 
again  urging  the  abandonment  of  the  French  alliance. 
To  this  the  prince  replied  on  February  22d,  with  a 
long  letter,  in  which  he  describes  the  situation  in 
detail,1 — the  sectional  jealousy,  the  narrowness  of 
the  reformers,  the  treachery  of  the  Romanists.  The 
failure  of  Truchses  to  form  a coherent  party  had 
further  injured  the  chances  of  the  Protestants  as  a 
whole.  In  Friesland,  William  Louis  of  Nassau  had 
been  appointed  stadtholder  by  unanimous  vote,  but 
elsewhere  in  the  Netherlands,  the  prince  does  not 
know  whom  to  trust.  Besides  this  letter  there  are 
several  others  to  the  same  effect.2  It  seemed  as 
though  the  writer  craved  for  fraternal  sympathy.  But 
little  was  offered.  Count  John  could  not  approve 
his  brother’s  course. 

On  March  1 8th,  he  writes  two,  one  in  answer  to 
a letter,  the  other  replying  to  a formal  memoir 
which  urged  return  to  Spanish  allegiance,  to  Philip’s 
protection.  The  first  is  very  depressed  in  tone.  He 
confesses  that  the  outlook  is  indeed  black  : 

“ If,  in  this  dire  need,  I were  offered  any  practical  ad- 
vice, that  would  be  to  my  heart’s  desire.  Everyone  is 
wise  enough  to  criticise,  but  no  one  points  to  a better 
way.  I am  told  to  beware  of  aid  from  France.  Dangers 


1 Groen,  Archives,  viii.,  313. 

2 Ibid.,  328. 


1584] 


The  Prince's  Defence. 


379 


from  that  quarter  are  not  unknown  to  me.  Probably  I 
am  better  informed  than  those  who  talk,  and  the  matter 
touches  me  more  nearly  than  anyone  else.  To  whom  do 
they  counsel  me  to  turn  ? No  particle  of  aid  has  ever 
come  to  us  from  the  German  princes,  in  response  to  our 
entreaties.  This  is,  perhaps,  owing  to  difference  of  creed, 
but  they  allow  their  own  brothers,  too,  to  be  trampled 
upon  by  the  papists,  etc.  . . . 

“ I do  not,  however,  wish  to  excuse  my  faults  by  show- 
ing those  of  others,  but  I am  sick  of  calumnies  and  mis- 
representations. . . . When  the  states  ask  me  if  I see 

other  aid  than  that  of  France,  I cannot  deceive  them. 
When  they  ask  me  if  I feel  sure  of  that,  again  I say,  no. 
Then  if  they  decide  to  try  it,  both  for  the  sake  of  avoid- 
ing having  France  for  an  enemy  and  to  annoy  the  King 
of  Spain,  perhaps  they  may  gain  the  same  assistance  that 
the  great  German  princes  won  from  the  late  French 
king.  If  such  a resolution  be  taken,  I confess  I will  not 
go  against  it.  Your  theologians  and  others  say  this 
course  is  against  God’s  word.” 

Then  follows  a repetition  of  the  old  arguments  : 

“ As  to  my  honour,  since  I need  to  defend  it,  I may, 
speaking  to  my  brother,  express  myself  more  boldly 
than  to  a stranger  of  our  House.  Is  there  anyone  who 
can  claim  to  have  worked  more,  suffered  more,  lost  more 
than  I have  in  my  endeavours  to  plant,  advance,  main- 
tain the  churches  ? ” 

He  adds  in  a postscript : 

“ My  brother,  these  letters  were  written  a week  ago. 
Since  then  we  have  had  reliable  information  that  cer- 
tain Ghent  folk  are  in  treaty  with  the  Prince  of  Parma. 


380 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


I only  wish  that  your  theologians  would  explain  the  con- 
sciences of  such  people  who  can  thus  easily  abandon 
their  brothers.  ...  I hear  that  Dathenus  is  one  of 
the  councillors  in  this  most  honourable  capitulation. 
As  to  the  5000  florins,  they  are  at  Frankfort  in  the  same 
house  where  the  same  sum  was  placed  last  year.  I do 
not  see  my  way  to  the  successive  payments,  considering 
the  present  stress  of  our  affairs.” 

In  the  preface  to  the  reply  to  the  memoir  sent  by 
his  brother,  the  prince  explains  that  he  understands 
perfectly  that  the  paper  does  not  emanate  from  the 
count.  John  must  take  the  answer  as  addressed  to 
the  real  instigators  of  the  suggestion  that  a recon- 
ciliation should  be  effected  with  Spain.  The  argu- 
ments against  such  a course  are  repeated,  though  it 
can  well  be  imagined  that  it  was  wearisome  reitera- 
tion to  the  writer  : 

“ If  they  touch  on  our  private  affairs,  I rely  on  my 
conviction  that  you,  monsieur  my  brother,  and  I,  have 
done  the  king  and  the  emperor  such  good  service  that 
we  could  never  efface  the  memory  of  the  same  from 
their  hearts.  I,  for  one,  do  not  wish  to  try,  but  am  re- 
solved to  strain  every  nerve  for  the  defence  of  the  coun- 
try, religion,  and  liberty,  hoping  that  God  will  not 
abandon  me.” 

The  difficulties  of  the  situation  were  patent  to 
everyone,  as  can  be  seen  by  the  following  letter  from 
the  landgrave  to  the- count: 

“ My  long  delay  in  answering  yours  of  the  18th  instant, 
was  not  only  because  I was  busy,  but  because  of  the 
very  tough  questions  which  I must  acknowledge  are 


1584] 


The  Duke  of  Anjou. 


38i 


over  my  head  ( caput) . The  longer  I meditate  on  them, 
the  more  insoluble  and  difficult  do  they  appear  to  me, 
until  I feel  like  the  philosopher  who  tried  to  define  Quid 
esset  Deus,  and  pondered  time  on  time  over  it.  The 
longer  he  pondered  the  farther  he  was  from  a conclu- 
sion.” 

William  cannot  see  what  is  coming.  All  that  he 
is  sure  of  is,  that  affairs  might  be  handled  faithfully 
and  cautiously  if  one  did  not  sit  between  two  stools. 
A few  days  later  the  landgrave  writes  again  to  John, 
thanking  him  for  a portrait  of  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
which  he  had  borrowed  three  years  previously  to 
have  “ copied  in  our  own  house  at  Cassel.”  As  the 
original  in  Dillenburg  was  burned  with  the  house, 
this  copy,1  still  preserved  at  Cassel,  is  the  only  youth- 
ful portrait  of  the  prince  in  existence. 

Shortly  after  these  dreary  prognostics  of  the  land- 
grave, in  which  Count  John  perfectly  agreed  with  him, 
Ypres  went  formally  over  to  Parma.  On  May  20th, 
Bruges  and  the  surrounding  country  were  also  de- 
livered to  Philip’s  sovereignty.  In  Ghent,  party 
spirit  ran  high,  now  one  faction,  now  another,  being 
in  the  ascendant.  In  the  middle  of  the  month  the 
Nationalists  were  uppermost,  and  they  declared  their 
intention  of  cleaving  to  “ the  generality  ” and  to  the 
prince. 

During  the  winter  and  spring  Anjou  remained  at 
Chateau-Thierry,  no  nearer,  in  spite  of  agreements, 
to  resumption  of  power  than  at  any  time  since  his 
futile  attack  on  Antwerp.  There  were  rumours, 
more  or  less  vague,  about  his  alliance  with  the  Eng- 

1 Frontispiece,  vol.  i.  See  Portraits,  etc.,  Appendix. 


3§2 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


lish  queen.  Orange  neglected  no  opportunity,  there- 
fore, of  trying  to  strengthen  ties  with  Elizabeth, 
who  blew  now  hot  and  now  cold.  No  one  really 
believed  in  Anjou  either  as  a power  or  as  a danger. 
Nor  was  there  need  of  dreading  him,  nor  foundation 
for  hoping  good  from  his  hand.  On  May  4th,  he 
wrote  to  his  Flemish  friends  assuring  them  that  the 
reports  about  his  ill-health  were  all  false.  The  decay, 
however,  inherent  in  all  Catherine’s  children,  was 
working  in  his  miserable,  unsound  body,  while  his 
course  of  life  would  have  wrecked  the  constitution 
of  a Hercules.  There  are  suspicions  that  he  met  his 
death  foully  ; perhaps  he  did  ; though,  in  truth,  lit- 
tle additional  poison  was  needed  to  what  he  had 
drained  in  with  his  life.  On  June  10th,  he  expired 
in  great  torment,  sweating  blood  at  every  pore,  and 
thus  ceased  to  be  a problem  in  Netherland  politics. 
Weak,  treacherous,  untrue,  without  the  slightest 
sense  of  shame,  he  had  played  out  his  part,  no  mor- 
tal the  better  for  his  living  in  this  world. 

The  Prince  of  Orange,  still  ignorant  of  this  last 
check  to  his  plans,  saw  his  youngest  son  christened 
at  Delft,  on  June  12th,  where  a fine  feast  was  offered 
by  the  states.  The  news  of  Anjou’s  death  seems  to 
have  been  long  in  reaching  the  Netherlands.  Not 
until  June  23d,  is  there  any  mention  of  it  in  the  let- 
ters. June  24th  is  the  date  of  the  prince’s  letters  of 
condolence  to  Catherine  and  Henry  III.  Letters 
were  on  their  way  to  the  duke  from  the  states,  when 
death  overtook  him,  and  the  prince  begs  the  royal 
mourners  not  to  forget  the  Netherlands  thus  sud- 
denly bereft  of  their  protector. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

HOLLAND’S  CHOICE. 

1584. 

N the  progress  of  this  narrative,  it  has 
been  clear  that  the  prince’s  dream 
was  to  establish  a constitutional 
government  for  the  United  Nether- 
lands. For  a brief  space  the  provinces 
were  bound  together  by  the  Pacifica- 
cation  of  Ghent,  and  there  was  fair 
prospect  that  this  project  would  prove  no  dream, 
but  a substantial  fabric,  a solid  foundation  for  an 
independent  European  state.  But  at  the  disin- 
tegrating touch  of  sectional  interests,  of  theological 
differences,  the  union  dissolved,  and  in  history,  the 
name  of  William  of  Nassau  has  not  been  identified 
with  those  seventeen  units  whose  joint  interests  he 
had  at  heart,  but  with  Holland. 

It  was  Holland  who  gave  her  name  to  the  little 
Protestant  republic,  of  which  Orange  was  the  unwill- 
ing founder.  His  scheme  had  been  far  larger,  far  more 
comprehensive,  far  more  catholic,  far  more  tolerant, 
and  far  more  democratic  in  fact,  though  it  had  in- 
cluded a protector  of  royal  blood.  He  never  saw 

383 


384 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


the  republic  of  which  he  is  called  the  father.  A 
brief  summary  of  the  relations  which  the  prince  bore 
to  Holland  at  the  time  of  his  death  must  be  given 
here,  though  some  of  the  details  have  been 
previously  related. 

While  the  process  of  disintegration  which  the 
prince  was  powerless  to  stay,  was  going  on  in  the 
southern  and  western  country,  while  Anjou  was  re- 
ceived, and  played  out  his  wretched  part  in  Brabant, 
while  Parma  was  winning  back  the  Walloon 
provinces  with  the  sword,  smiles,  or  silver,  as  he 
found  them  the  more  potent  factors,  Holland  and 
Zealand  were  left  comparatively  free  to  pursue  the 
even  tenor  of  their  way.  They  never  faltered  in 
their  refusal  to  accept  Anjou,  but  recognised  him 
simply  as  protector  of  their  allies.1 

After  Jaureguy’s  attempt  on  the  prince’s  life,  the 
title  of  Count  of  Holland  was  again  pressed  upon 
Orange,  and  he  finally  accepted  it  from  Bruges, 
August  14,  1582,  in  the  following  letter”: 

“We,  William,  Prince  of  Orange,  etc.,  greeting: 
Whereas  the  deputies  of  Holland  and  Zealand  have  de- 
clared that  the  King  of  Spain  had  forfeited  his  rights  as 
Count  of  Holland  and  Zealand,  and  have  begged  us  to  ac- 
cept the  said  counties  and  the  seigniory  of  the  said  lands 
so  as  to  govern  them  in  the  quality  and  with  the  title  of 
count,  we  have  gratefully  yielded  to  their  request,  and  by 
these  presents  accept  the  counties  of  Holland  and 
Zealand  to  protect  them  against  the  King  of  Spain,  and 

1 Groen,  Archives,  viii.,  410  et  seq. 

2 Offer  of  Countship  of  Holland,  etc.,  to  Orange.  Bor,  iii. , 186 
et  seq.,  condensed. 


1584] 


The  Countship  of  Holland. 


335 


to  administer  justice  and  prevent  any  infringement  of 
the  Treaty  of  Bordeaux. 

“Bruges,  August  14th.” 

The  letters-patent  or  “ Renversal,"  as  they  were 
technically  called,  which  bestowed  this  title  legally 
on  its  recipient,  were  signed  by  the  three  eldest 
nobles.1  They  were  sent  to  all  the  cities  and  re- 
ceived twenty-five  separate  seals  at  different  dates.2 
In  1583  all  was  ready.  February  15th  was  appointed 
for  the  prince  to  go  to  Holland  to  be  duly  invested 
with  the  title  of  count.3 4  But  when  that  day  came, 
it  was  impossible  for  him  to  leave  Antwerp  in  the 
state  of  confusion  and  uncertainty  into  which  it  had 
been  thrown  by  the  treacherous  schemes  of  the 
French  protector.  This  event  made  Holland  the 
more  anxious  to  bring  the  matter  of  the  countship 
to  a conclusion.  Groen  considers  that  the  prince 
was  all  the  more  willing  to  meet  their  wishes  in  this 
point,  as  his  mind  was  bent  on  opposing  their  will 
and  on  restoring  Anjou  to  the  position  of  trust  that 
he  had  so  wantonly  abandoned. 

The  Dutch  archivist  considers  that  the  acceptance 
of  Orange  was  in  the  nature  of  a bargain,  to  induce 
the  Hollanders  to  agree  to  further  treating  with 
Anjou.1  In  the  prince’s  letters  little  is  made  of  the 

*Bor.  iii. , 187  et  seq. 

5 This  document  was  delivered  to  the  prince  and  is  still  preserved 
in  the  archives  of  the  royal  family. 

3 Groen,  Archives , viii.,  417  et  seq. 

4 Lettenhove  takes  an  exactly  opposite  view.  He  thinks  that  the 
prince  was  simply  seeking  honours  for  himself,  and  preparing  a 
private  nest  of  refuge  in  case  of  new  storms. 


386 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


offer.  It  is  referred  to  but  casually,  as  a matter  of 
slight  importance. 

On  May  io,  1583,  the  states  of  Holland  addressed 
a circular-letter1  to  the  states  of  Utrecht,  Friesland 
Overyssel,  Brabant,  Flanders,  Guelderland,  and  the 
states-general,  giving  an  historical  sketch  of  the  life 
and  services  of  William  of  Nassau,  together  with  the 
weighty  reasons  which  had  induced  them  to  urge 
him  to  accept  the  Countship  of  Holland.  They  had 
taken  the  step  after  “ frequent  communication  and 
counsel  with  the  cities,  after  having  heard  the  advice 
of  the  colleges  and  of  the  municipalities,  as  well  as 
that  of  the  magistrates  and  senates,  and  of  all  other 
persons  whom  it  is  fitting  to  consult  and  whose  ad- 
vice is  usually  asked.”  They,  moreover,  expressed 
the  hope  that  the  measure  would  meet  with  the 
approval  of  all  their  sister  provinces,  and  with  the 
especial  co-operation  of  those  estates  with  whom  they 
were  accustomed  to  act. 

On  the  15th  of  November,  1583,  the  deputies  of 
Zealand  and  Utrecht,  who  were  the  estates  thus  re- 
ferred to,  formally  declared  their  intention  to  remain 
in  their  ancient  friendship  and  union  with  Holland, 
“ under  one  sovereignty  and  government.”  An  act 
to  this  effect  was  drawn  up  to  be  referred  for  ratifica- 
tion to  their  principals,  at  the  next  assembly.  It 
had  not,  however,  been  ratified  when  the  proceed- 
ings were  ended  by  the  prince’s  death.  Holland  ac- 
cepted this  formality  as  sufficient,  and  the  act  of 

1 Groen,  Archives , viii.,  418.  Bor,  iii.,  187,  gives  this  as  addressed 
only  to  Utrecht.  Kluit,  i.,  322  (see  Groen  and  Motley),  shows  that 
it  was  a general  letter. 


'Ieeuwaarde 


\LKMAAR) 


WORM) 


EDAM' 


'harverwyk 


f HAARLEi 


ARNHEM. 


deMacvs}, 


'ERDAM 


ORECHT 


NIM  INGEN 


IR/EF 


\ kleefslaW 

o'mOOKHE/DER 


25 


KAARTJE1  VAN  DE 

VII  VERENIGDE 
NEDERLAND8CHE 
PROVINTIEN 


\ / 

>-w  ft 

■?Vi  Alrs\  |&A 

^ 

DU/TSCHE  MYiEN  VAN  IS  IN  SEN  CRAAD 
A 8 12  16 

■ i i i i — i — i — i — i — > 

FRANSCHE  /.1YLEN  OF  UREN  CAANS 


MAP  OF  THE  SEVEN  UNITED  PROVINCES. 

(Redrawn  from  A Has  of  the  Netherlands , by  Hendrik  de  Leth.) 


15841 


The  Countship  of  Holland. 


387 


“ Renver sal"  was  accordingly  delivered  on  the  yth 
of  December,  1583.1  On  the  30th  of  the  same 
month,  forty-nine  articles  containing  a plan  for  a free 
commonwealth  were  agreed  upon  by  the  prince  and 
the  estates,  as  the  fundamental  conditions  under 
which  he  should  be  invested  with  the  countship. 
The  prince  accepted  the  dignity  and  the  articles, 
only  upon  the  further  stipulation  that  the  whole 
proceeding  should  be  once  more  confirmed  by  the 
senates  and  the  cities. 

This  new  constitution  repeated,  in  the  main,  the 
articles  of  the  Union  of  Delft,  but  the  powers  given 
to  the  prince  as  stadtholder  of  Philip,  were  now  be- 
stowed upon  him  in  virtue  of  the  new  countship, 
which,  however,  differed  radically  from  that  dignity 
as  held  by  the  former  incumbent.  The  divine  right 
was  swept  away.  The  sovereignty  was  counted  as 
the  gift  of  the  public  through  their  representatives, 
the  estates.  The  title  was,  however,  made  heredi- 
tary in  this  fashion.2  “ After  the  death  of  his  Grace, 
the  estates  of  Holland,  Zealand,  and  Friesland, 
will  receive  as  count  of  the  said  lands,  the  one  of  his 
legitimate  sons  whom  they  may  judge  the  most 
worthy  of  the  dignity.”  This  was  to  ensure  the  ex- 
clusion of  the  Spanishised  Philip,  Count  of  Buren.3 

By  this  new  arrangement  William  of  Nassau  had  far 
less  authority,  was  far  more  limited  in  his  action,  than 

1 Bor,  iii. , 186.  Thus,  in  Groen’s  opinion  the  prince  was  Count  of 
Holland,  de  facto , at  the  time  of  his  death. — Ibid .,  191,  194. 

2 Groen,  Archives , viii. , 437. 

3 Dordrecht  changed  this  article  to  “ one  of  his  Excellency’s  legiti- 
mate children,  son  or  daughter,  who,  not  being  married,  would  marry 
only  with  the  consent  of  the  states.” — Ibid.,  437. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


388 

he  had  been  since  he  set  foot  within  the  provinces  in 
1572.  His  authority  was  curbed,  not  augmented. 
Instead  of  being,  practically,  dictator  on  land  and 
sea,  lie  consented  to  become  an  executive  with  re- 
stricted prerogatives,  an  administrator  of  affairs  in 
behalf  of  a deliberative  body.  The  states  were  made 
the  seat  of  power,  and  Orange  agreed  that  they  should 
be  so  made.  Some  of  the  prince’s  adherents  in 
Utrecht  objected  very  strongly  to  these  articles,1 
urging  that  they  were  far  too  circumscribed  in  scope, 
too  much  to  the  advantage  of  the  states  and  too  lit- 
tle to  that  of  the  citizens.  With  this  tendency  the 
prince  was  not  in  sympathy.  He  would  have  pre- 
ferred giving  more  weight  to  the  opinions  of  the  peo- 
ple at  large,  but  he  did  not  think  it  wise  to  press  that 
opinion  at  that  crisis. 

After  the  articles  were  accepted,  the  matter  still 
hung  fire  from  one  cause  or  another.  Finally,  the 
prince  himself  urged  that  it  should  be  completed. 
This  is  not  inconsistent  with  his  previous  reluctance 
to  accept  the  dignity.  He  had  been  slow  to  come  to 
a decision,  but  after  doing  so  in  Bruges,  in  1582,  he 
considered  the  transaction  placed  on  a different  foot- 
ing, and  in  1584,  he  thought  it  was  only  due  to  him- 
self and  to  the  provinces  that  it  should  be  brought  to 
a conclusion.  The  states  had  taken  the  initiative 
and  urged  him  to  accept  a title  which,  indeed,  he 
did  not  regard  as  wholly  advantageous  to  him,  but 

1 “ Zyo  gelimiteerd  en  gerestringeerd  dat  naauwelyks  een  persoon 
van  zeer  kleine  qualite  ze  zou  kunnen  goed  keuren.  Zeer  weinig  tot 
voordeel  van  de  privelegien  en  vryheid  der  burgers  daarin  wordt 
gezegd.” — Bor,  iii. , 380. 


1584] 


The  Prince's  Memoir . 


389 


which  they  considered  an  honour  in  their  gift.  Both 
offer  and  acceptance  had  been  public,  and  he  thought 
it  unbefitting  his  honour  and  that  of  the  provinces 
that  the  delay  in  completing  the  gift  should  also  be 
public. 

Early  in  July  he  presented  the  following  memoir 1 2 
to  the  states  of  Holland  : 

“ Gentlemen:  We  must  remind  you,  that  you,  together 
with  the  people  of  Zealand,  voluntarily  gave  us  certain 
acts  declaring  that  you  took  us  for  your  count  and  lord, 
and  upon  such  terms  as  might  be  arranged  . . . the 

same  act  being  dated  March  29,  1580.  Some  time  after- 
wards, in  the  month  of  August,  1582,  you  were  pleased 
to  send  certain  deputies  to  11s  at  Bruges,  expressly  to 
urge  us  to  make  an  end  of  the  affair,  and  asking  us  to 
state  the  conditions  upon  which  we  would  accept  the 
dignity.  After  you  had  seen  the  said  conditions  stated 

in  articles,  you  wrote  to  us  the of , ’83, 2 — that 

you  approved  them.  Since  then  you  have  written  to 
all  the  provinces  which  remain  united,  advising  them  of 
your  resolution  to  make  us  your  count  and  lord.  In  last 
December,  you,  before  an  assembly  of  all  the  states,  pre- 
sented to  us  the  letters  of  acceptance  that  you  had  re- 
ceived from  our  person,  duly  sealed  with  the  city’s  seals, 
together  with  the  articles  you  had  agreed  upon,  which 
had  been  signed  by  all  the  cities  except  Amsterdam  and 
Ter  Goes. 

“ This  matter  has  been  discussed  so  often  in  the  states 

1 Groen,  Archives , viii.,  428.  On  the  margin  is  written  : “ Pre- 

sented by  his  Excellency  to  the  states  of  Holland,  in  the  beginning 
of  July,  1584.”  Groen  says  this  document  is  not  in  the  Holland 
register. 

2 So  in  text. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


39° 


of  Holland  and  also  in  the  private  assemblies  of  the 
cities,  and  offered  to  the  other  provinces,  that  it  cannot 
remain  hidden  or  secret.1  It  is  not  only  public  property 
in  these  lands,  but  there  is  no  kingdom  or  country  in 
Christendom  where  it  has  not  been  discussed.  As  it  is 
patent  how  long  the  affair  drags  on,  every  one  has  the 
right  to  draw  his  own  conclusion,  as  they  will  do,  accord- 
ing to  their  sympathies.  And  as  it  behooves  you  and 
us  to  heed  the  common  weal  above  all,  public  honour 
ought  to  be  cherished.  Nevertheless,  you  cannot  be  ig- 
norant of  the  fact  that  opportunity  is  given  to  people  to 
talk. 

“ If  the  affairs  of  the  land  were  well  conducted  mean- 
while, this  inconvenience  might  be  borne,  but  you  know 
that  the  contrary  is  the  case  and  that  uncertainty  in  all 
quarters  of  this  republic  causes  a confusion,  or  great 
imperfection  in  many  things,  as  reformation  in  all  direc- 
tions is  postponed  until  affairs  are  on  a fixed  basis.  Peo- 
ple talk  and  act  without  restraint,  with  no  fear  of  pun- 
ishment, and  if  we,  having  as  little  authority  as  we  have, 
should  arrest  anyone  in  the  course  of  justice,  we  should 
be  criticised  at  once,  as  though  we  were  acting  pri- 
vately and  not  in  behalf  of  the  whole  land  and  republic. 

“ All  these  considerations  move  us,  gentlemen,  to  beg 
you  people  in  a friendly  manner,  to  make  an  end  to  this 
business  and  help  us  to  uphold  our  honour  and  reputation, 
as  well  as  to  help  you  to  establish  all  affairs  in  such  a 
state  and  order  that  the  land  and  republic  may  be  there- 
by benefited.  While  you  delay  your  resolution  about 
the  solemn  inauguration,  see,  above  all,  that  some  tem- 
porary steps  are  taken  so  that  these  annoyances  may  be 
obviated.  When  no  laws  or  statutes  can  be  enforced 


1 The  first  offer  was  secret. 


1584]  The  Countship  of  Holland.  391 

for  lack  of  efficient  authority,  then  it  is  plain  to  every 
one,  that,  without  such  authority,  all  laws  and  ordinances 
are  like  a body  without  a soul.  Give  us,  pray,  such 
authority,  backed  by  the  counsel  with  which  you  can 
aid  us,  that  we  may  uphold  justice,  laws,  and  ordinances 
both  old  and  new,  as  they  are  enacted  for  the  common 
weal. 

“ May  it  please  you  to  exchange  the  necessary  oaths 
with  us,  so  that  we  shall  be  duly  qualified  to  enable  us 
to  regulate  all  things  officially.  May  you  be  pleased, 
also,  to  order  that  we  may  have  control  over  the  tribu- 
nals, as  justice  cannot  be  exercised  without  authority, 
and  to  arrange  that  they  may  offer  us  the  oath  of  fidel- 
ity. Let  authority  be  accorded  to  us,  also,  over  the 
chamber  of  finance.  And,  as  from  time  immemorial, 
the  land  of  Zealand  has  been  allied  with  this  province 
of  Holland,  it  is  fitting  that  the  two  should  continue  to 
hold  together.  Therefore,  may  it  please  you  to  send 
deputies  to  Zealand  to  communicate  with  the  states  of 
that  land,  and  to  urge  them  to  the  completion  of  the 
presentation  that  they  offered  us. 

“ Meanwhile,  waiting  the  solemnisation  of  the  affair 
and  the  decision  of  Zealand,  may  it  please  you  to  deter- 
mine what  title  we  shall  use  in  letters  and  ordinances, 
and  also  what  seal  in  dispatches,  so  that  all  the  business 
of  the  land  may  be  expedited.” 

The  initiative  had  been  with  the  states,  but  delib- 
erative bodies  rarely  act  with  unanimity,  and  there 
was  some  dissent  among  the  deputies  when  the  mat- 
ter was  on  the  point  of  completion.  The  most 
vehement  protest  against  completing  this  gift  to  the 
prince,  was  made  before  the  council  of  Amsterdam 
in  June,  1584,  by  ,C.  P.  Hooft,  the  father  of  the  his- 


392 


William  the  Silent . 


torian,  who  passes  over  the  incident  in  complete 
silence.  Hoofd,  the  father,  said  that  he  really  could 
not  see  what  advantage  it  would  be  to  bestow  the 
countship  upon  the  prince.  Moreover,  it  did  not 
seem  to  him  in  accordance  with  the  Union  of 
Utrecht  that  some  of  the  allies  should  take  an  inde- 
pendent step.1 

Kluit  suggests  that  Hooft,  though  he  thought  it 
useless  to  bestow  the  title  of  count  on  the  prince, 
had  no  desire  to  withdraw  the  power  that  Orange 
had  been  exercising  for  many  years.  The  opposition 
was,  however,  individual  and  not  well  received.  The 
bestowal  of  this  title  at  this  epoch  was  a natural 
outcome  of  the  abjuration  of  Philip’s  authority  in 
1581.  It  was  a declaration  plain  and  simple,  that 
Holland  and  the  sister  states  who  went  with  her, 
had  no  intention  of  following  the  example  of  the 
Walloon  provinces. 

The  general  decision  had  been  reached  long  since. 
Intervening  accidents  and  the  inertia  of  a slow-mov- 
ing body  had  delayed  the  completion  of  the  gift. 
This  formal  reminder  from  the  prince  is  one  of  the 
last  papers  coming  from  his  hand.  Undoubtedly  it 
would  have  carried  weight,  and  his  inauguration  as 
Count  of  Holland  would  have  speedily  followed.2 
At  his  death,  the  states  considered  themselves  pos- 

1 Groen,  Archives , viii.,  424.  Lettenhove  gives  the  speech  in  full, 
and  considers  it  an  expression  of  the  general  ill-will  against  the 
prince. 

2 Strada,  ii. , v.,  213,  says  that  Orange  had  prepared  coins,  which 
were  found  after  his  death,  with  the  inscription  Nova  moneta  Comit 
Ilollandice  ac  Zelandice.  These  were  to  be  thrown  to  the  crowd  on 
the  day  of  inauguration. 


1584] 


The  Count  ship  of  Holland. 


393 


sessed  of  the  sovereignty  that  they  had  not  entirely 
given  away.  Maurice  of  Nassau,  his  brother,  and 
their  successors  bore  a different  nominal  relation  to 
the  provinces  from  that  which  they  might  have 
held  had  it  not  been  for  the  event  of  July,  1584. 
When  the  Prince  of  Orange  fell,  the  government, 
with  the  administrative  powers  lodged  in  the  states, 
continued  in  being  for  the  provinces  accepting  the 
Union  of  Utrecht.  There  were  some  changes,  but 
seven  provinces  remained  within  its  bonds.  How 
they  accepted  Holland’s  lead  and  became  the  United 
Netherlands,  and,  later,  the  kingdom  of  Holland, 
where  Wilhelmina  of  Nassau  reigns  to-day  as  queen 
by  inheritance,  belongs  to  another  history  than  that 
of  the  William  who  was  stadtholder  to  the  King  of 
Spain,  and  servant  to  the  people  who  afterwards 
honoured  him  with  the  name  of  Father  of  the  Dutch 
Republic. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

THE  BAN  SUCCESSFUL. 
1584. 


HE  early  summer  of  1584,  found  the 
Prince  of  Orange  living  in  Delft  in 
the  old  convent  of  St.  Agatha.  It 
is  a quiet,  sleepy  spot,  unpretentious 
and  simple.  The  steam  tram  from 
The  Hague  enters  the  little  town  at 
the  Hague  Gate,  and  makes  its  way 
through  the  broad,  straight  street,  Oud,  Delft.  A 
sluggish  canal  flows  tranquilly  through  the  middle  of 
this  way.  A few  freight  boats  creep  slowly  along, 
looking  scornfully  on  this  new-time  means  of  trans- 
portation, which  passes  them  rapidly,  but  with  no 
undue  bustle  or  noisy  bell -ringing  to  jar  on  the 
repose,  which  seems  to  be  an  inherent  quality  of  the 
place. 

On  one  side  of  the  canal,  nearly  half-way  between 
the  Hague  and  Rotterdam  gates,  is  the  Church  of  the 
Holy  Spirit.  A little  bridge  crosses  the  canal  from 
the  church  gate  to  the  entrance  of  the  old  convent 
on  the  opposite  side.  When  this  peaceful  abode  for 
quiet  and  holy  women,  who  had  once  found  their 

394 


1584] 


Delft 


395 


vocation  within  the  walls,  became  the  prince’s  resi- 
dence, the  name  of  St.  Agatha  was  abandoned,  and 
the  modest  two-story  brick  structure  was  termed 
the  Prinsenhof.1  The  name  was  changed,  but  the 
atmosphere  of  its  former  use  clung  about  the  place, 
and  there  was  nothing  grand  or  princely  in  its 
aspect.  No  garden  separates  the  house  from  the 
street.  A plain  door,  giving  on  the  shady  side- 
walk, opens  into  a court.  At  the  rear  were  stables, 
which  backed  upon  the  ramparts  and  moat.  On 
one  side  was  a narrow  lane,  leading  from  the  street 
to  the  ramparts ; on  the  other  was  the  entrance  to 
the  house.  On  the  left  of  the  passage  way  into 
which  the  outer  door  opens,  is  a large  hall,  used  by 
the  Nassaus  in  1584  as  a dining-room.  Three  or 
four  steps  lead  up  to  this.  On  the  right  is  an  arch- 
way, and  beyond  are  the  stairs  leading  to  the  upper 
rooms. 

No  place  could  seem  farther  removed  from  the 
dangers  of  the  world,  especially  from  the  thought  of 
murder  and  bloodshed.  Antwerp  was  a cosmopoli- 
tan city,  with  merchants  coming  and  going  from  all 
quarters,  with  sailors  and  other  folk  of  all  nations 
thronging  the  streets.  Delft  is,  and  was,  very  dif- 
ferent, and  here  the  family  party,  centred  around 
the  prince,  must  have  felt  comparatively  safe. 

During  the  months  that  had  elapsed  since  Jaure- 
guy’s  unsuccessful  attempt  on  the  life  of  Orange, 

1 Before  1583,  the  states-general  sat  here  from  time  to  time.  For 
many  years  it  was  used  as  barracks.  Now  it  has  been  restored, 
dedicated  to  the  memory  of  William  of  Orange,  and  is  used  as  a 
museum. 


396 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


neither  the  price  upon  his  head,  nor  the  advantage 
to  accrue  to  religion  if  he  were  removed,  had  ever 
been  wholly  forgotten.  The  plot  of  Juan  de  Salcedo 
and  Francesco  de  Basa  to  assassinate  both  Orange 
and  Anjou  at  Bruges  has  been  touched  on.1  In  the 
same  summer  of  1582,  one  Pedro  Ordono,  a Spaniard, 
who  had  served  in  the  Netherlands  and  knew  the 
ways  of  the  land,  went  to  Lisbon  for  the  express 
purpose  of  visiting  Philip,  and  seeing  what  terms 
would  be  made  with  him  for  the  prince’s  murder. 
His  proposition  was  accepted  with  alacrity.  Don 
Juan  de  Idiaquez,  Secretary  of  State,  furnished  Or- 
dono with  six  hundred  crowns  to  defray  the  expense 
of  his  journey,  besides  giving  him  a letter  to  Parma. 
On  his  way  to  the  Netherlands,  Ordofio  wrote  to 
Philip  that  he  was  just  about  to  depart  from  Grave- 
lines for  Antwerp,  which  he  would  never  leave  until 
his  mission  was  accomplished.  His  assertion  was 
true.  The  deed  was  never  accomplished,  nor  did  he 
leave  the  city.  The  plot  was  discovered  on  March 
2d,  and  he  was  beheaded  on  the  following  day. 
“ I saw  him  in  prison,”  writes  Le  Petit ; “ sure  never 
was  there  a man  poorer  in  courage  for  so  big  an 
enterprise.”  2 

Bor,  Le  Petit,  and  Meteren  tell  about  a certain 
Hans  Hanszoon,  a Flushing  merchant,  who  formed 
a gunpowder  plot  against  the  prince.  It  was  discov- 
ered, and  the  man  was  executed.  Gachard,  however, 
doubts  the  authenticity  of  this  story.  All  three 
historians  claim  that  this  man  had  plotted  in  council 

1 Gachard,  Cor.,  vi.,  lxxviii. 

2 Petit,  Grande  Chronique  de  Hollande  et  Zealande,  xiii. , ii. , 471. 


1584] 


Captain  Get. 


39  7 


with  Jean  Baptiste  de  Tassis,  in  whose  papers  no 
trace  of  the  project  is  found.1 

In  1583,  four  Spanish  officers,  who  had  gone  over 
to  Orange  for  different  reasons  of  offended  dignity, 
conceived  the  idea  of  reinstating  themselves  in  their 
monarch’s  favour  by  doing  him  a signal  service. 
Philip’s  offers  in  regard  to  the  patriot  leader  were 
always  open,  and  they  determined  to  win  honour 
through  the  prince’s  life,  and  to  take  over  Flushing 
to  the  king  at  the  same  time.  Tassis  wrote  fully 
about  this  project  to  Parma.  All  seemed  in  good 
train,  when  the  plan  was  suddenly  abandoned. 

In  April,  1584,  a certain  French  officer,  one  Get  or 
Gott,  was  captured  by  Marquis  Roubaix,then  camp- 
ing at  Eccloo.2 3 *  It  was  not  the  first  time  that  Cap- 
tain Get  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
On  the  last  occasion  he  had  saved  himself  by  swim- 
ming. He  was  afraid  that  this  fact  might  be 
remembered  against  him,  and  that  he  would  be  kept 
in  close  confinement.  Therefore  he  insinuated  that 
if  he  could  do  Roubaix  any  service,  he  would  not  be 
found  wanting.  The  marquis  made  several  proposi- 
tions which  Get  declined.  Then  he  asked  if  he 
could  not  put  the  Prince  of  Orange  out  of  the  way.5 
To  this  Get  replied  that  he  thought  that  was  some- 
thing within  his  power,  and  at  once  suggested  poison 
as  the  best  weapon,  for  he  knew  the  prince’s  steward, 


1 Gachard  also  searched  the  Flushing  archives,  but  found  no 
records  of  this  man’s  execution. 

2 Gachard,  Cor.,  vi.,  121,  122,  129. 

3 The  letters  between  Roubaix  and  Parma  on  the  subject  are  in 

existence.  Ibid.,  121,  125.  See  also  Relation  officielle,  ibid.,  129. 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


39S 

and  could  get  access  to  the  kitchen.  Roubaix  was 
incredulous  of  his  success  in  that  direction,  saying 
that  even  if  he  were  in  the  kitchen  he  could  not 
know  what  dish  the  prince  would  choose  at  table. 
Get  reassured  him.  The  prince  was  very  fond  of  a 
certain  eel  soup,  cooked  in  a little  pot,  the  cover  of 
which  was  pierced,  to  allow  the  exit  of  the  steam. 
Roubaix  saw  by  this  detail  that  the  man  did  know 
the  kitchen.  He  then  inquired  the  motives  for  his 
treachery,  when  he  stood  so  well  with  the  prince. 
Get  answered  that  the  French  were  out  of  reputation 
in  Flanders  ; everyone  called  them  traitors.  He  was 
poor,  and  had  heard  that  the  Spanish  king  would 
make  any  one  rich  who  succeeded  in  ridding  him  of 
his  arch-enemy.  Farnese  did  not  have  much  faith 
in  the  truth  of  this  man’s  assertions.  He  thought 
he  only  wanted  to  get  free,  but  he  told  Roubaix  to 
follow  his  own  judgment  in  the  matter.  Get  was  let 
off,  and  straightway  went  to  the  prince  and  boasted 
of  having  refused  all  temptation  to  play  him  false. 

All  these  would-be  assassins1  were  actuated  solely 
by  interested  motives,  by  the  desire  of  gaining  Phil- 
ip’s countenance,  by  the  hope  of  winning  back  lost 
reputation,  and  above  all  by  the  wish  for  Spanish 
coin.  No  such  incentives  as  these  proved  sufficiently 
powerful  to  push  the  project  through  to  completion. 
Anastro  had  wanted  the  price,  but  his  life  was  dearer 
to  him  than  money,  while  his  tool  acceded  to  his 
proposition,  not  for  the  sake  of  the  guilders,  but  be- 

1 Besides  these  attempts  which  were  chronicled,  there  were,  un- 
doubtedly, many  other  creatures  who  had  the  murder  in  mind,  and 
only  lacked  opportunity  to  execute  it. 


i584] 


Balthazar  Gerard 1 


399 


cause  he  honestly  believed  that  thereby  he  was  doing 
a work  blessed  of  God.  Only  one  influenced  by  a 
thought  apart  from  his  own  personality  could  be  for- 
tified by  courage  to  expose  himself  to  so  deadly  a 
risk.  The  deed  could  only  be  accomplished  by  a 
conscientious  fanatic,  in  short.  And  such  a one  ap- 
peared upon  the  scene  in  1584. 

Balthazar  Gerard  was  born  in  the  year  1557,  in  Vil- 
lafans,  a tiny  village  in  Burgundy.1  He  was  the  ninth 
child  of  Jean  Gerard,  castellan  and  judge  of  Villafans, 
and  of  one  Barbara  d’Emskercke,  who  was  descended 
from  the  Counts  of  Holland.  The  whole  family  were 
devoted,  heart  and  soul,  to  the  Catholic  faith  and  to 
the  king.  Balthazar  was  a religious  enthusiast  from 
his  earliest  years.  Renon  de  France  claims  to  have 

1 Contemporary  accounts  of  the  assassination  are  full  and  detailed. 
The  chief  sources  of  this  narrative  are  as  follows  : (l)  Two  state- 

ments made  by  Gerard  to  the  Prince  of  Parma  and  to  the  Councillor 
d’Assonleville. — Gachard,  Cor. , vi.,  ill.  (2)  Letter  of  the  pretended 
Francis  Guion  to  the  Prince  of  Orange. — De  Moord  van  1584,  p.  116. 
[Collection  of  documents  relating  to  the  death  of  Orange,  published 
by  M.  Nijhoff,  1884.]  (3)  Confession  de  Balthazar  Girard , July  10, 

1584,  written  in  the  janitor’s  room  of  the  Prinsenhof  immediately 
after  the  murder. — Gachard,  Cor.,  vi.,  163.  (4)  Relation  ojfcielle  de 

V assassinat  du  prince  d' Orange,  July  10,  1584.  This  was  drawn  up 
at  Delft  after  the  assassination. — Ibid.,  126.  (5)  Extrait  du  Recueil 

manuscrit  de  frere  Jean  Ballin,  concernant  V assassinat  du  prince 
d' Orange  et  l' execution  de  Balthazar  Girard. — Ibid.,  144.  (6)  Ex- 

trait de  Renon  de  France  concernant  le  meurtre  du  prince  d' Orange. 
- — Ibid.,  157.  (7)  Extraits  des  resolutions  des  I tats  glnlraux  et  des 

I/a/s  de  Hollande  et  de  IVest  Frise,  concernant  I assassinat  du  prince 
d' Orange. — Ibid. , 170,  173.  (8)  Two  letters  from  Cornelis  Aerssens 

to  burgomasters,  etc.,  of  Brussels. — Ibid.,  186,  192.  (9)  Sentence  of 

death  of  Balthazar  Gerard. — Ibid.,  189.  (10)  Le  Petit,  Grande 

Chronique,  p.  492.  See  Ibid.,  evii.  This  author  was  in  Delft  on 
July  10th.  Other  references  given  in  text. 


400 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


learned  details  from  his  fellow-pupils  which  show  how 
early  in  life  one  idea  took  possession  of  his  whole 
soul.  He  was  scarcely  twelve  years  old  when,  hear- 
ing his  elders  discuss  the  evil  wrought  by  the  Neth- 
erland  Beggars,  at  the  instance  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  he  boldly  declared  that  he  would  kill  the 
man  who  had  caused  so  much  ill. 

In  1577,  he  chanced  to  be  in  the  house  of  John 
Villaux  at  Dole  when  he  heard  of  the  rupture  be- 
tween the  states  and  Don  John.  Seizing  a dagger 
in  his  hand  he  lanced  it  against  a door  with  all  his 
force.  “I  wish,”  he  cried,  “that  this  blow  had  been 
given  in  the  heart  of  the  Prince  of  Orange.”  This 
speech  shocked  a bystander,  one  Ponthier,  who  re- 
proved the  young  man,  saying  it  was  not  his  business 
to  kill  or  threaten  princes.  If  it  were  the  king’s 
will  that  Nassau  should  die,  his  Majesty  was  well  able 
to  bring  it  about.  Probably  he  did  not  wish  to  lose 
lightly  so  valiant  a captain  while  there  was  any  chance 
of  bringing  him  back  to  loyal  ways. 

“ Giving  ear  to  this  remonstrance,  I left  it  all  to 
the  direction  of  God  and  his  Majesty.  But,  as,  about 
three  years  ago  I heard  that  his  Majesty  had  issued 
a sentence  of  death  against  the  said  Nassau  in  the 
form  of  a proscription,  and  as  the  execution  of  justice 
and  the  king’s  will  seemed  long  delayed,  I put  my 
private  affairs  in  order,  left  Burgundy  and  came 
hither  on  purpose  to  carry  out  the  said  sentence. 
This  was  in  February,  1582.” 

When  this  determined  murderer  with  his  “ invet- 
erate purpose  ” reached  the  city  of  Luxemburg  in  the 
following  March,  he  heard  that  a “gentle  Biscayan, 


1584] 


Balthazar  Gerard. 


401 


since  deceased,”  had  slain  the  prince.  Whereupon 
he  promptly  gave  thanks  to  Heaven,  who  had  thus 
excused  him  from  exposure  to  danger.  The  rumours 
of  the  prince’s  death  from  his  wounds  seemed  so  well 
substantiated,  that  Gerard’s  mind  was  fully  relieved. 
His  intended  occupation  gone,  he  entered  the  service 
of  one  John  Dupre,  his  own  cousin,  secretary  to 
Mansfeld,  then  royal  Governor  of  Luxemburg,  and 
marshal-general  of  Philip’s  army.  When  the  news 
of  Orange’s  recovery  came,  Gerard  decided  to  com- 
plete the  unfinished  task.  He  conceived  the  idea  of 
making  capital  out  of  his  present  position,  so  as  to 
further  the  cherished  project.  Therefore  he  prac- 
tised Mansfeld’s  signature  and  made,  in  red  wax,  a 
large  number  of  impressions  of  Mansfeld’s  seals 
[ cachets  volants ],  thinking  that  he  could  worm  him- 
self into  Orange’s  confidence  by  means  of  these. 

In  June,  1583,  he  took  leave  of  Dupre,  and  was 
about  to  quit  Luxemburg,  when  four  hundred  and 
fifty  crowns  were  stolen  from  his  master.  Fearing 
lest  his  going  just  then,  might  look  like  a guilty  flight, 
and  that  the  theft  might  be  laid  to  his  door,  Gerard 
delayed  his  departure  a while.  The  lost  money  was 
recovered.  An  illness  of  Dupr6  kept  him  a few 
weeks  longer,  so  that  his  purpose  was  not  fulfilled 
until  March,  1584.  He  told  Dupr6  that  he  was  go- 
ing to  Spain.  The  latter  tried  to  detain  him,  but 
finally  they  bade  each  other  adieu,  and  Gerard  went 
on  his  chosen  mission.  “ In  order  not  to  proceed  in 
my  deliberation  to  the  prejudice  of  the  king,  and 
also  to  remove  my  own  conscientious  scruples,  I went 
first  to  Treves,  where  I confessed  my  purpose  to  a 

VOL  II — 26 


402 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


worthy  and  learned  man,  a member  of  the  Society  of 
Jesus,  living  in  the  college  at  Treves.  I showed  him 
the  seals,  begging  him  to  keep  my  secret  until  after 
Easter,  and  then  to  communicate  it  to  Count  Mans- 
feld.”  The  good  Jesuit  deemed  this  enterprise  a 
dangerous  one,  and  was  especially  troubled  about  the 
misuse  of  the  seals,  and  expressed  his- unwillingness 
to  be  mixed  up  in  the  business.1 

In  accordance  with  this  advice  Gerard  decided  to 
give  greater  security  to  himself  and  greater  dignity 
to  his  plan  by  taking  Parma  into  his  confidence. 
Without  loss  of  time  Gerard  betook  himself  to 
Tournay,  where  Parma  was.  He  was  given  audi- 
ence on  March  2ist,  and  presented  a written  state- 
ment that  he  had  prepared,  telling  of  his  intention.2 
At  first,  Parma  thought  that  Gerard  was  too  insig- 
nificant and  wretched-looking  to  have  any  prospect 
of  being  able  to  accomplish  his  big  design.  As  he 
wrote  to  the  king:  “The  character  of  the  person  did 
not  promise  well  for  an  enterprise  of  so  great  im- 

1 This  is  what  Gerard  says  in  his  Confession  (Gachard,  Cor.,  vi., 

167)  : On  the  examination  of  July  nth,  after  torture,  he  said  that 

this  Jesuit,  a red-haired  man  whose  name  he  did  not  know  [Diet  que 
le  diet  Jesuyte  estoit  regent  du  college  illecq  et  rosseau  de  couleur,  mais 
que  son  nom  lie  luy  est  pas  cogneu],  afterwards  told  him  that  he 
would  be  ranked  with  the  martyrs  if  he  succeeded  in  his  enterprise. 
Motley  speaks  of  two  priests  at  Treves.  It  seems  to  me  that  but  one 
is  referred  to,  and  that  Gerard  endeavoured  to  shield  him  at  first,  mak- 
ing the  additional  statement  under  torture,  concerning  the  same  per- 
son. In  the  Relation  officielle  it  is  stated  that  Gerard  at  last  confessed 
that  three  other  members  of  the  Jesuit  college  were  informed  of  the 
intention.  In  the  minutes  of  the  examination  no  such  admission  is 
entered. 

2 Gachard,  Cor. , vi.,  m. 


15841 


Balthazar  Gerard. 


403 


portance.”  1 However,  he  told  Councillor  d’Asson- 
leville  to  examine  the  man  further  and  see  what  he 
could  make  of  him.  To  him  Gerard  entered  into 
the  details  of  his  project,  and  suggested  that  a 
change  should  be  made  in  Mansfeld’s  seal  to  pre- 
vent serious  consequences  did  he  succeed  in  im- 
posing his  copies  on  the  prince,  and  that  henceforth 
no  lozenge-shaped  seals  should  be  cut.2  He  also 
begged  Parma  to  obtain  absolution  from  the  pope 
for  the  crime  he  was  about  to  commit.  By  this  he 
did  not  mean  the  murder,  but  the  intercourse  that 
he  must  necessarily  have  “ with  heretics  and  atheists, 
and  the  adoption  of  their  habits.” 

The  story  was  reported  to  Parma  with  a request 
for  some  money  to  assist  the  schemer  to  carry  out  his 
device.  Parma  was  willing  to  let  the  man  go  on  his 
own  way,  but  he  had  grown  weary  of  the  demands 
of  cutthroats  and  fanatics,  and  entirely  declined  to 
give  the  new  adventurer  the  hundred  crowns  he 
coolly  demanded.  Too  many  Italians  and  soldiers 
had  squeezed  money  out  of  the  royal  purse  on  the 
same  pretext.  Assonleville,  therefore,  told  Gerard 
that  he  had  little  chance  of  success  and  less  of  pre- 
serving his  life.  All  the  encouragement  he  would 
give  him  was  to  guarantee  to  him,  or  to  his  heirs,  in 
Parma’s  name,  the  rewards  offered  in  the  proscrip- 
tion, if  he  were  successful.  The  councillor  further 
bade  him  to  beware  of  compromising  Farnese,  and 

1 Parma  to  Philip,  August  12th,  Gachard,  Cor, , vi.,  200. 

2 “ A fin  que  S.  E.  se  tienne  sur  ses  gardes,  et  que  son  secretaire  ne 
taille  plus  en  forme  de  losange  les  cachets  qu’il  mettra  sur  ses 
passeports.” 


404 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


then  added  : “ Go,  my  child,  if  you  accomplish  the 
deed  the  king  will  fulfil  all  his  promises  and  you  will 
be  immortalised.”  1 

Before  quitting  Tournay,  Gerard  visited  the  con- 
vent of  the  Greyfriars  and  confessed  himself  to 
Friar  Jean  Ghery,  leaving  with  him  copies  of  the 
two  written  statements  he  had  made  to  the  Duke  of 
Parma  and  to  Assonleville.2  This  friar  was  an  ar- 
dent royalist  and  a devout  Catholic,  and  gladly  gave 
Gerard  his  blessing  and  promised  to  remember  him 
in  his  prayers. 

Assonleville  had  advised  Gerard  to  bury  his  seals 
before  entering  any  town,  as  a precaution,  and  this 
he  did,  but  there  are  no  further  details  about  his 
journey  from  Tournay  to  Delft,  where  his  victim 
was  “ safe  in  the  very  heart  of  Holland,”  as  the  coun- 
cillor had  pointed  out  to  the  undaunted  assassin, 
now  strengthened  in  his  purpose  by  the  sanction  of 
king  and  priest.  He  was,  in  truth,  whole-souled  and 
of  single  purpose,  from  which  nothing  distracted  him. 

Early  in  May  he  reached  Delft,  and  obtained  ac- 
cess to  the  Calvinist  minister,  Villiers,  to  whom  he 
showed  the  seals.3  Villiers  was  interested  in  the 
man  and  assisted  him  to  present  the  following  letter 4 
to  Orange  : 

“ Monseigneur  : Since  reason  joined  to  faith  and  jus- 
tice, was  given  by  God  to  His  elect,  to  exalt  them  above 
His  other  creatures,  a man,  whoever  he  may  be,  endowed 

1 Relation  officielle , Gachard,  Cor. , vi.,  126. 

2 Ibid.,  142. 

3 Ibid. , 167. 

4 De  Moord  van  1384.,  p.  116. 


1584] 


Balthazar  Gerard. 


405 


with  this  grace  and  neglecting  it,  is  truly  ungrateful.  By 
His  infinite  goodness,  the  Lord  having  chosen  me  among 
others  to  serve  Him,  I can  do  no  less  (especially  in  these 
times,  miserable  in  every  respect)  than  to  ally  myself 
with  the  faithful  of  His  church  militant,  to  serve  and  to 
aid  (as  is  the  duty  of  all  faithful  evangelists)  the  valiant 
designs  of  your  Excellency  in  every  possible  way.  Con- 
sidering that  it  is  your  Excellency  alone,  who,  as  chief 
and  principal  defender,  bears  all  the  burden  of  this 
quarrel,  besides  other  reasons  with  which  I will  not 
weary  your  Excellency,  all  unbidden,  I have  dared  to 
state  the  ground  of  my  coming  hither,  and  hereby  I beg 
your  Excellency  to  depute  his  secretary,  or  some  other 
faithful  person,  to  communicate  with  me  and  report  to 
your  Excellency.  Assuring  your  Excellency  that  if  I 
had  the  power  to  do  anything  in  his  service  I would  so 
do  it  at  peril  of  my  life,  I humbly  beg  that  henceforth  I 
may  serve  the  Lord  without  fear  of  death.  In  my  native 
land,  unworthy  of  such  grace,  I was  deprived  of  this 
blessed  liberty.  I will  repay  by  my  humble  devotion 
any  favour  that  it  may  please  your  Excellency  to  show 
me  in  this  place.  Until  then,  monseigneur,  I pray  God 
that  He  may  grant  your  Excellency  a happy  and  long 
life  in  perfect  health. 

“ From  this  city  of  Delft,  May  6,  1584. 

“ The  ever  humble  and  affectionate  servant  of  your 

“Excellency,  “Francois  Guion.” 

The  prince  vouchsafed  Gerard  no  answer  at  first. 
The  man,  “inveterate  of  purpose,”  urged  his  claim 
with  persistence,  and,  after  the  lapse  of  several  days, 
Orange  deputed  Villiers  to  give  him  a hearing.1  At 

1 Relation  officielle,  Gachard,  Cor. , vi.,  126  et  seq.,  with  other 
references. 


406 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


this  time  Gerard  was  about  twenty-seven  years  old, 
and  was  a most  unattractive,  unprepossessing-look- 
ing  person.  He  was  short,  spare,  small-featured, 
with  a thick,  ugly  complexion,  his  whole  bearing 
stamped  with  insignificance.  Parma  had  thought  it 
impossible  that  any  daring  deed  could  emanate  from 
so  wretched  a took  Here  in  Delft,  his  tale  that  he 
had  grown  up  in  a town,  despised  of  all  men,  kicked 
and  cuffed  from  one  to  another  because  his  parents 
had  been  executed  for  their  religion,  seemed  exceed- 
ingly  plausible,  and  was  borne  out  by  every  inch  of 
his  appearance. 

As  a matter  of  fact,  I believe  that  this  mean  hab- 
itation housed  a spirit  eaten  up  with  vanity,  which 
helped  its  possessor  marvellously  in  the  undertaking 
to  which  he  had  pledged  his  life.  He  was  a religious 
fanatic,  and  desired  ardently  to  rid  the  Church  of 
her  enemy,  but,  in  addition  to  that,  he  gloated,  as  is 
shown  in  all  his  documents,  over  the  fact  that  he, 
Balthazar  Gerard,  whom  no  one  noticed  except  to 
pity  or  despise,  had  a bigger  spirit  of  audacity  than 
the  giants  who  scornfully  looked  down  on  him. 
He  was  sufficiently  educated  and  of  ready  enough 
tongue  to  play  out  the  part  he  had  adopted. 

When  Villiers  invited  him  to  relate  his  story, 
Gerard  was  all  ready  with  his  fabrication,  having 
pondered  so  long  over  every  detail  that  he  was  able 
to  tell  it  naturally  and  in  a manner  to  carry  convic- 
tion of  its  truth.  He  was,  so  ran  the  plaintive  tale, 
one  Frangois  Guion,  native  of  Besangon.  His  parents 
had  been  exiled  from  their  home  on  the  bridge  on 
account  of  their  religion,  both  being  Huguenots. 


T584] 


Balthazar  Gerard. 


407 


Later  they  had  returned  to  Besangon  in  hopes  of 
better  times,  but  were  executed  in  company  with 
other  poor  exiles  who  were  taken  by  surprise  in  the 
said  city  towards  the  end  of  June,  1575.  He, 
Francois,  had  been  forced  to  endure  insults  from  the 
papists  because  he  persisted  in  cherishing  the  for- 
bidden faith,  and  therefore  he  determined  to  seek  a 
refuge  where  he  could  serve  God  after  the  fashion  of 
the  evangelists. 

Two  years  previous  he  had  arrived  in  Luxemburg, 
on  his  way  to  the  prince,  when  he  was  taken  ill  and 
prevented  from  proceeding  farther  by  his  weakness 
and  poverty.  Accordingly,  he  took  service  with  one 
Dupr6,  Mansfeld’s  secretary,  and  his  cousin.  “ But 
as  it  seemed  to  me  very  difficult  to  please  the  Lord 
with  secret  service,  I feared  some  ill  would  befall  me 
by  divine  permission.  Therefore,  I left  my  master, 
after  having  taken  copies  of  the  said  count’s  seal,  in 
red  wax.”  There  had  been  a certain  Brussels  priest, 
also  in  Mansfeld’s  service,  who  suspected  him  of 
being  lax  in  the  observance  of  Catholic  rites.1  To 
escape  him,  he  had  pretended  to  go  to  Treves  to  take 
communion  at  Easter.  The  priest  followed  him 
thither,  discovered  the  truth,  and  tried  to  seize  his 
person,  and  in  defending  himself  Gerard  had  slain 
the  zealot.  He  had  then  fled  from  Treves,  and  had 
come  direct  to  Holland.  He  was  in  a position  to 
render  valuable  services  to  the  prince,  and,  as  a testi- 


1 “ Which  things  and  other  rubbish  I intend  to  relate  to  the  said 
Nassau,  so  as  to  gain  access  to  his  presence  as  a step  to  the  execu- 
tion.” Statement  to  Assonleville. 


408 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


mony  of  the  truth  of  his  words,  he  drew  out  of  his 
sleeve  a package  of  Mansfeld’s  seals. 

Such  was  the  story,  all  false  except  the  fact  of  the 
man’s  service  with  Dupre  and  his  journey  to  Treves, 
but  he  had  had  sufficient  local  colour  to  make  all  his 
statements  clear,  and  to  save  himself  from  contra- 
diction. 

The  prince  was  interested  in  what  Villiers  told 
him,  though,  apparently,  he  did  not  ask  to  see  the 
man.  There  was  no  way  in  which  Orange,  personally, 
could  make  use  of  the  seals,  but  he  thought  that 
Marshal  de  Biron,  lately  appointed  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Cambray,  might  be  able  to  utilise  them  in 
giving  passports.  Noel  Caron,  Lord  of  Schoonval, 
was  appointed  just  then  by  the  states  on  a mission 
to  France,  and  Orange  asked  him  to  let  the  pre- 
tended Guion  go  in  his  suite  and  take  his  seals  to 
Biron.  This  was  not  in  accordance  with  Gerard’s 
plan.  He  went,  to  avoid  exciting  suspicion,  but,  not 
seeing  his  way  clear,  he  tried  to  stir  up  a quarrel 
with  Schoonval’s  servants,  so  as  to  be  sent  back  to 
Holland.  When  Anjou  died  at  Chateau-Thierry, 
Gerard  at  once  begged  his  patron  to  allow  him  to  be 
the  bearer  of  letters  announcing  the  fact  to  the 
Prince  of  Orange  and  to  the  states.  Permission  was 
granted,  and  the  man  hastened  back  to  Delft,  assured 
that  the  long-sought  opportunity  was  now  to  be  his. 
He  arrived  at  the  convent  when  Orange  was  still  in 
bed.  After  reading  the  dispatches  which  were  car- 
ried to  him  without  delay,  the  prince  ordered  that 
the  messenger  should  be  admitted  to  his  room. 
“ Now  might  I do  it  pat,”  thought  the  false  Guion, 


1584] 


Balthazar  Gerard. 


409 


but  he  had  no  dagger  with  him,1 2  so  was  forced  to 
content  his  soul  in  patience. 

He  stayed  in  Delft  and  hung  about  the  Prinsen- 
hof.  No  one  had  the  slightest  suspicion  that  the 
French  Calvinist  was  not  what  he  seemed,  so  well 
did  he  play  his  part.  He  spent  all  his  time  in  going 
to  sermons  or  to  prayers,  and  was  never  seen  with- 
out his  psalm,  or  some  book  of  religion  in  his  hand. 
He  even  borrowed  a Bible  from  the  porter,  and  in- 
sinuated himself,  under  pretext  of  the  fellowship  of 
his  Protestant  faith,  into  the  confidence  of  many 
members  of  the  household,  who  thought  him  a harm- 
less fellow  with  no  thought  beyond  his  devotions. 
It  was  proposed  to  send  him  back  to  France  with  dis- 
patches, to  which  he  agreed,  saying  that  he  had 
nothing  to  keep  him  there,  except  that  he  sadly 
lacked  money.  In  confirmation  of  this  last  statement 
he  showed  that  his  shoes  were  in  actual  holes.  This 
was  reported  to  Orange,  who  ordered  that  the  poor 
fellow’s  necessities  should  be  relieved.  In  accordance 
with  his  directions,  on  Sunday,  July  8th,  Gerard  re- 
ceived a dozen  crowns.  Being  thus  furnished  with 
funds  by  the  very  hand  of  his  victim,  Gerard  bought, 
on  the  Monday,  a little  pistol  from  Rene,  one  of  the 
prince’s  own  guard.3  Finding  this  imperfect,  Gerard 
bought  two  more  from  Sergeant  de  Forest,  serving 
in  the  company  of  Captain  Caulier.  He  tested  these 

1 “ Et  depuis  estant  prisonnier,  ledict  Guion  a declare  que  s’il  eust 
eu  sa  dague  alors,  qu’il  eust  tue  le  prince  en  son  lict.”  This  item  is 
given  in  the  Relation  ojjicielle,  but  does  not  appear  either  in  Gerard’s 
Confession  or  the  records  of  the  examination  under  torture. 

2 These  details  are  given  by  Le  Petit,  who  was  present  in  Delft  at 

the  time,  gee  Gachard,  Cor.,  vi.,  cvii.  ; Relation  ojjicielle,  134. 


4io 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


three  or  four  times,  and  then  tried  to  provide  him- 
self with  balles  ramies , and  quarrelled  with  a soldier 
of  the  guard  who  refused  to  make  them  for  him. 
Not  having  time  on  the  Monday  to  complete  the 
arrangements  for  his  own  escape,  he  was  obliged  to 
defer  the  completion  of  his  plan  of  assassination  till 
the  morrow. 

All  unconscious  of  this  snake  lurking  in  his  path, 
the  prince  pursued  the  even  tenor  of  his  way.  It 
was  a way  full  of  many  anxieties,  but  apprehension 
for  his  own  personal  safety  was  not  counted.  When 
little  Frederic  Henry  was  christened  on  June  I2th, 
Orange  took  the  occasion  to  communicate  the  designs 
of  Parma  against  Ghent.1  Martini,  bailiff  of  Ant- 
werp, observed  that  the  city  was  provisioned  for  a 
year.  “ If  I am  not  there  within  two  months,  the 
Prince  of  Parma  will  make  it  impossible  to  reach  the 
town  at  all,”  replied  his  Excellency.  In  his  opinion 
it  was  needful  to  pierce  a dyke  at  once  to  ensure 
free  water  communication  before  Parma  should  draw 
closer.  This  was  not  done,  and  the  Ghenters  said,  a 
few  weeks  later,  that  all  their  losses  overwhelmed 
them  because  this  last  advice  was  not  followed. 

The  memoir  to  the  states  of  Holland,  described  in 
the  last  chapter,  was  prepared  in  June.  The  date, 
however,  is  not  given.  The  last  letters2  from  the 
prince’s  hand  were  those  of  June  24th,  to  Catherine 

1 In  May,  the  popular  party  got  the  upper  hand  in  Ghent.  Treat- 
ing with  the  enemy  was  broken  off  and  efforts  were  made  to  induce 
the  people  to  declare  their  allegiance  to  Orange  and  the  “generality.” 
Parma  was  preparing  to  take  the  town  by  storm. 

2 At  least  of  the  published  letters. 


1584] 


July  ioth. 


4i  1 


dc  Medici  and  Henry  III.  on  the  death  of  Anjou. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  this  event  was  a great  dis- 
appointment to  Orange.  He  did  not  know  which 
way  to  turn,  so  that  undoubtedly  the  sixteen  days 
of  life  that  remained  to  him  were  absorbed  in  plan- 
ning a new  course  of  action,  now  that  his  hopes  of 
a close  French  alliance  were  dashed. 

Some  time  in  May  or  June,  the  prince  had  con- 
sidered making  his  will,  and  he  consulted  several 
persons  on  the  subject,  but  did  not  achieve  his 
purpose.1  He  thought,  perhaps,  that  it  could 
well  wait  until  the  matter  of  the  countship  was 
settled.  The  states-general  were  in  session  at  Delft, 
and  Orange  was,  possibly,  too  closely  occupied  with 
pressing  public  business  to  spare  time  for  these 
private  matters. 

Gerard  had  grown  sufficiently  familiar  with  the 
habits  of  the  household  to  know  the  hours  when  the 
family  descended  from  the  living  rooms  above  to  the 
large  salon  for  their  meals.  On  that  Tuesday,  July 
ioth,  he  waited  at  the  foot  of  the  stairs  as  they  came 
down  to  dinner  between  twelve  and  one  o’clock. 
As  the  prince  passed,  he  asked  him  for  his  passport. 
Louise  Coligny  was  close  to  her  husband  and  noticed 
that  the  suppliant’s  voice  trembled  in  making  his 
request.  She  observed  this  to  her  husband,  remark- 
ing that  the  man  was  a wretched-looking  person  and 
asked  who  he  was.  The  prince  answered  her  that 
he  was  a man  who  wished  to  carry  a dispatch,  and 
then  they  passed  on  to  the  dining  hall.  Gerard  took 
this  time  to  go  out  and  get  his  pistols.  One  he 

1 Brunynckto  Count  John,  July  27th. — Groen,  Archives , viii. , 457. 


412 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


loaded  with  two,  the  other  with  three,  balls.  Some 
one  noticed  him  a few  minutes  later,  out  by  the 
stables.  Then  he  returned  and  placed  himself  near 
the  door  of  the  dining-room,  leaning  against  a pillar. 
The  two  pistols  were  stuck  in  his  belt  on  the  left  side. 
His  mantle  hung  down  so  as  to  hide  them. 

The  prince  had  invited  to  dinner  Rombert  Uylen- 
burgh,1  who  had  been  sent  to  him  by  the  Friesland 
cities  to  discuss  various  matters  with  him.  This  was 
the  only  stranger  present  at  the  family  meal  that 
day.  The  Princess  of  Orange,  the  Countess  Schwarz- 
burg,  sister  to  the  prince,  and  three  of  the  prince’s 
daughters  made  up  the  whole  party.3  During  the 
repast  the  conversation  turned  entirely  upon  Fries- 
land. As  they  rose  from  the  table  about  an  hour 
after  noon,  Colonel  Morgan,  an  Englishman,  and 
several  other  people  came  in.  Orange  called  Uylen- 
burgh  to  his  side  to  say  something  further  to  him, 
exchanged  several  words  with  Colonel  Morgan,  and 
then  left  the  room.  Scarcely  was  he  out  of  the  door 
when  Gerard  pressed  forward,  reminding  him  of  his 
request.  At  the  same  minute  he  fired  the  pistol 
which  he  had  loaded  with  three  balls,  full  against 
the  prince’s  breast.3 

Orange  realised  instantly  that  his  end  had  come. 
He  exclaimed:  “My  God,  have  pity  on  my  soul  (I 
am  sorely  wounded).  My  God,  have  pity  on  my  soul 


1 These  details  are  taken  from  a letter  from  this  Uylenburgh  to 
the  magistrate  of  Leeuwarden.  It  is  dated  July  loth. — Gachard, 
Cor.,  vi.,  cviii.  5 Maurice  v/as  at  Leyden. 

8 One  ball  passed  through  the  prince’s  chest  and  struck  the  wall, 
where  its  marks  are  still  shown. 


1584] 


July  ioth. 


413 


and  this  poor  people.”/  His  equerry,  Jacques  de 
Malderen,  caught  his  stricken  master  in  his  arms  as 
he  was  about  to  fall  and  helped  him  to  the  steps  of 
the  staircase.  The  prince’s  sister  asked  him  in 
German  if  he  trusted  his  soul  to  Jesus  Christ,  and  he 
answered  “Yes”  in  the  same  language.  That  was 
his  last  word.  A few  instants  later  he  was  carried 
to  a couch  in  the  dining  hall  and  there  breathed  out 
his  life. 

The  murderer  was  less  fortunate  than  Jaureguy, 
inasmuch  as  he  had  no  one  to  say  a word  in  his 
favour.  Willing  as  he  was  to  lose  his  life  if  his  vic- 
tim were  but  slain,  he  had  omitted  no  precaution  by 
which  he  might  hope  to  effect  his  escape.  He  knew 
every  detail  of  the  locality  perfectly.  He  had  with 
him  two  bladders  and  a little  tube  to  blow  them  up, 
which  he  expected  to  use  in  swimming  the  moats 
behind  the  convent.  Just  outside  the  town  was  a 
horse  waiting  for  him,  all  saddled.5  As  soon  as  he 
had  shot,  he  fled  towards  the  canal  moat,  leaping 

1 Lettenhove  thinks  these  dying  words  are  of  doubtful  authenticity, 
but  few  historical  facts  are  as  well  substantiated.  In  the  letters  of 
the  states-general  to  Ghent  and  to  Queen  Elizabeth  the  words  are 
given,  “ Mon  Dieu,  ayez  pitie  de  mon  ame  ! Mon  Dieu,  ayez  pitie  de 
ce  pauvre  peuple  ! ” In  theA/.r.  de  Holl. , 1584,  412,  the  phrase  stands, 
“ Mon  Dieu,  mon  Dieu,  ayez  pitie  de  moy  et  de  ton  pauvre  peuple.” 
The  phrase,  “Je  suis  fort  blesse  ” is  given  only  in  the  Relation 
officielle.  Cornelius  Aerssens,  writing  to  Brussels  on  July  nth,  says : 
“Son  Excellence  est  trespasse  et  fini  en  Dieu,  n’aiant  parle  autre 
chose  que  ces  mots  bien  hauts — ‘ Mon  Dieu,  ayez  pitie  de  mon  ame  ; 
et  apres,  ‘ Ayez  pitie  de  ce  pauvre  peuple,’  demeurans  les  deux  derniers 
mots  quasi  en  sa  bouche.” — Gachard,  Cor. , vi.,  177. 

2 Glorieux  et  triomphant  martyre  de  Balthazar  Girard. — Ibid 

150. 


4 H 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


down  the  four  steps  from  the  entrance  to  the  court 
at  a single  jump,  and  losing  his  second  pistol  in  his 
haste.  He  passed  through  the  stables  and  had 
gained  the  little  lane,  now  the  Rue  d’Ecole,  which 
led  to  the  wall,  when  he  tripped  and  fell.  He  suc- 
ceeded, nevertheless,  in  reaching  the  top  of  the  ram- 
part and  was  about  to  spring  into  the  moat  when  a 
lackey  and  halberdier  seized  him.  One  of  the  men 
said,  “You  scamp  ! ” “I  am  no  scamp,”  he  replied  ; 
“I  have  only  fulfilled  the  king’s  commands.” — “What 
king?” — “The  King  of  Spain,  my  master.”  They 
took  him  back  to  the  Prinsenhof.  As  they  entered, 
he  cried,  “Ah!  door,  door,  thou  hast  deceived  me,  I 
see  I am  a dead  man.”  He  was  taken  into  the  jani- 
tor’s room,  then  he  demanded  paper  and  ink  and 
wrote  out  his  confession.1 

The  murderer’s  presence  of  mind  was  wonderful. 
In  this  document  he  told  the  whole  truth  as  con- 
cerned himself,  but  gave  no  hint  of  the  authorisation 
which  he  had  received  from  Parma,  nor  did  he  even 
mention  that  the  Jesuit  at  Treves  or  the  Grey  friar 
at  Tournay  had  approved  his  purpose.  He  did  not 
show  the  slightest  repentance,  but  declared  that  were 
he  a thousand  leagues  from  Delft  he  would  return  to 
kill  the  arch-heretic  who  had  been  a pest  to  the  land.2 
During  four  days  of  torture  when  every  effort  was 
used  to  make  him  confess  more,  he  maintained  this 
wonderful  constancy,  worthy  of  a better  cause.  The 
facts  as  already  related  were  elicited.  He  finally  ac- 
knowledged that  Parma  knew  of  his  intention,  but 


1 Given  in  appendix. 

*De  Confessie  en  Verhooren , July  io,  II,  12,  13. 


1584] 


The  Execution  of  Gerard. 


415 


he  did  not  incriminate  anyone,  and  persisted  to  the 
end,  that  his  deed,  though  he  was  ignorant  of  his 
victim’s  death,  had  been  a righteous  act.  Hoofd 
says  that  when  his  sentence  was  announced  to  him 
on  July  13th,  he  quailed  a little,  then  plucking  up 
his  courage  anew  he  said  he  would  take  the  journey 
to  heaven  to  pray  God  to  be  merciful  to  humanity, 
and  he  refused  to  hearken  to  any  preachers.1 

O11  Saturday,  July  14th,  Balthazar  Gerard  was  ex- 
ecuted with  all  the  horrors  that  the  ingenuity  of 
man  could  invent.  The  merciful  strangulation  which 
Orange  had  begged  for  Jaureguy’s  accomplices, 
would  have  been  a blessed  relief  to  this  poor  wretch, 
but  he  saw  himself  die  piecemeal,  with  every  ghastly 
torment,  and  did  not  utter  a groan.  Never  once  did 
he  say  “ Ay  my,”  writes  Aerssen,  who  bears  testimony 
to  the  remarkable  power  of  his  endurance.  After 
his  right  hand  had  been  burnt  off,  filling  the  market 
place  with  smoke  and  ill  odour,  he  made  a cross  with 
the  maimed  stump  of  his  arm.  His  executioners 
thought  that  witchcraft  alone  could  have  enabled  the 
condemned  man  to  have  such  Spartan  endurance, 
while  the  Catholics  held  that  only  the  blessedness  of 
his  deed  could  have  fitted  the  sufferer  to  bear  his 
martyrdom  as  befitted  a saint. 

Granvelle  expressed  his  profound  pleasure  at  the 
final  success  of  the  just  ban  against  the  prince. 

1 “ The  body  was  quartered  and  placed  at  the  city  gates.  His  head, 
after  it  had  long  stood  upon  a stake,  finally  fell  off,  so  people  say, 
and  was  carried  to  Brabant.  Many  may  consider  these  details  triv- 
ial, but  I thought  them  worthy  of  mention  so  that  every  one  might  see 
for  himself  the  assurance  of  the  miscreant,”  says  Hoofd  (xx.,  839). 


416 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


“ Alen^on  [he  wrote]  died  on  the  tenth  of  June, 
Orange,  the  tenth  of  July,  it  would  be  little  loss  if 
the  queen-mother  were  to  die  on  the  tenth  of 
August.”  1 2 3 “ Alengon  and  Orange  are  in  the  right 

place,  and  the  martyrdom  suffered  by  our  good  Bur- 
gundian in  executing  so  heroic  an  act  ought  to  be 
fitly  recompensed.”  9 

In  the  Spanish  camps  the  feeling  of  rejoicing  was 
not  unanimous.  The  priesthood,  giving  utterance  to 
their  gall  against  Orange,  extolled  the  villain’s  deed  to 
the  skies.  But  in  various  cities  when  they  proposed 
to  show  their  joy  with  bonfires,  the  communities 
prevented  it.  The  canons,  hindered  at  Bois-le-Duc 
from  celebrating  a public  feast,  gathered  in  the 
Cathedral  and  sang  Te  Deum  Laudamtis.  This 
seemed  to  displease  the  very  heavens,  for,  the  even- 
ing afterwards,  the  tower  was  struck  by  lightning, 
though  no  other  house  in  the  city  was  injured.9 

Parma  informed  Philip  of  the  event,  congratulating 
him  that  so  pernicious  a man,  one  who  had  caused 
so  much  ill  to  Christianity,  to  the  service  of  God, 
and  to  the  king,  had  received  the  punishment  worthy 
of  his  crimes.  He  further  expressed  his  intention  of 
finding  the  relations  of  the  sainted  assassin,  that  they 
might  receive  the  reward  merited  by  the  valiant  deed. 
Some  of  Gerard’s  brothers  hastened  at  once  to  the 
Netherlands  to  ask  for  the  25,000  crowns  4 which 
were  their  legal  due.  Parma  wrote  Philip  five  rea- 

1 Gachard,  Cor. , vi.,  cxxvi.  To  the  Prior  of  Bellefontaine. 

2 To  Don  Juan  de  Idiaquez. 

3 Hoofd,  xx.,  842  ; Meteren,  iv.,  148. 

4 Gachard,  Cor. , vi.,  cxxvii. 


1584] 


A Mourning  City. 


417 


sons  why  their  claim  should  be  honoured, 1 2 but  the 
royal  treasury  in  the  Netherlands  was  low.  He, 
therefore,  proposed  to  give  the  Gerard  family  an 
equivalent  in  some  of  Orange’s  confiscated  estates  in 
Burgundy.  Finally,  the  three  seigniories  of  Lievre- 
mont,  Hostal,  and  Dammartin  in  the  Franche- 
Comte  were  transferred  to  the  family. a The  letters 
conferring  the  patent  of  nobility  on  the  four  sur- 
viving brothers  and  three  sisters  of  Balthazar  Gerard 
and  their  legitimate  posterity,  bear  the  date  of 
March  4,  1589.3  The  recipients  were  declared  free 
from  certain  taxes.4 

A deep  cloud  of  depression  settled  over  Holland, 
but  there  was  little  confusion,  even  in  Delft,  on  the 
announcement  of  the  prince’s  death.  The  fear  of 
wide-spread  treachery,  felt  in  March,  1582,  when  the 
French  allies  were  suspected  of  complicity  in  Jaure- 
guy’s  attempt,  was  not  entertained  here.  Gerard’s 
confession  was  clear.  The  formal  announcement  was 
made  immediately  to  the  states-general,  then  in 
session.  They  assumed  authority  and  sent  letters  to 
England,  France,  Germany,  and  to  the  cities,  and, 
later,  expressed  formal  condolence  with  the  Princess 
of  Orange  and  Maurice.  The  prince’s  body  lay  in 
state  until  August  3d.  During  this  time  it  was 

1 Feb.  26,  1586. — Gachard,  Cor. , vi.,  220. 

2 See  Letters-patent,  July  20,  1590  ; ibid. , 234. 

3 Ibid.,  223. 

4 When  Philip  William,  Count  of  Buren,  returned  to  the  Nether- 
lands in  1595,  these  estates  were  returned  to  him,  and  the  Gerards 
received  a money  indemnity.  Voltaire  says  that  the  patent  of  nobil- 
ity was  withdrawn  from  the  family  when  Franche-Comte  reverted  to 

France. — Ibid. , cxxxiii. 
voe  11 — 27 


418 


William  the  Silent. 


[1584 


suggested  that  a portrait  be  taken,  but  the  states 
forbade  that,  “ lest  the  enemy,  getting  such  picture 
in  their  hands,  might  ridicule  it.”  They  did  not 
wish  the  dead  hero  to  be  remembered  as  he  lay  there 
in  his  last  repose.  One  Christian  Janszoon  van 
Bieselingen  managed  to  disregard  this  prohibition 
and  to  make  a little  sketch,  and  all  that  saw  it 
praised  the  likeness.1  A representation  of  the  head 
of  the  dead  prince  hangs  in  the  Prinsenhof  now,  but 
whether  it  is  the  original  sketch  made  by  van  Biese- 
lingen does  not  seem  decided. 

It  was  a mourning  city  during  those  weeks, 
and  on  August  3d,  a long  procession  escorted  the 
body  to  its  final  resting-place  in  the  great  church, 
then  the  New  Church,  in  Delft.  The  burghers  came 
first,  carrying  drooping  flags,  reversed  arms,  and 
silent  trumpets.  There  were  eight  horses,  covered 
with  black  cloths,  whereon  were  embroidered  the 
arms  of  Breda,  Flushing,  Chalons,  Diest,  Vianden, 
Catzenellenbogen,  Nassau,  and  Orange.  The  coffin 
was  carried  by  twelve  noblemen  and  distinguished 
gentlemen.  Maurice  walked  as  chief  mourner,  wear- 
ing a long  black  cloak,  the  train  of  which  was  sup- 
ported by  his  tutor.2  After  other  members  of  the 
family  came  the  states-general,  the  council  of  state, 
the  captains,  and  others  of  the  upper  council  of 
Holland,  other  gentlemen  in  the  government,  and 
all  the  officers  of  Delft,  captains,  etc. 

1 G.  V.  Moes  in  Oud  Holland , 1889,  p.  281. 

2 Hoofcl  explains  that  Maurice  was  styled  “ Count,”  after  the  High 
German  fashion,  where  each  son  may  wear  his  father’s  title,  while  as 
Orange  lay  in  France,  where  the  custom  is  different,  the  title  of  prince 
was  reserved  for  Philip  William,  the  eldest  son. 


1584] 


The  Prince's  Appearance. 


419 


Thus  they  escorted  the  body  to  the  New  Church 
and  laid  it  in  the  earth.  Then  a short  and  consol- 
ing sermon  was  delivered  on  the  text  from  Revela- 
tion (xiv.,  13),  “ Blessed  are  the  dead  which  die  in 
the  Lord  from  henceforth  : yea,  saith  the  Spirit,  that 
they  may  rest  from  their  labours  ; and  their  works 
do  follow  them.”  No  one  present  was  dry-eyed,  and 
even  the  little  children  cried  in  the  street.  The  man 
who  had  been  misjudged,  criticised,  ill-supported  by 
those  for  whose  cause  he  was  working,  was  gone,  and 
the  people  mourned  for  themselves  in  mourning  for 
him. 

Thus  was  the  active  career  of  the  Prince  of  Orange 
cut  off  at  the  age  of  fifty-one  years,  two  months,  and 
fifteen  days.  Untainted  by  disease,  sound  in  con- 
stitution, the  sands  of  his  life  would  have  run  on  for 
many  years  in  the  ordinary  course  of  events.  In 
person  William  of  Nassau  was  of  about  average 
height ; his  spare  figure  was  well  built.  His  head 
was  large  but  well  proportioned,  his  face  rather  thin, 
his  nose  long,  with  wide  nostrils,  his  complexion 
dark,  his  eyes  brown  with  a pleasant  expression. 
He  wore  his  auburn  beard  slightly  pointed.  As  a 
young  man  his  hair,  of  the  same  colour  as  his  beard, 
was  thick  and  luxuriant.  In  later  life  this  grew  thin, 
and  he  is  represented  in  his  later  portraits  1 2 with  a 
little  cap.  When  but  forty-four,  he  described  him- 
self as  a bald  Calvinist  with  a play  of  words,  calbo  y 
calbanista , a that  cannot  be  rendered  in  English. 

1 See  Oud  Holland , 1889,  p.  281  et  seq.  See  also  account  of  his 
portraits  in  Appendix. 

2 The  phrase  is  given  in  a Spanish  letter. 


EPILOGUE. 


HE  descriptions  given  of  the  personality 
of  the  Prince  of  Orange  tally  fairly 
well.  Not  so,  the  judgments  regard- 
ing his  character.  Almost  no  indi- 
vidual of  note  in  history  has  been  so 
variously  painted.  He  was  hated  by 
his  opponents,  over-eulogised  or  over- 
slandered by  the  early  historians,  little  understood  by 
his  warmest  adherents.  To  my  mind,  he  builded 
better  than  he  knew,  and  the  real  worth  of  his 
character  developed  slowly.  Perhaps  it  is  good  for 
man  to  have  a careless,  irresponsible  youth.  In  one 
sense  he  never  had  that.  The  over-prudence  of  his 
young  days  gave  a lack  of  spontaneity,  a calcula- 
ting element  to  his  character,  unattractive  in  a man 
on  the  threshold  of  life.  He  thought  before  he 
acted,  and  in  action  he  was  swayed  by  far-reaching 
motives ; policy  was  the  mainspring  of  his  every  deed. 
Through  this  policy  he  grew  to  honesty. 

Taken  all  in  all,  Orange  was  a finer  man  in  his  later 
years  than  he  gave  promise  of  being, when  he  was 
the  petted  child  of  fortune  in  the  court  of  Charles 
V.,  when  Fate  smiled  kindly  on  him,  and  his  path 
looked  easy.  Then  he  was  worldly  and  ambitious, 


THE  STAIRCASE  IN  THE  PRINZENHOF. 

(From  an  etching  in  De  Moord  van  1584.) 


421 


Epilogue. 

willing  to  trim  his  bark  according  to  the  winds  that 
blew  from  the  south-west,  from  the  court,  whence 
preferment  for  himself  and  his  family  was  to  be  ex- 
pected. For  it  was  not  personal  ambition  alone  that 
moved  him.  The  Nassaus  were  clannish,  and  a 
family  affection  of  the  warmest  nature  reigned  among 
them,  as  is  shown  by  every  existing  scrap  of  letters 
between  mother  and  sons,  brother  and  brother. 

Theological  opinions  did  not  trouble  the  prince  at 
an  early  age.  He  was  content  to  conform  to  the 
practice  of  the  court  circle  in  which  he  moved.  The 
observance  of  religious  rites  sat  lightly  upon  him. 
In  his  marriage  with  Anne  of  Saxony,  the  trimming 
nature  of  his  character  was  certainly  shown.  He 
steered  well  between  the  shoals  of  ultra-Romanism 
on  the  one  side,  and  rampant  Protestantism  on  the 
other,  but  he  carried  his  point,  was  not  censured  by 
the  most  Catholic  king,  and  was  not  refused  recog- 
nition by  Anne’s  Lutheran  grandfather.  He  did  the 
best  that  could  be  done  under  the  circumstances, 
and  showed  all  the  independence  that  lay  in  his 
power,  but  it  must  be  confessed  that  at  that  date 
an  heroic  quality  is  not  patent  in  the  young  prince. 
He  lacked  warmth,  and  did  not  manifest  that  vital 
spark  that  is  potent  to  move  universal  sympathy. 

Whether,  on  receiving  the  memorable  confidence 
of  Henry  II.  in  the  forest  of  Vincennes,  the  prince 
did  then  and  there  resolve  to  devote  himself  to 
checking  religious  persecution,  may  be  questioned. 
But,  undoubtedly,  in  the  year  of  1 5 59,  there  began  to 
grow  in  the  Netherlands  a resentment  against  foreign 
domination,  whether  over  consciences  or  property. 


William  the  Silent. 


422 


The  attitude  of  Orange  towards  his  sovereign  changed 
from  that  held  by  the  young  officer,  who,  at  the  be- 
hest of  his  liege  lord,  had  stood  patiently  in  the  mud 
building  the  king’s  forts  of  Philippeville  and  Charle- 
mont,  in  the  very  face  of  the  enemy.  The  re- 
sponsibility that  was  upon  him  as  member  of  the 
government  began  to  tell. 

The  prince  had  not  then  the  real  spirit  of  toler- 
ance that  characterised  him  in  later  life,  but  he  had 
a general  dislike  to  seeing  worthy  people  ill-treated. 
When  Granvelle  waxed  in  arrogance,  when  the  gulf 
between  foreigners  and  natives  widened,  when  the 
Inquisition  loomed  up  as  a bird  of  ill-omen  and  then 
actually  settled  down  upon  the  peaceful,  commer- 
cial, and  industrial  land,  then  he  began  to  look  about 
for  means  to  drive  it  from  its  nest.  It  was  not  be- 
cause he  upheld  the  doctrines  of  the  reformed  faith, 
that  he  resented  the  attempt  to  suppress  its  freedom; 
it  was  because  he  began  to  see  that  the  people  had 
rights,  and  that  a nation  could  not  exist  without 
power  to  breathe. 

The  years  between  1563  and  1567  are  very  inter- 
esting as  regards  the  development  of  the  prince’s 
character.  Letters  which  passed  between  Count 
Louis  and  various  people  in  Germany,  show  plainly 
how  long  the  preparations  for  resistance  to  oppressive 
and  tyrannical  measures  were  on  foot.  Still,  during 
that  period,  Orange  went  steadily  on,  doing  his  duty 
as  stadtholder  for  the  absent  king,  and  acting  as 
friend  and  adviser  to  the  present  regent.  At  that 
date  there  is  a certain  discrepancy,  an  inconsistency 
between  his  familiar  words  and  his  protestations  of 


Epilogue. 


4^3 


fidelity  to  his  monarch.  Yet,  too,  he  expressed  his 
criticism  of  Philip  freely  and  openly,  both  in  the 
letters  emanating  jointly  from  him,  Egmont,  and 
Horn,  and  in  his  own  epistles,  in  which  he  told 
Philip  plainly  that  his  methods  would  not  work  in  a 
land  swept  by  the  free  north  wind,  among  a people 
whose  commercial  intercourse  with  all  quarters  of 
the  globe  had  educated  them  to  think  for  them- 
selves. 

He  did  not  unfold  all  the  alternatives  that  pre- 
sented themselves  to  his  mind,  and,  during  those 
years,  there  are  certain  of  his  actions  which  are  far 
from  ideal,  but  while  he  was  still  holding  Philip’s 
seals  he  did  certainly  try  his  best  to  carry  out  that 
monarch’s  will,  though  refusing  to  go  beyond  a cer- 
tain length  in  obedience.  His  withdrawal  from  the 
Netherlands  was  the  turning-point  in  his  career.  He 
did  not  see  the  whole  future — what  man  could  ? He 
moved  slowly  from  point  to  point,  and  for  a long 
time  left  open  a way  to  reconciliation  with  his  mon- 
arch, against  whom  he  was  fighting  with  might  and 
main. 

He  cast  aside  allegiance  to  the  Catholic  Church 
long  before  he  abjured  the  Catholic  king.  After 
that  step  his  phraseology  changed,  but  I would  not 
call  him  a religious  man  in  the  sense  that  to  him  a 
religious  faith  was  his  stay  and  his  guide,  as  it  was 
to  many  humble  people  in  the  provinces,  who  cheer- 
fully suffered  persecution,  both  for  the  old  Church 
and  the  new  creeds — as  it  was  to  the  mother  of  the 
Nassaus,  the  Countess  Juliana.  She  felt  that  God 
directed  all  things,  that  His  purpose  ran  through  all, 


424 


William  the  Silent. 


and  that  every  earthly  event  was  for  the  best,  though 
the  eyes  of  man  could  not  see  the  wherefore.  Orange 
hoped  that  the  higher  powers  were  with  him,  but  be- 
lieved in  the  need  of  human  vigilance.1  A convic- 
tion of  a deep-lying  spiritual  purpose  in  the  regulation 
of  the  universe  grew  to  be  his  very  slowly.  He  be- 
lieved in  God,  he  believed  in  religion  and  in  its  out- 
ward profession,  and  he  felt  the  inconsistency  of 
insisting  on  uniformity  of  religious  rites,  but  that 
was  not  his  first  thought. 

Still  less  was  he  theological  in  that  theological 
age.  The  story  is  told  by  Hoofd  that,  before  he 
left  the  Netherlands  in  1567,  he  urged  Lutherans, 
Calvinists,  and  Anabaptists  to  come  to  an  agree- 
ment of  faith  to  which  they  could  all  hold.  “ Het 
geschil  is  te  kleen,  om,  dieshalven,  gesplijt  te  blij- 
ven.” 2 “ Do  not  let  these  petty  differences  part 

you,”  he  said.  To  him  the  differences  were  petty 
and  non-essential ; what  he  wished  was,  that  each  per- 
son should  have  what  seemed  the  one  thing  needful. 

In  1580,  Utrecht  was  agitated  by  dissensions  in 
the  church.  Hubert  Dovehouse,  minister  of  the 
Church  of  St.  James,  was  accused  of  dangerous 
liberalism.  It  chanced  that  the  prince  was  in  the 
city  over  a Sunday,  and  greatly  shocked  one  portion 
of  the  community  by  attending  service  at  St.  James. 
A deputation  waited  on  him  to  ask  if  he  meant  to 


1 To  use  a homely  phrase  that  became  proverbial  in  the  American 
Revolution,  he  tried  “ To  trust  in  God  and  to  keep  his  powder  dry.” 

2 Whether  the  prince  ever  used  this  exact  phrase  is,  of  course, 
doubtful,  but  I have  taken  it  as  a motto  for  his  story  as  it  expresses 
the  keynote  of  his  character. 


Epilogue. 


425 


show  that  he  espoused  the  cause  of  Dovehouse. 
“ Oh  no,”  he  replied  ; “ I said  I would  go  where  there 
was  the  best  preaching,  and  they  carried  my  cushions 
thither.  I knew  nothing  of  the  controversy.  It  was 
a very  good  sermon.  Next  time  I will  hear  the 
other  minister.”  1 

He  tried  to  protect  the  Catholic  rites  when  the 
reform  party  was  uppermost.  He  would  not  per- 
mit the  persecution  of  the  Anabaptists.  Remember 
that  this  was  a peculiar  attitude  of  mind,  one  shared 
neither  by  his  brothers,  nor  by  St.  Aldegonde,  who 
were  the  closest  to  him. 

On  the  other  hand  he  was  not  irreligious.  His 
flippant  remark  when  he  was  wooing  Anne,  about 
Amadis  de  Gaule  as  the  best  reading  for  a young 
girl,  was  made  in  his  early  days.  As  he  grew  older 
his  point  of  view  changed.  He  could  not  have  con- 
ceived a state  without  religion  as  an  intrinsic  part, 
but  he  wished  to  make  it  an  individual,  intrinsic 
part.  From  the  expediency  of  his  youth,  he  grew, 
gradually,  to  a high  standard  of  honour.  The  man- 
ner in  which  he  held  himself  in  the  diplomatic  re- 
lations between  the  states  and  the  various  foreign 
countries  was  very  different  from  that  in  which  he 
steered  between  shoals  in  1561. 

Undoubtedly  he  connived  at  transactions  that 
would  be  found  wanting  in  any  ethical  balance.  It 
was  a Machiavellian  age,  and  many  practices  were 
considered  legitimate  statesmancraft,  which,  as  Mr. 
Motley  observes,  would  be  condemned  in  theory  by 
modern  statesmen,  though  they  are  still  used.  The 

1 Brandt,  i.,  xii.,  371.  See  also  Appendix. 


426 


William  the  Silent. 


school  in  which  Orange  was  trained,  the  courts  of 
Charles  V.,  of  his  sister,  and  of  his  children,  fur- 
nished him  with  many  tools  that  he  used  against 
his  antagonists  to  good  purpose.  From  a modern 
standpoint  it  cannot  be  considered  as  legitimate  to 
bribe  another  man’s  private  servant  to  sell  his 
master’s  secrets.  That  was  done  by  the  prince 
through  a long  course  of  years,  and  by  its  means 
he  possessed  himself  of  Philip’s  thoughts.  Yet,  I 
venture  still  to  say  that  he  had  a high  ethical  stan- 
dard. Compare  him  with  his  contemporaries — 
weigh  his  actions  on  the  scales  of  those  with  whom 
he  dealt — with  Elizabeth,  Philip,  Matthias,  John 
Casimir,  with  Catherine  and  her  sons.  There  was 
no  international  law,— there  was  no  abstract  princi- 
ple of  ethical  action.  What  he  evolved  belonged  to 
himself,— was  not  the  gift  of  the  age  in  which  he 
lived. 

The  ambition  and  luxury  of  his  youth  gave  way 
before  the  absorbing  impulse  of  one  idea.  Every 
penny  he  possessed,  every  object  of  value  he  owned, 
was  cast  into  the  common  fund.  The  years  of 
wandering  and  deprivation  were  great  contrasts  to 
the  time  when  he  gave  fantastic  banquets,  when 
even  the  table-cloths  were  made  of  sugar. 

The  time  came  when  he  could  remember  which 
suit  had  been  sent  to  the  tailor’s  for  repairs,  when  he, 
who  had  kept  open  house  and  dispensed  lavish  hospi- 
tality, could  make  the  closest  calculations  as  to  how 
he  could  manage  to  afford  a little  gift,  and  what 
table  utensil  of  value  could  be  spared. 

Later,  to  be  sure,  the  states-general  made  him 


Epilogue. 


427 


various  grants,  but  these  sums  did  not,  by  any  means, 
equal  those  he  had  spent.  The  amount  owing  to 
Count  John  alone  in  1594,  was  1,400,000  florins,1 2 
and  it  was  many  long  years  before  his  estate  was 
free  from  encumbrance. 

When  a footing  had  been  won  for  the  patriots,  the 
lack  of  personal  ambition  he  then  evinced  was  a 
positive  injury  to  the  public  cause.  Had  he  but 
believed  in  Netherland  independence  as  strongly  as 
he  did  in  Netherland  unity,  had  he  but  made  him- 
self the  head  of  the  government  in  name,  as  he  was 
in  fact,  the  patriot  cause,  the  cause  of  civil  govern- 
ment, constitutional  rule,  would  have  been  established 
at  an  earlier  date  than  was  dreamed  of.  It  is  the 
recurring,  oft  repeated  statement  of  his  adversaries 
that  he  was  moved  only  by  ambition.  Probably  this 
accusation  came  frequently  to  his  ear,  and  was  one 
of  the  reasons  why  he  did  not  put  himself  in  his 
natural  place,  instead  of  seeking  foreign  protectors 
for  the  provinces.  Whatever  position  he  sought 
was  always  made  temporary,  or  ad  interim , and  evi- 
dently, it  was  he  that  made  such  stipulations. 

His  disinterestedness  through  all  the  hard  work  of 
making  the  union,  must  be  evident. 

In  private  life  he  was  loved  and  respected  by  his 
family,  although  there  existed  a more  familiar  affec- 
tion between  his  daughters  and  the  fatherly  uncle 
with  whom  they  had  passed  their  young  days.  The 
names  of  the  prince’s  twelve  children’  reflect  the 
phases  of  his  career.  Philip  William  received  the 


1 Bor,  iii.,  438. 

2 See  genealogical  table. 


428 


William  the  Silent. 


name  of  the  man  who  was  the  rising  sun  in  1554, 
allied  to  that  of  his  father.  The  Queen  of  Hungary, 
under  whom  Orange  had  fleshed  his  maiden  sword, 
was  honoured  in  the  name  of  Marie.  The  Great 
Elector’s  daughter  thought  of  herself  and  her  father 
when  Anna  and  Maurice  were  christened,  and  her 
husband  did  not  oppose  her  wish.  Upon  Charlotte 
of  Bourbon’s  eldest  daughter,  the  name  of  her  grand- 
mother, Juliana,  was  deservedly  bestowed.  The 
second  little  one  was  godchild  to  Queen  Elizabeth, 
who,  it  was  hoped,  would  prove  a fairy  godmother 
in  her  gifts  to  the  needy  Netherlands.  That  hope 
proved  as  futile  as  that  expressed  in  the  name  of 
Catherine  Belgia,  given  to  the  next  baby  when  the 
seventeen  provinces  held  together.  Flandrina,  Bra- 
bantina,  and  Antwerpiana  followed,  the  two  rich 
provinces  and  the  city  being  honoured  in  their  bap- 
tism. The  twelfth  child  was  born  when  his  father  was 
under  a cloud  on  account  of  his  persistent  adherence 
to  the  House  of  Valois.  The  opportunity  was  taken 
to  show  that  it  was  French  protection,  not  French 
religion,  sought  by  the  prince.  The  Protestant  kings 
of  Denmark  and  of  Navarre  were  godfathers  to  the 
little  boy,  and  gave  him  the  names  of  Frederic 
Henry.  The  happiness  of  the  prince’s  married  life 
came  to  him  from  Charlotte  of  Bourbon.  His 
alliance  with  her  was  the  beginning  of  a new  life. 
In  choosing  her  he  followed  his  inclination  and  not 
expediency,  and  he  won  a companionship  that  was 
dear  to  him  for  seven  years. 

What  impresses  one  throughout  his  correspondence 
is  not  his  independence,  not  his  self-reliance,  so  much 


Epilogue. 


429 


as  his  longing  for  sympathy,  his  need  of  approval 
from  his  fellow-men — at  least  from  those  in  whose 
judgment  he  had  confidence  from  any  point  of  view. 
While  it  was  a cardinal  principle  with  him  that  all 
people  might  be  of  use  in  some  fashion,  if  their  limi- 
tations were  but  properly  considered  and  their 
weakness  guarded,  it  was  not  that  he  did  not  see 
those  weaknesses.  His  keenness  of  judgment  is 
testified  to  by  both  friend  and  foe.  While  he  was 
wonderfully  quick  to  use  what  means  he  had,  to 
adapt  himself  to  the  actual  circumstances  in  which 
he  was,  instead  of  measuring  his  way  by  formulas 
adapted  to  a hypothetical  situation,  he  showed 
remarkable  tenacity  in  holding  to  his  purpose 
through  untoward  circumstances;  great  capacity  for 
still  being  calm  when  everything  was  against  him. 
Rough  adversity  passed  over  his  head,  he  was  un- 
moved by  grumbling  and  discontent  from  his 
inferiors,  by  envy  and  malice  from  his  equals,  by 
hatred  and  persecution  from  his  superiors. 

There  is  universal  testimony  that  his  manners 
were  genial  and  charming,  and  won  him  many 
friends.  Especially  at  table  did  he  give  himself  the 
relaxation  of  agreeable  conversation,  and,  tossing 
aside  the  burden  of  his  cause  for  an  hour,  he  would 
play  freely  with  jests,  so  that  it  seemed  as  though  he 
had  no  worries.  “Some  wiseacres,”  says  Hoofd, 
“ were  annoyed  by  this,  not  suspecting  that  his 
merriment  covered  a deep  anxiety.”  In  later  life, 
the  hours  over  meals  were  his  only  relaxation  ; gam- 
ing, riding,  hunting  were  no  amusements  for  him. 
All  his  remaining  hours  were  occupied  with  work 


430 


William  the  Silent. 


and  care.  How  indefatigable  was  his  industry  has 
been  shown.  In  that  age  of  writing,  there  were  few 
men  of  the  time  as  untiring  in  that  department  of 
statecraft  as  William  of  Orange  and  Philip  of 
Spain. 

One  of  the  most  frequent  slurs  cast  on  the  prince’s 
character  is  that  of  cowardice.  It  comes  so  often  to 
the  fore  that  it  seems  possible  that  he  was  not  as 
courageous  in  temperament  as  became  a warrior. 
The  more  credit  is  due  him  for  overcoming  a natural 
tendency.  Certainly,  he  did  not  shrink  from  dan- 
gers. In  his  early  lieutenant  days  he  built  the  forts 
under  the  enemy’s  eyes.  In  the  campaigns  of  1568 
and  1572,  he  did  not  spare  himself;  he  went  into 
Leyden  when  the  place  was  reeking  with  pestilence, 
and  during  the  last  years  of  his  life  he  pursued  his 
way  undaunted  by  the  assassins  whom  he  knew 
might  be  hiding  behind  any  arras.  It  is  not  recorded 
that  he  took  any  extra  precautions  for  this  danger, 
either  by  having  a private  guard  constantly  in  at- 
tendance, or  by  wearing  a coat  of  mail.  His  wife 
begged  him  not  to  sup  out  in  Brussels ; the  assassin 
Gerard  was  astonished  at  finding  himself  in  his 
presence  when  he  was  lying  in  bed — that  wifely 
caution,  that  murderer’s  lost  opportunity,  do  not 
look  as  though  the  prince  had  his  own  safety  con- 
stantly in  mind,  as  a coward  would  have  done. 

As  to  his  military  achievements,  he  baffled  Alva, 
discouraged  Requesens,  and  kept  Parma  at  bay. 
Alva  and  Parma  undoubtedly,  far  surpassed  him  in 
military  knowledge,  but  he  used  his  opportunities 
with  great  skill.  The  relief  of  Leyden  was  his  idea, 


Epilogue. 


43i 


— a most  original  scheme,  which  took  the  Spanish 
veteran  by  surprise.  War  was  not  the  science  that 
it  became  in  the  next  century,  after  Gustavus 
Adolphus,  and,  probably,  the  prince’s  technical  ability 
in  military  affairs  was  far  below  that  of  his  contem- 
poraries and  opponents,  and  of  his  son  Maurice. 
Then  the  greater  credit  is  due  him  for  the  towns  he 
won,  and  the  ground  he  held. 

His  natural  bias  was  certainly  that  of  a statesman 
rather  than  that  of  a warrior.  Military  operations 
were  deputed  to  others,  but  all  the  threads  of  the 
government  were  held  in  his  hand.  His  personal 
influence  was  felt  in  every  act.  When  he  was 
present  the  ship  of  state  sailed  ; when  he  was  absent 
it  ran  upon  the  shoals  of  local  jealousy,  on  the  snags 
of  provincial  prejudices.  No  statesman  ever  had  a 
clearer  vision  of  individual  rights  and  of  national 
unity  than  had  William  of  Nassau,  and  there  are  few 
essays  on  the  principles  of  a confederated  govern- 
ment as  clear  and  vigorous  as  were  the  many  expres- 
sions from  the  lips  of  the  famous  Silent  One. 


b.  April  25,  1533,  at  Dillenburg,  Pr.  of  Orange,  1544,  assassinated  at  Delft,  July  10,  1584. 

Anne  of  Egmont,  dau.  of  Maximilian,  Count  of  Buren,  m.  July  9,  1551,  d.  March  24,  1558, 

Anne,  dau.  of  Maurice,  Elector  of  Saxony,  m.  Aug.  24,  1561,  divorced,  1571,  d.  Dec.  18,  1577. 

Charlotte  of  Bourbon,  dau.  of  Louis,  Duke  of  Montpensier,  m.  June  12,  1575,  d.  May  5,  1582. 

Louise,  dau.  of  Gaspar  Coligny,  Admiral  of  France,  widow  of  Charles  Teligny,  m.  April  12, 1583,  d.  Oct.  9,  1620. 


433 


APPENDIX  B. 

SONGS,  HISTORICAL  AND  POLITICAL. 

Rhyme-making  has  always  been  a passion  among  the 
people  of  the  Netherlands.  The  names  of  the  writers 
perished,  as  have,  doubtless,  many  thousands  of  their 
doggerel  verses  on  passing  events,  which  had  no  poetic 
soul  to  give  them  immortality.  A goodly  number  are, 
however,  preserved  in  collections,1  and  a few  are  given 
in  translation  to  show  the  spirit  of  the  people.  Some  are 
written  in  French,  some  in  Flemish  and  Dutch,  which 
differed  little  in  writing,  but  much  in  speaking.  There 
were  many  squibs  about  the  bishoprics  and  Granvelle 
from  1560-65.  In  1565  the  Geuzenlieder  or  Beggars’ 
Songs  came  into  being,  which  were  followed  by  a long 
succession  of  war  songs. 

r£ne,  prince  of  orange. 

BATTLE  OF  ST.  DIZIER  (1544). 

Instead  of  a portrait  a translation  of  a ballad2  is  given 
as  a picture  of  the  young  prince  who  died  in  his  twenty- 

1 See  Nederlandsche  Geschiedzangen,  edited  by  J.  van  Yloten  (Am- 
sterdam, 1864),  which  contains  specimens  of  verses  from  863-1609. 
Also  Nederlandsch  Liederboek , published  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Willems-Fonds. 

? Nederlandsche  Geschiedzangen , i.,  243. 


434 


Appendix  B. 


435 


sixth  year,  and  left  the  princedom  to  his  little  cousin 
William  of  Nassau. 

C’est  le  prince  d’Orange, 

Trop  matin  s’est  leve  ; 

II  appela  son  page  : 

Mon  more  est  il  bride  ? 

Que  maudit  soit  la  guerre 
Mon  more  est  il  bride. — etc. 


’T  was  early  one  morn 

Before  the  day  dawn 

When  the  Prince  of  Orange,  cried  he, 

Hast  thou  bridled  my  horse  ? 

A curse  on  the  wars  ! 

Hast  thou  bridled  my  horse  ? cried  he. 


II. 

Hast  thou  bridled  my  horse  ? 

I am  off  to  the  wars, 

Hast  thou  bridled  my  horse  ? cried  he. 
Nay,  nay,  my  dear  Lord, 

Art  thou  going  abroad  ? 

Pray  whither  ? the  page  cried  he. 

ill. 

Nay,  nay,  my  dear  Lord, 

Art  thou  going  abroad  ? 

Pray  whither  ? the  page  cried  he. 

To  France  I must  fare, 

The  King  sent  me  there, 

Curse  on  it  ! the  prince  cried  he, 

IV. 

To  France  I must  fare, 

The  King  sent  me  there  ; 


Appendix  B. 


436 


Yea,  ’t  is  by  bis  orders,  cried  he. 

A secret  command, 

Writ  in  his  own  hand, 

A curse  on  the  wars  ! cried  he. 

v. 

A secret  command 
Writ  in  his  own  hand, 

’T  is  the  King  who  hath  sent  it,  cried  he. 

I went  safe  and  sound, 

But  the  foe  did  me  wound 

With  three  blows  of  a lance,  cried  he. 

VI. 

I went  safe  and  sound, 

But  the  foe  did  me  wound, 

With  three  blows  of  a lance,  cried  he. 

An  Englishman  dealt  them, 

My  poor  body  felt  them, 

Ay,  felt  them  all  three,  cried  he. 

VII. 

An  Englishman  dealt  them. 

My  poor  carcass  felt  them, 

Ay,  felt  them  all  three,  cried  he. 

I had  one  in  the  thigh, 

My  breast  one  came  nigh — 

An  Englishman  dealt  them,  cried  he. 

VIII. 

I had  one  in  the  thigh, 

My  breast  one  came  nigh, 

And  one  pierced  the  side,  cried  he. 

They  said  I should  die, 

Curse  the  war  ! then  quoth  I, 

They  said  I should  die,  cried  he. 

Tr.  by  M.  W.  G. 


Appendix  B. 


437 


BISHOP  SONNIUS  (1562). 

Among  the  new  bishops  who  were  inaugurated  in 
1562,  was  Dr.  Francis  Sonnius  who  became  Bishop  of 
Bois-le-Duc  on  November  16th.  He  made  himself  so 
odious  that  this  audacious  paraphrase  was  circulated 
among  the  common  people. 

O bisschop  Sonnius,  die  ten  Bosch  zijt. 

Uwe  name  is  zeer  benijt, 

U rijck  is  van  geender  weerden 
In  hemelrijck  noch  op  den  eerden,  etc. 

Oh,  Bishop  Sonnius,  who  at  The  Bosch  now  art, 

Cursed  be  thy  name  by  every  heart  ! 

Thy  kingdom  is  no  good  nor  worth. 

In  heaven  nor  upon  the  earth  ; 

Daily  thou  eatest  our  daily  bread, 

Our  wives  and  children  are  not  fed. 

O God,  who  heaven  doth  maintain, 

Rid  us  of  these  bishops  and  their  train  ; 

Let  us  fall  in  no  disgrace, 

And  drive  this  rabble  from  the  place  ! 

A very  usual  form  of  the  pasquinade  was  that  of  the 
Echo. 

GEUZEN-ECHO  (1566). 

Soe  men  die  Geulx  bestryt 
Sal  men  gewinnen  iet  ? — Niet ! 

Wie  sal  d’over  handt  houden 

Die  pauws  oft  die  Geulx  ? Die  Geulx  ! — etc. 

The  French  version  runs  : 

Gagnerat-on  faisant  aux  Gueux  la  guerre  ? 

Gueres. 

Qui  aura  le  prix,  le  pape  ou  bien  les  Gueux  ? 

Eulx.,  etc. 


43§ 


Appendix  B. 


beggars’  echo.1 

If  they  force  against  the  Beggars  use 
Will  they  gain  or  will  they  lose  ? Lose. 

Shall  Beggars  fall  before  the  foe, 

Shall  we  the  Pope  as  conqueror  know  ? No. 

To  win  he  gives  himself  great  pain, 

Shall  papal  pence  be  spent  in  vain  ? Vain. 

Shall  mass  in  every  land  be  sung. 

Or  will  its  dirge  be  sadly  rung  ? Rung. 

Who  backs  the  Pope  and  all  his  crew, 

Can  she2  be  at  his  bidding  too ? Too. 

Will  Red  Calf  3 e’er  regain  his  fame, 

Or  shall  his  rival  have  the  game  ? Game. 

Does  he  old  Nero’s  crimes  rehearse, 

Can  he  perhaps  do  even  worse  ? Worse. 

To  return  will  he  endeavour, 

Or  is  he  gone  for  good  and  ever  ? Ever. 

To  aid  the  Beggars  who  will  try  ? 

Say,  all  ye  folk,  both  low  and  high  ! /. 

DE  TIENDE  PENNING4  (1570). 

Helpt  nu  u seifs,  soo  helpt  u Godt 
Uyt  der  tyrannen  bandt  en  slot 
Benaude  Nederlanden  ! 

Ghy  draecht  den  bast  al  om  u strot, 

Kept  flucks  u vrome  handen. — etc.5 6 

THE  TENTH  PENNY  (1570). 

Now  help  thyself  and  God  will  aid  ! 

Break  tyrants’  bonds,  be  not  afraid 

1 Nederlandsche  Geschiedzangen.  J,  van  Vloten,  1864,  i.,  p.  274. 

2 Margaret  of  Parma. 

3 Granvelle. 

4 The  exaction  of  this  tax  roused  the  greatest  indignation,  and  some 

anonymous  patriots  tried  to  urge  the  people  to  action  with  their  words. 

6 Arederlandsch  Liederboek , i . , 8. 


Appendix  B. 


439 


O wretched  Nederland ! 

The  noose  about  thy  neck  is  laid, 

Rend  it  with  a mighty  hand  ! 

Oh,  Nederland,  thou  art  in  straits, 

Both  death  and  life  are  at  thy  gates  ; 

Serve  Spanish  tyrants  if  you  will, 

Or  follow,  folks  and  all  your  mates, 

The  Prince  of  Orange  still  i 

Help  him  to  be  your  guide  and  stay. 

Or  aid  the  wolf  to  gain  his  prey, 

But  quit  your  neutralising  ; 

Abjure  the  tyrant’s  cruel  sway 
With  all  its  tyrannising  ! 

beggars’  song  (1570).’ 

Slaet  op  den  trommele,  van  dirredomdeyne 
Slaet  op  den  trommele,  van  dirredomdoes, 
Slael  op  den  trommele,  van  dirredomdeyne, 
Vive  le  Geus,  is  nu  de  leus  ! — etc. 


In  English  : 

1 

Come  beat  upon  the  drums,  rub  adub  adub, 

Come  beat  upon  the  drums,  nib  adub  adie, 

Come  beat  upon  the  drums,  rub  adub  adub, 

Long  live  the  Beggars  is  now  the  cry  ! 

2 

The  Spanish  inquisition  has  God’s  malediction, 

The  Spanish  inquisition  of  blood-suckers’  fame  ! 
The  Spanish  inquisition  will  find  a meet  conviction, 
The  Spanish  inquisition  has  played  out  its  game  1 


1 Nederlandsch  Licderboek,  1st  deel.  23. 


440 


Appendix  B. 


3 

Pope  and  the  papists  at  God’s  anger  quaking, 
Pope  and  the  papists  are  at  their  wits’  end  ! 
Pope  and  the  papists  in  their  shoes  are  shaking, 
Pope  and  the  papists  have  lost  all  their  friends  ! 


4 


Long  live  the  Beggars  ! 
Long  live  the  Beggars  ! 
Long  live  the  Beggars  ! 
Long  live  the  Beggars  ! 


Christians,  ye  must  cry. 

Pluck  up  courage  then, 
if  ye  would  not  die. 
shout,  ye  Christian  men  ! 


WILHELMUSLIED  (1572). 


This  is  usually  attributed  to  Philip  Marnix,  Lord  of 
St.  Aldegonde.  A bar  of  music  in  its  original  form  is 
given  at  heading  of  Chapter  XIX. 


1. 

Wilhelmus  van  Nassouvve 
ben  ick  van  duitschen  bloet  ; 
den  Vaderlant  ghetrouwe 
blijf  ick  tot  in  den  doet. 

Een  prince  van  Oraengien 
ben  ick  vrij  onverveert, 
den  coninc  van  Hispaengien 
heb  ick  altijt  gheeert. 


In  Godes  vrees  te  leven 
heb  ick  altijt  betracht, 
daerom  ben  ick  verdreven, 
om  lant,  om  luit  ghebracht  ; 
maar  God  sal  mij  regheren 
als  een  goet  instrument, 
dat  ick  sal  wederkeren 
in  mijnen  reghiment. 


Appendix  B. 


441 


3. 

Lijdt  nu,  mijn  ondersaten, 
die  oprecht  sijn  van  aert  ; 

God  sal  u niet  verlaten. 
al  sijt  ghij  nu  beswaert. 

Die  vroom  begheert  te  leven, 
bidt  God  nacht  ende  dach, 
dat  Hij  mij  cracht  wil  gheven, 
dat  ick  u helpen  mach. 

4- 

Lijf  ende  goed  te  samen 
heb  ick  u niet  gheschoont, 
mijn  broeders,  hoocli  van  namen 
liebben ’t  u 00c  vertoont. 

Graaf  Adolf  is  ghebleven 
in  Yrieslant  in  den  slach, 
sijn  siel  in  eeuvvich  leven 
verwacht  den  jongsten  dach. 

15. 

Voor  God  wil  ick  belijden 
en  Sijner  groter  macht, 
dat  ick  tot  ghenen  tijden 
den  coninc  heb  veracht, 
dan  dat  ick  God  den  Heere, 
der  hoochster  majesteit 
heb  moeten  obedieren 
in  der  gherechticheit. 

1. 

I am  Count  William  of  Nassau, 

Of  noble  German  line  ; 

And  faithful  to  the  Fatherland 
Is  this  true  heart  of  mine. 

The  Prince  of  Orange  I became 
(Which  title  I defend), 

And  ever  to  my  liege  of  Spain 
I was  a loyal  friend. 


442 


Appendix  B. 


To  live  at  peace  with  all  the  world 
Was  ever  my  desire, 

But  now  my  foes  have  banished  me 
From  home  and  household  fire. 

Yet  God  through  me  will  work  His  will, 
Despite  unrighteous  men. 

And  bring  me  by  1 1 is  mighty  hand 
Back  to  my  rights  again. 

3 

Take  courage,  my  brave  people  all ! 

God’s  grace  protects  ye  still, 

The  Lord  will  never  ye  forsake, 

Though  now  ye  suffer  ill. 

So  pray  the  Lord  both  night  and  day, 
Beseech  Him  faithfully 
That  He  will  give  me  aid  and  power 
To  set  my  people  free. 

4- 

My  life  and  all  that  is  my  own 
I to  your  cause  confide  ; 

My  brothers,  knightly  gentlemen, 

Stand  loyal  at  my  side. 

Count  Adolf  we  left  lying  there 
In  Friesland’s  woful  fray, 

Ilis  soul  above  in  worlds  unseen 
Waits  for  the  Judgment  Day. 

15- 

I claim  (may  God  my  witness  be 
From  His  pure  judgment-seat  !) 

That  my  terrestrial  liege  and  king 
I honoured  as  was  meet  : 

But  Him  who  is  the  King  of  kings 
With  sacred,  sovereign  sway, 

I did,  by  truth  and  righteousness. 

Strive  chiefly  to  obey. 


Tr.  by  T.  C.  W. 


Appendix  B. 


443 


THE  GERMAN  TROOPS  (1579). 

The  soldiers  of  John  Casirair  were  sadly  disappointed 
in  the  money  they  expected  to  gain  in  the  Netherland 
campaign.  Bor  [iii.,  34]  says  he  heard  them  sing  the 
following  lines  when  they  were  supping  at  Utrecht  on 
their  way  home. 

Hebdy  niet  in  Brabant  geweest,  aen  der  Staten  sijden  ? 

Moet  gy  mi  te  voet  gaen,  moegt  gy  niet  meer  ryden  ? 

’K  hebber  geweest,  ik  kommer  niet  meer 

Sy  hebben  kein  geld,  sy  hebben  kein  eer,  het  sijn  verlochend  lieden. 


Oh,  have  ye  been  in  Brabant  to  aid  the  states  to  fight, 

Are  ye  sick  of  riding  ? ye  walk  in  sorry  plight  ! 

Oh,  yes,  we  have  been  over  there  and  now  we ’ve  had  enough  ; 

There  was  no  pastime  to  be  had  ; the  life  was  hard  and  rough  ! 

They  have  no  honour  left,  in  gold  are  wholly  lacking, 

They  welcomed  us  with  joy  and  send  us  home  a-packing  ! 

ATTACKS  UPON  THE  PRINCE  OF  ORANGE. 

In  1579  and  1580  there  were  many  pamphlets  and 
pasquinades  published,  which  were  directed,  with  more 
or  less  bitterness,  against  the  Prince  of  Orange.  The 
following  is  an  extract  from  a poem  preserved  in  the 
Archives  Nationales  at  Pans,  as  quoted  in  Les  Huguenots 
et  les  Gueux,  iv.,  492  : 

Calomnier  les  bons,  les  meschans  exalter, 

Supprimer  la  justice,  injustice  exercer 
Gens  de  religion  et  prestres  exiller, — etc. 

The  lines  rendered  in  English  doggerel  are  as  follows  : 

THE  GOOD  (?)  PRINCE  OF  ORANGE. 

The  good  calumniate,  the  wicked  to  exalt ; 

Injustice  exercise,  leave  justice  in  default  ; 

Drive  out  all  holy  folk,  nuns  as  well  as  priests  ; 

Profane  the  sacred  church,  use  chalices  at  feasts  ; 


444 


Appendix  C. 


Plant  heresy  deep  down,  crush  faith  for  evermore  ; 

Defy  all  God’s  decrees,  oppose  His  holy  law, — 

Are  these  not  valiant  deeds  of  this  most  noble  lord, 
Whose  aid  the  worthy  patriots  fervently  implored  ? 
Urging  that  all  foreigners  be  expelled  straightway, 

He  gathers  French  and  English  within  his  rebel  pay  ! 

He  calls  himself  a patriot,  and  ruins  all  the  land, 

Excites  the  people  to  revolt  against  their  legal  lord, 
Offers  oaths  and  pledges,  and  violates  his  word  ! 

By  such  fine  fruits  as  these,  the  impostor,  prithee,  note, 
Their  most  worthy  governor,  by  these  good  patriots’  vote. 


APPENDIX  C. 

ACTE  DE  CINQ  MINISTRES  DU  ST.  EVANGILE  PAR 
LEQUEL  ILS  DECLARENT  LE  MARIAGE  DU 
PRINCE  D’ORANGE  ETRE  LEGITIME. 

Ayant  tres-illustre  Sgr  Monsgr  le  Prince  d’Orenge  ap- 
pell^  les  ministres  de  la  parole  de  Dieu  qui  sommes  icy 
soubssignez,  et  nous  ayant  commande  de  diligemment  et 
soigneusement  pezer  les  tesmoignages  et  depositions 
receues  et  couchees  par  escrit  par  Michel  Yinne,  notaire 
publicq,  y entrevenant  l’autorite  d’un  bourgemaistre  et 
eschevin,  touchant  l’adultere  de  Dame  Anne  de  Saxe, 
ensemble  s’il  y a quelque  autre  chose  tendante  a cela,  et 
de  donner  a son  Exc.  nostre  jugement  et  advis  si  le  dit 
Sgr  Prince  est  libre  de  la  premiere  femme,  et  si  luy  est 
licite  de  s’allier  a une  autre  par  mariage,  nous  avons 
estime  qtte  nostre  devoir  estoit  de  rendre  obeissance  a 
son  Exc.,  et  ainsy  luy  en  declairer  nostre  advis  briefe- 
ment  et  clairement.  Avons  doncques  leu  et  peze  les 
tesmoignages  qu’ont  rendu,  touchant  cest  adultere, 


Appendix  C. 


445 


nobles  hommes,  le  Sr  d’Allendorff,  le  Sr  Floris  de  Nieu- 
nem,  le  Sr  Philippe  de  Marnix  Sgr  du  Mont  de  S‘  Alde- 
gonde,  et  Sr  Nicolas  Bruninck  secretaire  de  son  Exc., 
desquels  tous  les  depositions  nous  ont  este  mises  entre 
mains  par  le  dit  notaire.  Ayans  aussi  peze  le  bruit  com- 
mun  de  cest  adultere  et  quy  continue  desja  par  l’espace 
de  pres  de  quatre  ans  entiers  ; ayant  aussi  Monsgr  le 
Prince,  passe  plus  de  trois  ans,  averty  de  cest  adultere, 
par  le  Conte  de  Hohenlo  tres-illustre  Prince,  le  Due  de 
Saxe  oncle  de  la  dite  Dame  Anne  et  le  plus  prochain 
parent  d’elle,  semblablement  tres-illustre  Prince  le  Land- 
grave aussi  son  oncle,  par  le  Conte  Jehan  de  Nassau  son 
frere,  et  n’y  ayant  este  faite  aucune  replicque  contra- 
diction, ou  complainte  de  tort  et  injure,  ny  par  les  dits 
Sgrs  Due  de  Saxe  et  Landgrave,  ny  par  elle,  ny  par 
quelque  autre  en  son  nom. 

Finalement,  ayans  este  advertis  les  dits  Due  de  Saxe 
et  Landgrave  et  autres  parens  d’elle,  qu’on  traitoit  ce 
nouveau  manage  entre  le  tres-illustre  Sgr  le  Prince 
d’Orange  et  tres-illustre  Dame  Madamoiselle  de  Bour- 
bon ; ayant  aussi  este  publie  en  l’Eglise  par  trois  divers 
dimanches  a la  facon  accoustumee  leur  intention  d’ac- 
complir  le  mariage,  et  apres  ayans  encore  differe  7 jours 
avant  l’executer,  afin  que  personne  ayant  quelque  chose 
a y opposer,  ne  se  peut  pleindre  d’avoir  este  prevenu  et 
forclos  par  brievete  de  terns,  [ce]  que  neantmoins  per- 
sonne n’est  comparu  pour  s’y  aucunement  opposer. 
Tout  ce  que  dessus  bien  et  meurement  pez 6,  et  sin- 
gulierement  les  dits  depositions,  nous  estimons  qu’il  y a 
asses  de  fondement  pour  nous  resoudre  qu’il  ne  faut 
aucunement  douter  que  l’adultere  n’ait  este  par  elle 
commis  ; dont  s’ensuit  que  Monsgr  le  Prince  soit  libre, 
selon  la  droit  divin  et  humain,  pour  s’allier  a une  autre 
par  mariage,  et  que  celle  qu’il  espousera  sera,  et  devant 


44-6 


Appendix  D. 


Dieu,  et  devant  les  hommes  sa  femme  legitime.  Faict 
au  Briell,  n de  juing,  1575. 

Caspar  van  her  Heiden, 
Ministre  de  la  parole  de  Dieu  a Middelbourg. 

Jan  Taffin, 

Ministre  de  la  parole  de  Dieu. 

Jacobus  Michael, 

Ministre  de  l’eglise  de  Dordrecht. 
Thomas  Tylius, 

Ministre  de  Delft. 

Jan  Miggrodus, 

Ministre  de  I’dglise  de  la  Vere. 


APPENDIX  D. 

SPECIMEN  OF  CIPHER  USED  BY  THE  PRINCE  AND 
HIS  BROTHERS. 

MASSACRE  OF  ST.  BARTHOLOMEW  (1572.) 

Or  par  la  vous  voyez,  Monsr.  mon  frere,  comment 
Dieu  est  favorable  a nostre  cause.  Maintenant  je  vous 
prie  considerer  comment  de  l’autre  costd  la  malignite 
des  hommes  tasche  de  renverser  et  aneantir  ceste  grande 
grace  de  Dieu.  Vous  estes  sans  doubte  assez  adverty 
du  malheureux  et  execrable  meurtre,  commis  le  i7me 
du  mois  passd  a.  la  ville  de  Paris,  lequelle  Roy  publie  ou- 
vertement  avoir  estd  faict  par  son  commandement.  Or 
(1)  24.  31.  48.  60.  15.  33.  34-  9-  42,  60.  45-  25-  d-  e-  35- 
36.  3.  54.  s.  61.  60.  15.  13.  cela  nous  ait  e’ste,  n’est  be- 
soing  de  vous  discourir,  car  vous  l’entendez  assez  de  vous 
mesmes,  considdrant  que,  quant  aux  rnoyens  humains  35. 
20,  31.  36.  42.  39.  40.  60.  39.  27.  48.  60.  15.  17.  15.  54.  45. 
42.  27.  51.  52.  20.  2.  estoit  ix.  25.  12.  26.  60.  61.  9.  42. 


Appendix  E. 


447 


54-  56-  57-  i5-  I2-  i4-  x5-  33-  3-  18.  50.  51.  3.  38.  39.  14. 
9.  15.  16. 

Vous  pouvez  assez  comprendre  7.  25.  17.  13.  20.  9.  42. 
36.  5.  6.  27.  15.  38.  39.  9.  15.  33.  3.  a.  26.  27.  57.  50.  51. 
15.  61.  9.  60.  33-  15-  x4-  39-  42.  72.  3.  iS.  19.  25.  f.  3. 
27.  51.  15.  43.  54.  54.  veu  que  s’il  ne  fut  entrevenu,  selon 
toutes  apparences  humaines,  nous  estions  desja  pour  cest 
heure  maitres  du  Due  d’Alve,  et  eussions  capitule  a nostre 
plaisir.  Maintenant  au  contraire,  sans  l’horreur  et  es- 
tonnement  qu’un  fait  si  execrable  imprime  en  tous  coeurs 
des  gens  de  bien,  encor  est-il  incroyable  31.  25.  17.  13. 
33.  15.  12.  42.  36.  m.  3.  21.  14.  15.  14.  25.  [T.]  50.  51.  14. 
15.  61.  9.  60.  33.  15.  36.  15.  39.  57.  que  26.  27.  15.  39.  3. 
69.  50.  51.  15.  9.  15.  14.  60.  61.  25.  20  car  pour  n’estre 
26.  13.  17.  14.  25.  18.  27.  14.  15.  16.  54.  60.  51.  50.  33.  27. 
39.  18.  3.  39.  57.  15.  50.  51.  27.  15,  14,  que  31.  33.  3.  11. 
12.  13.  36.  27.  51.  3.  33.  36.  3.  60.  42.  27.  57.  42.  51.  42. 
36.  27.  54.  et  estoit  11.  13.  12.  15.  13.  54.  27.  3.  45.  51.  15. 
54.  56.  57.  15.  14.  assavoir,  de  11.  25.  10.  12.  26.  27.  66. 
3.  12.  42.  60.  72.  15.  14.  36.  27.  33.  6.  42.  39.  54.  55.  3. 
51.  48.  60.  15.  6.  60.  54.  27.  15.  51.  54.  55.  26.  je  n’ay 
voulu  me  9.  24.  3.  51.  21.  15.  14.  51.  12.  15.  6.  15.  3.  60. 
9.  42.  60.  45.  12.  15.  39.  18.  3.  39.  57.  15.  51.  27.  15.  3. 
33-  T5-  36-  3-  39-  12.  13.  14.  15.  16.  qui  mesmes  n’est 
gueres  utile  pour  le  present. 


APPENDIX  E. 

HUBERT  LANGUET. 

Languet’s  letters  are  so  frequently  quoted  by  historians 
that  some  account  of  him  is  in  order.  He  was  born  in 
Burgundy  in  1518,  and  showed  an  early  aptitude  for 
study,  speaking  Latin  fluently  at  the  age  of  nine.  When 


44-8 


Appendix  F. 


he  had  finished  his  studies  he  started  on  his  travels  and 
arrived  in  Germany  when  the  Reformation  was  in  pro- 
gress. Here  he  saw  by  chance  a volume  of  Melanchthon 
and  was  so  delighted  with  it  that  he  re-read  it  five  times 
within  a year.  He  then  went  on  to  Italy  and  took  his 
doctor’s  degree  at  Padua  in  1548.  He  continued  his 
studies  for  a time  in  Bologna  and  then  returned  to  Ger- 
many for  the  express  purpose  of  seeing  Melanchthon,  for 
whom  he  had  conceived  a great  admiration.  During  the 
succeeding  years  he  continued  his  wandering,  going  as 
far  north  as  the  University  of  Upsala.  In  1559,  he  ac- 
companied young  Adolph  of  Nassau  to  Italy.  After 
their  return,  Languet  visited  Paris.  In  1563,  he  entered 
the  service  of  the  Elector  of  Saxony,  who  sent  him  on  a 
mission  to  Catherine  de  Medici  and  Charles  IX.  in  1566, 
and  later,  on  many  other  missions.  By  chance  Languet 
was  in  Paris  during  the  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew. 

In  1577  he  passed  from  the  elector’s  service  into  that 
of  John  Casimir  of  the  Palatine,  whom  he  accompanied 
to  the  Netherlands.  There  he  saw  William  the  Silent, 
attached  himself  to  him,  and  remained  in  his  service  until 
his  death,  on  September  30,  1581.  Languet  was  a 
favourite  with  all  who  knew  him,  as  his  conversation  was 
very  agreeable,  though  he  “ never  embellished  his  state- 
ments beyond  the  strictest  truth.” 


APPENDIX  F. 

HUBERT  DOVETIOUSE. 

The  story  of  Hubert  Dovehouse  as  given  by  Brandt,  is 
interesting  as  showing  one  type  of  the  reformers.1  He 
was  born  at  Rotterdam,  October  27,  1531,  and  was 
1 History  of  Reformation  (Eng.  version),  i.,  346  et  seq. 


Appendix  F. 


449 


educated  for  the  priesthood  and  had  a parish  in  his  native 
town.  He  asserted  the  right  of  priests  to  marry,  made 
his  housekeeper  his  wife,  and  declared  that  she  was 
legally  so,  though  he  stayed  within  the  Church.  Finally 
his  case  came  to  the  notice  of  the  inquisitors  and  he  was 
obliged  to  flee  from  Rotterdam.  Whether  he  made 
public  peace  with  the  Church  is  not  certain.  Possibly 
the  death  of  his  wife  in  1574  changed  his  position,  but 
he  was  called  to  the  Church  of  St.  James  in  Utrecht.  In 
1578,  however,  he  gave  notice  to  the  magistrates  that  his 
conscience  obliged  him  “to  preach  and  teach  after  the 
manner  of  the  reformed,  offering  nevertheless  to  suffer 
the  images  to  remain  in  his  church  and  to  wear  his  sur- 
plice in  the  pulpit  till  the  government  should  otherwise 
decide,  adding  that  God  did  not  regard  the  vestments 
whether  they  be  white  or  black,  but  the  heart  only.” 
The  magistrates  were  so  uneasy  at  the  religious  dis- 
turbances in  many  cities,  that  they  were  willing  to  consent 
to  this  compromise  as  Dovehouse  was  very  popular 
among  the  people.  The  Deans  of  the  Chapters  opposed 
the  proposition,  but  after  a struggle  the  magistrates 
carried  the  day,  and  Dovehouse  was  allowed  to  establish 
double  service  in  St.  James,  so  that  “ all  should  be  com- 
forted each  after  his  manner.”  “When  the  matins  were 
done  in  the  choir  at  high  mass  and  the  priest  sang,  ‘ Ite 
missa  est,  Deo  gratias,’  the  people  that  quietly  waited 
for  it  below  in  the  body  of  the  church  presently  sang 
aloud  after  the  way  of  the  reformed  : ‘ Lift  up  your 
hearts,  open  your  ears,’  etc.  Then  Hubert  ascended  the 
pulpit.”  He  proceeded  slowly  in  his  reformation,  above 
all,  discouraging  persecution.  “ He  preached  with  zeal 
and  fervour  and  with  a moving  eloquence,  urging  chiefly 
the  exercise  of  charity,  a good  life,  and  internal  virtues, 
without  meddling  with  nice  disputes  or  deep  mysteries, 

VOL.  II. — 29 


450 


Appendix  G. 


which,  according  to  the  judgment  of  all  discreet  doctors, 
might  be  safely  omitted  and  could  not  be  inquired  into 
without  the  dangers  of  pernicious  errors.  For  this,  his 
impartiality,  he  was  nicknamed  by  many  a libertine  or 
free  thinker.”  Still  he  drew  many  about  him,  and  in 
spite  of  heavy  criticism  from  both  sides  he  carried  on  his 
ministrations  successfully  until  his  death  in  1581. 


APPENDIX  G. 

THE  PRINCIPALITY  OF  ORANGE. 

The  Prince  of  Orange  had  so  little  to  do  with  the  land 
to  which  he  owed  his  title,  that  its  history  has  only  been 
hinted  at  in  the  story  of  his  life.  When  he  was 
appealed  to  in  1562  and  in  the  following  years,  to  settle 
the  religious  disturbances  in  the  principality,  he  sent 
messengers  thither,  instructed  to  arrange  affairs  so  that 
both  Protestants  and  Catholics  should  be  satisfied,  or  at 
least  pacified,  but  the  little  province  continued  to  suffer 
from  internal  dissensions  and  from  ravages  from  French 
captains. 

In  1567,  the  second  religious  war  broke  out  in  France. 
Charles  IX.  declared  William  of  Nassau  an  outlaw  and 
a rebel  and  confiscated  the  principality.  Varick  was 
governor  of  Orange  at  the  time  and  tried  to  hold  it  for 
the  prince,  but  was  obliged  to  yield.  Charles  IX. 
appointed  Seignior  de  la  Molle  governor,  the  council- 
general  of  the  principality  ratified  this  appointment  on 
September  11,  1567,  and  took  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the 
king,  in  the  person  of  the  governor.  Varick  left  the  city 
with  five  hundred  Protestants  and  joined  the  Huguenot 
army.  The  majority  of  his  band  perished  in  the  third 
war  of  religion,  which  was  declared  on  August  25,  1568. 


Appendix  G. 


451 


The  Prince  of  Orange  refused  to  see  Varick  when  he 
came  to  him,  saying  that  he  had  yielded  his  trust  too 
easily.  Shortly  afterwards  the  poor  ex-governor  died  of 
a broken  heart.  In  the  articles  of  capitulation  accepted 
by  the  council-general  of  Orange,  it  was  stipulated  that 
the  Protestants  should  be  allowed  free  exercise  of  their 
rites,  but  Seignior  de  la  Molle  broke  this  compact  and 
treated  those  of  the  reformed  religion  very  harshly. 

The  third  war  of  religion  was  terminated  by  the  Paix 
de  la  Charite’,  on  August  8,  1570.  The  Edict  of  Pacifica- 
tion of  St.  Germain  followed  on  August  15th,  in  which 
Article  30th  stipulated  the  restitution  of  the  principality 
to  William  of  Nassau.  On  December  14,  1570,  the 
prince  was  declared  reinstated  in  the  king’s  name,  the 
royal  governor  was  dismissed,  and  Montmejean  was 
appointed  in  his  stead,  by  the  king. 

The  government  did  not  run  smoothly,  as  there  was 
constant  friction  between  the  Catholics  and  Protestants. 
On  February  2,  1571,  a massacre  of  the  latter  began, 
which  lasted  several  days.  At  that  time,  Count  Louis  of 
Nassau  was  regent  of  the  principality  in  behalf  of  his 
brother.  To  him  the  survivors  appealed  for  protection, 
and  he  petitioned  Charles  IX.  to  allow  the  prince  to 
appoint  his  own  governor.  Orange,  Conde  and  Henry 
of  Navarre  added  their  entreaties  that  the  restitution 
should  be  made  complete,  and  finally  the  request  was 
granted  by  the  French  king.  Count  Louis  then  ap- 
pointed William  de  Barchon  as  governor. 

After  the  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew,  many  Hugue- 
nots fled  to  the  principality,  which  was  not  attacked. 
Charles  IX.  remonstrated  at  the  fugitives  being  received 
there,  but  Barchon  declared  that  he  was  responsible  to 
the  prince  alone,  and  refused  to  banish  the  refugees. 
For  a time  Catholic  rites  were  suspended  in  the  town. 


452 


Appendix  G. 


In  November,  war  was  again  declared,  but  Barchon 
obeyed  Louis’s  injunction  to  live  at  peace  with  his  neigh- 
bours, and  did  not  join  the  Huguenot  army.  Peace  was 
concluded  in  July,  1573,  and  Louis  took  the  opportunity 
to  re-establish  the  University  of  Orange,  which  had  been 
closed  for  ten  years.  All  the  ministers  were  included  in 
the  new  faculty.  Barchon  did  not  make  himself  popu- 
lar. A strong  party  was  formed  against  him  ; he  lost  his 
position,  and  other  governors  succeeded  him.  After  the 
death  of  Count  Louis  in  1574,  a stormy  period  en- 
sued in  the  principality,  but  there  was  no  further  con- 
fiscation of  the  land  during  the  prince’s  lifetime. 

The  new  prince,  Philip  William,  visited  the  princi- 
pality, but  did  not  treat  the  Protestants  very  kindly. 
Under  the  rule  of  Maurice,  matters  improved. 

During  the  minority  of  William  III.,  his  aunts,  grand- 
daughters of  William  the  Silent,  quarrelled  over  the 
regency  of  Orange.  Louis  XIV.  said  that  he  could  not 
permit  the  disorders  that  resulted  from  their  strife,  and 
confiscated  the  principality.  During  the  year  which  he 
held  it  he  demolished  the  chateau  that  rose  on  the  hill 
above  the  theatre.  In  1665  the  place  was  restored  to 
William  III.,  was  again  confiscated  in  1672,  and  again 
restored  in  1678.  When  the  Edict  of  Nantes  was  re- 
voked, many  Huguenots  fled  to  Orange.  Louis  XIV. 
attacked  the  town  and  partially  demolished  the  Protes- 
tant churches.  The  Treaty  of  Ryswick,  September  2, 
1697,  restored  the  principality  to  its  rightful  prince, 
then  William  III.  King  of  England.  On  his  death  in 
1702,  it  lapsed  to  Frederic  I.  King  of  Prussia,  as  heir 
of  Louise  Henrietta,  granddaughter  to  William  the 
Silent,  not  without  protest  from  other  claimants.  In 
1713,  a new  adjustment  of  territory  was  made  between 
Frederic  and  Louis.  In  return  for  other  concessions. 


Appendix  II. 


453 


the  principality  of  Orange  was  ceded  to  the  King  of 
France  and  has  since  been  an  integral  part  of  the 
French  realm.  Louis  XIV.  said  that  the  place  had  be- 
come a pesthole  of  Huguenolterie  and  lost  little  time  in 
rendering  it  less  attractive  to  those  of  the  Protestant 
faith.  Three  thousand  Protestants  left  the  town  in  a 
body,  went  to  Geneva  and  later  formed  a little  colony 
in  Prussia. 

In  1719,  the  Grand  Temple  jecame  a Catholic  church. 
On  Christmas  Day,  1890,  the  Catholic  churches  were 
thronged  with  the  ten  thousand  inhabitants  of  the  little 
town,  from  6 a.m.  until  nearly  noon,  at  the  successive 
services,  while  seventy-eight  men,  women,  and  children 
gathered  in  the  one  little  place  set  aside  for  Protestant 
worship  in  a side  street. 


APPENDIX  H. 

PORTRAITS  OF  WILLIAM  THE  SILENT.1 

There  are  no  portraits  of  the  prince  in  his  boyish 
days.  The  earliest  representation  shows  him  at  about 
the  age  of  twenty-five  (see  frontispiece,  Vol.  I.).  The 
portrait  hangs  in  the  museum  at  Cassel.  The  prince  is 
dressed  in  a richly  gilded  suit  of  armour.  In  his  right 
hand  he  holds  a commander’s  staff,  while  his  left  rests 
upon  a helmet  lying  upon  a table  before  him.  “The 
short  stiff  hair  is  brownish  and  a small  mustache  with 
the  suggestion  of  a beard  adorns  the  earnest  face,  which 
is  characterised  by  a slightly  bitter  expression  about  the 
mouth.”  The  inscription  reads  : “ William,  Prince  of 
Orange,  Count  of  Nassau  Catzenellenbogen.”  The 

1 See  article  by  E.  W.  Moes  in  Oud Holland,  1889. 


454 


Appendix  H 


choice  of  this  last  title  out  of  the  long  list  which  the  sub- 
ject of  the  portrait  was  entitled  to  wear  makes  it  prob- 
able that  the  original  was  executed  shortly  after  the  set- 
tlement of  the  Catzenellenbogen  lawsuit,  June  20,  1557. 
Professor  Blok  says  : “ Thus  the  prince  looked  when  he, 
in  the  autumn  of  1559,  was  a suitor  for  Anne’s  hand.” 
Mr.  Moes  discusses  whether  the  artist  of  this  portrait 
was  Franz  Florins  or  William  Key,  a native  of  Breda. 
Whoever  was  the  painter  to  whom  Orange  sat,  it  is 
possible  that  this  particular  picture,  fine  as  it  is,  was  the 
work  of  some  dependant  of  the  Flouse  of  Hesse.  On 
December  6,  1581,  Landgrave  William  wrote  to  Count 
John,1  reminding  him  that  he  had  promised  to  loan 
him  a portrait  of  his  brother.  “ Pray  have  it  packed 
and  sent  hither.  We  will  have  a copy  made  by  our 
painter  and  return  yours  to  you.”  Three  years  later 
the  landgrave  sends2  to  the  count,  “ the  portrait  ( effigiem ) 
of  your  brother  which  we  had  copied  in  our  great  hall  at 
Cassel.” 

Dillenburg  was  burned  in  the  following  century,  so 
that  the  original  here  mentioned,  whatever  it  was,  was 
lost. 

In  the  Mauritshuis  at  The  Hague  there  is  a portrait  of 
William  the  Silent  with  the  inscription  “ Antoninus  Morus 
pingebat  A°  1561."  This  was  bought  recently  (1889)  at 
the  sale  of  the  Secretan  collection  in  Paris.  The  authen- 
ticity has  been  questioned  because  the  prince  does  not 
wear  the  insignia  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  but  that  is 
equally  true  of  the  youthful  portrait.  Mr.  Moes  points 
out  that  the  custom  in  regard  to  this  insignia  was  not 
rigid. 

1 Groen  Archives , vii,,  546. 

2 Ibid.,  viii.,  384. 


Appendix  H. 


455 


In  the  hall  of  the  Prinzenhof  at  Delft  there  is  a por- 
trait showing  the  prince  at  about  the  age  of  thirty-two 
(1565).  This  was  bought  from  Don  Jose  Maria  d’Al- 
meida  in  Lisbon  in  1878.  The  inscription,  “ The  Prince 
of  Orange,”  is  plain,  but  some  possessor  had  a different 
opinion,  as  on  the  back  of  the  panel  is  written  in  Spanish 
“ Philip  I.  painted  by  Titian.” 

There  are  innumerable  engravings  and  medals  repre- 
senting the  prince  as  he  appeared  at  different  times 
during  the  years  between  1565  and  1580,  but  the  origi- 
nals from  which  these  are  taken  are  not  known.  There 
is  an  unmistakable  likeness  in  nearly  all.  The  face 
grows  older,  the  abundant  hair  disappears,  and  a little 
cap  is  usually  painted  on  the  head.  In  the  museum  at 
Antwerp  is  a good  portrait  of  1580,  and  another,  very 
similar,  in  the  Mauritshuis.  In  the  first  the  prince  wears 
a close-fitting  garment  with  a rich  border,  a fluted  ruff, 
and  a black  cap.  In  the  second  the  cap  is  pushed  back 
on  the  head  and  the  tabard  is  heavily  embroidered  with 
gold. 

Cornelis  van  Visscher,  a painter  of  Gouda,  not  always 
in  his  right  mind,  is  known  to  have  painted  the  prince 
from  life  several  times.  The  originals  have  disappeared, 
but  two  forms,  one  in  civilian  dress  and  one  in  armour, 
are  well  known  from  copies,  later  compositions,  and  en- 
gravings. Occasionally  the  engravers  have  put  the  well 
known  black  cap  on  the  head  of  the  figure  in  armor, 
which  is  highly  incongruous. 

The  most  celebrated  of  Yisscher’s  copyists  was  Michael 
Jansz.  Miereveld.  A portrait  attributed  to  him  is  in  the 
Mauritshuis  at  The  Hague.  In  the  Amsterdam  gallery 
is  an  excellent  painting  by  him,  after  Visscher’s  portrait 
of  the  prince  in  civilian’s  dress.  Here  the  artist  evi- 
dently made  a free  composition  from  the  original.  Re- 


456 


Appendix  H. 


plicas  are  to  be  found  in  Delft  and  at  The  Hague.  An 
inscription  in  Greek,  which  appears  on  all  three,  aroused 
Bilderdijk’s  curiosity.  In  1810  he  wrote  to  H.  W.  Tyde- 
man  : “ Have  you  seen  the  portrait  of  William  I.  in  the 
Royal  Museum  ? When  you  see  it,  look  at  the  Greek 
words.”  Prof.  C.  G.  Cobet  of  Leyden  deciphered  the 
inscription,  which  proved  to  be  verse  332  of  Euripides’ 
Medea , “Jove,  let  it  not  escape  thine  eye,  who  is  the 
cause  of  these  misfortunes.” 

Copies  of  this  portrait  without  the  Greek  are  to  be 
seen  in  Prince  Frederic’s  palace  at  The  Hague,  in  the 
museum  at  Leeuwarden,  in  the  Stadhuis  at  Amersfoort,  in 
the  Mauritshuis,  in  the  Prinzenhof  at  Delft,  in  the  senate- 
chamber  of  Leyden  University  as  well  as  in  the  Leyden 
library. 

There  is  another  portrait  by  Miereveld  in  the  Stadhuis 
at  Kampen  from  some  other  unknown  original,  where  the 
prince  is  represented,  full  length,  in  a black  mantle  bor- 
dered with  gold.  In  the  inventory  of  Miereveld’s  effects 
in  his  studio  there  is  one  portrait  of  the  prince. 

There  is  some  question  whether  a mark  on  the  prince’s 
face,  evident  in  all  the  portraits  engraved  from  Visscher’s 
original,  is  the  scar  made  by  the  wound  received  by 
Orange  in  1582.  Mr.  Moes  thinks  not,  and  describes 
another  painting  as  follows  : “ In  the  Alkmaar  Museum 
is  a portrait  representing  the  prince  in  simple  house 
dress  with  a cap  on  his  head.  The  hair  showing  from 
under  it  is  very  grey,  and  deep  wrinkles  make  the  face 
older  than  in  all  the  other  portraits.  The  inscription  is 
‘William  of  Nassau,  Prince  in  the  year  1583.’  Between 
the  tufts  of  the  beard  just  under  the  zygomatic  process 
of  the  upper  jaw,  upon  the  right  cheek,  there  is  a red 
spot  which  is  undoubtedly  the  scar.” 

This  was,  in  all  probability,  the  last  portrait  made  from 


Appendix  H. 


45  7 


the  living  prince.  Bieselingen’s  sketch  when  he  lay 
dead  in  the  Prinzenhof  has  already  been  mentioned. 

As  the  few  originals  formed  the  basis  for  the  numerous 
portraits  scattered  throughout  the  Netherlands,  so,  too, 
the  descriptions  of  the  prince’s  personal  appearance  are 
the  sources  for  many  word  pictures  of  him. 

Emmanuel  van  Meteren,  who  certainly  knew  the  prince, 
writes  : “ He  was  a well-built  man,  taller  than  the  aver- 
age, with  brown  complexion  and  beard,  spare  rather  than 
stout,  moderately  strong.  What  he  was  within,  his  works 
have  shown.”  Hoofd  and  others  have  evidently  copied 
this  sentence.  Everhard  van  Reyd,  who  also  probably 
saw  the  prince,  says  : “ He  had  medium  height,  brown 
complexion,  pleasant  eyes.” 

In  Joseph  de  la  Pise’s  work  there  is  a more  detailed 
description  : “ The  figure  is  fine  when  the  proportion 
is  good  between  height  and  bulk.  The  prince  was 
neither  too  tall  nor  too  stout.  He  had  a moder- 
ately large  and  round  head ; a face  rather  dark  than 
fair,  rather  thin  than  full  ; auburn  hair  ; a beard  of  the 
same  colour  and  pointed  ; large,  bright,  prominent  brown- 
ish eyes  ; a nose  rather  long  than  short,  with  wide  nos- 
trils ; his  expression  was  cold  and  unmoved,  without 
passion  or  change.”  This  man  was  born  four  years  after 
the  prince’s  death,  so  that  this  is  not  the  description  of 
a contemporary. 

In  1884,  a few  days  after  the  death  of  Alexander, 
the  last  Prince  of  Orange,  Mrs.  W.  E.  H.  Lecky  wrote 
from  The  Hague  : “ I went  at  once  to  the  Palace  and 
saw  the  Prince.  The  likeness  to  William  the  Silent  is 
quite  marvellous.  Mr.  H.  was  so  struck  with  it  that  he 
would  have  wished  to  have  a photograph  taken  even 
now.  Those  taken  immediately  after  death  are  extremely 
good  and  like  what  we  knew  the  Prince  ; but  now  the 


45§ 


appendix  Id. 


face  has  a kind  of  fixed,  stern,  elderly  look — exactly  like 
our  head  of  William  the  Silent.” 

Well  told  the  hard — the  foremost  of  our  age — 

How  sometimes  in  a dead  man’s  rigid  face 
Some  old  ancestral  type,  unseen  in  life, 

Appears  again,  and  through  the  lately  dead 
The  older  dead  look  down.1 

1 W.  E.  H.  Lecky,  Poems , 1891,  p.  91. 


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Paris,  1858.  1 v.,  24mo. 

La  Pise,  Joseph  de.  Tableau  de  I'histoire  des  princes  et  de  la 
principaute  d ' Orange.  La  Haye,  1639.  1 v.,  folio. 

Lettenhove.  See  Kervyn. 

Marnix,  Philippe  (St.  Aldegonde),  CEuvres  de , Correspondance  et 
melanges.  [A.  Lacroix,  editor.]  Paris,  i860.  2 v.,  8vo. 

Martin,  Henri.  Histoire  de  France.  Paris,  1844.  Vol.  x. 

Meteren,  Emanuel  van.  Historie  van  de  oorlogen  en  geschiedenissen 
der  Nederlanderen.  Breda,  1748-1763.  10  v.,  8vo. 

Michaud  et  Poujoulat  [editors],  Nouvelle  collection  des  mdmoires 
pour  servir  a I'histoire  de  France. 

Mdmoires  de  Philippe  de  Comines. 

— — — ■ Mdmoires  de  Pierre  de  Bourdeille , abbd  el  seigneur  de  Bran- 
t6me. 

Mdmoires  de  Francois  de  Scdpeaux,  mardchale  de  France. 

Mdmoires  de  Francois  de  Rabutin.  Paris,  lS$l,  et  seq. 

Motley,  John  Lothrop.  The  rise  of  the  Dutch  republic.  London, 
1889.  3 v.,  8vo. 

Nederlandsch  Liederboek , uitgeven  door  het  Willems-Fonds.  Ghent, 
1892.  2 v.,  i2mo. 

Orange , principality  of,  and  its  Protestant  exiles , by  student  at 
Dublin.  Pamphlet.  (British  Museum.) 

Orlers,  Jan  van.  Getiealogie  des  conies  de  Nassau.  Leyden,  1630  (?) 
1 v.,  folio. 

Pfister,  J.  C.  Geschichte  der  Teutschen.  Flamburg,  1829-35. 
5 v.,  8vo. 

Philadelphe,  Eusebe,  cosmopolite,  pseud,  (i.  e.  Nicolas  Barnaud.) 
La  reveille  matin  des  Francois  et  de  leur  voisins.  Edinbourg, 
1574.  1 v.,  8vo. 


462 


Bibl iography. 


Pontus  Payen,  MImoires  de.  (Alex.  Henne,  editor.)  Bruxelles, 
1851.  2 v.,  8vo. 

PoULLET,  Edm.  [editor],  Correspondance  de  Cardinal  Granvelle. 
Prescott,  William  H.  History  of  the  reign  of  Philip  II,  Phila- 
delphia, 1874.  3 V.,  121110. 

Ranke,  Leopold  von.  Zeitalter  der  Reformation.  Berlin,  1842-47. 
6 v.,  8 vo. 

Raumer,  F.  L.  G.  von.  Geschichte  Europas  seit  dem  Ende  des  15 
Jahrhunderts.  Leipzig,  1832-1850.  8 v.,  8vo. 

Reiffenberg,  le  baron  de  [editor].  Correspondence  de  Marguerite 
d' Autriche,  duchesse  de  Parme,  avec  Philippe  II.  Bruxelles, 
1842.  1 v.,  8vo. 

Histoire  de  V ordre  de  la  toison  d'or,  Bruxelles,  1830.  1 v., 

sq.  8vo. 

Renon  de  France  [Ranulphe].  Histoire  des  troubles  des  Pays-Bas. 
Bruxelles,  1886-1891.  3 v.,  4to. 

Robertson,  William.  History  of  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Charles  V. 
Philadelphia,  1875.  3 v.,  i2mo. 

Stapylton,  Sir  Robert,  Kt.  History  of  the  Low-Countrey  warres. 

[From  Strada.]  London,  1650.  1 v.,  8vo. 

StirlinG-Maxwell,  Sir  William,  Bt.  Don  John  of  Austria. 
London,  1883.  2 v.,  8vo. 

Strada,  Famianus.  De  bello  Belgico.  Roma,  1640.  2 v.,  folio. 

Terwogt,  W.  A.  De  Vader  des  vaderlands  in  zyn  leven  en  werken 
geschetst  voor  het  Nederlandsche  volk.  Maassluis,  1886.  1 v., 

sq.  4to. 

Thou,  Jacque- Auguste  de.  Histoire  universelle,  1543-1607.  Londres, 
1734.  [French  ed.]  16  v.,  sq.  4to. 

Van  der  VYNCICT,  L.  J.  J.  Histoire  des  troubles  aux  Pays-Bas. 
Bruxelles,  1822.  3 v.,  8vo. 

Vloten,  J.  van.  Nederlandsche  geschiedzangen.  Amsterdam,  1864. 
1 v.,  i6mo. 

Wagenaar,  Jan.  Vaderlandsche  historic , etc.  Amsterdam,  1749- 
1759.  21  v.,  8vo. 

Wicquefort,  de.  L' histoire  de  V etablissemenl  de  la  rlpublique  des 
Provinces-Unies.  Londres,  1749.  v.  first,  4to. 

Note. — Vol.  III.  of  P.  J.  Blok's  Geschiedenis  van  het  Neder- 
landsche Volk  (Groningen,  1896)  covers  the  period  of  the  eighty  years’ 
war,  but  the  opinion  of  other  scholars  who  have  published  less  com- 
prehensive works,  should  not  be  neglected.  Especially  valuable  are 
the  essays  on  different  phases  and  epochs  of  history  by  R.  Fruin, 
professor  emeritus  at  Leiden,  whose  every  word  is  of  weio-ht. 


INDEX. 


A 

Aa,  north  dyke  at,  ii.,  83  et  seq. 
Aaronson,  Peter,  i.,  335 
Abjuration,  oath  of,  ii.,  326,  327 
et  seq. 

Accord  of  Aug.  25,  1566,  i.,  221, 
230,  238,  241 

Adiaphorists,  evangelical  sect, 
ii.,  129 

Adolf,  Coadjutor  of  Cologne, 
executor  of  Rene’s  will,  i.,  42 
Adrian  of  Utrecht,  i.,  13 
Aerschot,  Duke  of  (Philip  de 
Croy,  Prince  of  Chiraay)  i., 
63-7°,  106,  188,  264,  279  ; ii., 
121,  140,  150,  168,  190,  193, 
198  et  seq.,  204,  216,  222,  233 
et  seq.,  241,  250 

Duchess  of,  i.,  72,  73,  ii., 

250 

town  of,  ii.,  252 

Aerssen,  Cornelis,  testifies  to  for- 
titude of  Gerard,  ii.,  415 
Affenstein,  M.  d’,  i.,  340 
Afflighem,  abbey  of,  ii.,  352 
Agylaeus,  ii.,  178 
Aix,  town  of,  i.,  198,  et  passim 
Alain,  Captain,  ii.,  23 
Alava,  Don  Francis,  Spanish 
ambassador  to  France,  i.,  235, 
290  ; opinion  of  Orange,  324- 
326.  331 


Albornoz,  Juan  de,  secretary  of 
Alva,  ii.,  47 
Aldegonde,  see  Marnix 
Alenfon,  Duke  of,  see  Anjou 
Alkmaar,  siege  of,  ii.,  38  et  seq., 
51,  107 

Alost,  Spanish  mutineers  seize, 
ii.,  137,  140,  151,  252 

county  of,  given  to  Orange, 

i'-.  352 

A lie  Minne,  i.,  7 
Alva,  Duke  of  (Ferdinando  Al- 
varez de  Toledo),  i.,  101,  102  ; 
proxy  for  Philip,  107  ; treaty 
with  Henry,  II.,  108  ; letter 
to  Philip,  155;  coming  dreaded, 
264,  274  ; embarks  at  Cartha- 
gena,  277  ; arrival  in  Nether- 
lands, 278  et  seq.;  arrests 
Egmont  and  Horn,  281  et 
seq.  ; establishes  Council  of 
Troubles,  285  ; plan  of  seiz- 
ing, 294 ; preparations  to 
repulse  Louis,  297  ; army 
of,  defeated  at  Heiliger  Lee, 
299  ; determines  to  punish 
rebels,  300  ; execution  of  Eg- 
mont and  Horn,  301  et  seq.; 
victory  of  Jemmingen,  308  ; 
military  tactics  of,  312  et 
seq. ; indignation  at  French 
queen,  325  ; letter  to  Philip, 
326  ; scheme  of  taxation,  335  et 


463 


464 


Index. 


seq.,  ii. , 1 et  seq.;  proposes  sen- 
tence against  Orange,  i.,  345  ; 
caricature  of,  ii.,  5 ; reception 
of  Medina  Coeli,  9 et  seq.  ; in- 
dignation at  supplies  to  rebels, 

1 1 et  seq.  ; indignation  at  mas- 
sacre of  St.  Bartholomew,  19  ; 
treatment  of  Louis,  21  et  seq.  ; 
treatment  of  captured  towns, 
25  et  seq. ; makes  terms  with 
mutineers,  37  et  seq.  ; sum- 
mons the  estates,  48  ; his  de- 
parture and  later  career,  50 
Amours,  M.  d’,  Reformed  minis- 
ter, ii.,  19 

Amstel,  the  river,  i.,  238 
Amsterdam,  i. , 238  et  seq.,  241, 
243,  293,  ii.,  6,  29,  31,  49  et 
seq.,  157,  203,  207,  249,  308, 
326,  328 

Anabaptists,  i.,  210,  244,  258, 

11. , 192,  244 

A nalecta  Belgica  ( Viglii  Epistolaj ; 

Tassii  opera),  see  Hoynck 
Analectes  Belgiques,  see  Gachard 
Anastro,  Caspar  d’,  story  of,  ii., 
341  et  seq. 

Andelot,  Monsieur  d’  (Francis 
de  Chatillon)  i.,  164 
Anjou,  Duke  of  (Frangois  of 
Valois,  Duke  of  Alengon  until 
accession  of  Henry  III.),  ii. 
36,  46,  128,  159,  188,  201,  238, 
256,  260,  261,  269,  272,  302, 
307  et  seq.,  322,  330  et  seq  ; 
arrives  at  Flushing,  334  ; made 
Duke  of  Brabant,  335  ; behav- 
iour after  Jaureguy’s  attempt, 
341  ; protected  by  Orange,  345  ; 
other  titles  of,  352,  354  ; bud- 
get of,  355  ; attack  on  Ant- 
werp, 356  et  seq.  ; new  accord 
with,  368  ; letter  to  Henry 

111.,  368;  letters  to  Orange, 
368,  376,  377  ; at  Chateau- 
Thierry,  381  ; letter  denying 
illness,  382  ; death  of,  382 

Duke  of  (Henry  of  Valois, 

afterwards  Henry  III.  of 
France),  i.,  329;  elected  King 


of  Poland,  ii.,  41  et  seq.;  on 
his  journey  to  Poland,  57,  60  ; 
becomes  King  of  France,  75  ; 
97,  128  et  seq.,  324 
Antiquit/s , de  la  Ville  d’ Orange, 
quoted,  i.,  17 

Antwerp,  i.,  67,  77,  83,  93,  103, 
127,  182,  191  ; sectarian  dis- 
turbances in,  207  et  seq.  ; out- 
break in,  214  etseq.  ; renewed 
confusion  in,  243  et  seq.  ; 
Church  rites  restored  in,  277  ; 
contributes  money  to  Orange, 
293  ; votes  supplies  to  Reque- 
seus,  ii.,  72  ; in  hands  of  the 
Spanish,  140  ; Spanish  fury  in, 
150  et  seq.  ; Spanish  evacuate, 
183,  199  ; entrusted  to  Tres- 
long,  204  ; Orange  returns  to, 
21'ietseq.,  232;  sermonsin,  251; 
religious  peace  in,  274  ; dis- 
turbances (May,  1579),  284  ; 
Anjou  in,  334  el  seq.  ; mourn- 
ing for  Charlotte  of  Bourbon 
in , 350  ; French  fury  in,  359 
et  seq.  ; magistrates  ask 
Orange’s  advice,  366  ; Orange 
married  in,  369  ; votes  income 
to  Emilie  Antwerpiana,  375  ; 
execution  of  Ordono  in,  396  ; 
Apology  of  William  of  Orange, 
quoted,  i.,  40,  69,  71,  72  et 
passim  ; see  Bibliography 
Appingadam,  i.,  297 
“ Arabatensis,  Dominus,”  (Gran- 
velle),  i.,  32 

Arausio,  earliest  form  of  Orange, 

i.,  17 

Archives,  ou  Correspondance  lu- 
ddite de  la  Maison  d’Orange- 
Nassau,  see  Groen  Van  Prin- 
sterer 

de  1'  Ordre  de  la  Toison  d ' Or, 

Brussels,  MS.,  quoted,  i.,  83 

Nationals,  Lettres  du 

Prince d’ Orange,  quoted, i.,168 
Dresden,  i.,  95  ; Flush- 
ing. ii-.  397  ! Geneva,  i.,  166  ; 
Hague,  i. , 143  ; Salamanca,  i. , 
266 


Index. 


465 


Ardennes,  boar  of,  i.,  316 

forest  of,  319 

Aremberg,  Count  d’  (Jean  de 
Ligne),  mention  of,  i.,  69,  117, 
198,  209,  220,  245,  269,  270, 
297  et  seq.  ; killed  at  Heiliger 
Lee,  299  ; ii. , 64 
Arles,  Roman  ruins  at,  i,  17 
Armenteros,  Th. , secretary  of 
Duchess  of  Parma,  i.,  169 
Arnaud,  E.,  Histoire,  d' Orange, 
etc.,  quoted,  i.,  16 
Arnoldi,  Johann,  quoted,  Ge- 
schichte , i.,  xi.,  5 ; Historiscke 
Denkwiirdigkeiten , 21  et  pas- 
sim ; see  Bibliography 
Arondaux,  A.,  married  Eve 
Eliver,  i.,  no 

Arras,  Bishop  of,  see  Perrenot 

See  of,  i.,  126,  127 

town  of,  i.,  63 

■ — — union  of,  ii.,  273  et  seq. 
Artemis,  Bishop  of,  i.,  102 
Artois,  i.,  62  et  passim,  ii.,  138, 
156  ; reaction  in,  272  et  seq. 
Ascoli,  Prince  of,  i.  91 
Assonleville,  Chr.  d’  (Baron  de 
Bouchout),  i.,  231  ; ii.,  121, 
1*10,  403 

Aubespine,  Claude  1’,  i.,  102 
Augsburg,  confession  of,  i.,  14 
et  passim,  ii.,  39,  373 

diet  of  (1530),  i.,  27,  30 

peace  of,  ii.,  36 

Aumont,  M.  d’,  ii.,  96 
Austria,  Archduke  Charles  of, 
his  mission  to  Spain,  i.,  327 
et  seq. 

Archduke  Ferdinand  of,  ii., 

240 

Archduke  Matthias  of,  in- 
vited to  Netherlands,  ii.,  229 et 
seq.  233  ; entry  into  Brussels, 
240  et  seq.  ; farcical  situation 
of,  255  et  seq.  ; visit  to  Hol- 
land, 302  et  seq. ; distress  of, 
324 ; resignation  and  depar- 
ture of,  328 

Archduke  Maximilian  of, 

ii.,  230 


Emperor  Maximilian  of,  see 

under  name 

Don  John  of,  i.,  341  ; ap- 
pointed governor  of  the  Nether- 
lands, ii.,  148  ; birth  and  edu- 
cation of,  163  et  seq.  ; plans  to 
rescue  Mary  Stuart,  165  ; stops 
in  Paris,  166  ; negotiations 
with  states-general,  fjoet  seq.; 
efforts  to  win  over  Orange,  180 
et  seq.;  triumphant  entry  into 
Brussels,  184 ; takes  oath  of 
office,  185  ; goes  to  Mechlin, 
199;  receives  Queen  of  Navarre 
at  Namur,  202  ; seizes  Namur, 
203  et  seq.  ; at  Luxemburg, 
246 ; forces  battle  at  Gembloux, 
247  ; at  Rijnemaants,  259  ; 
illness  of,  263  ; death  and  char- 
acter of,  264 
Avesnes,  ii.,  22 
Avignon,  i.,  17,  144 
Avila,  Sanchod’,  Spanish  captain, 

i.,  283,  ii.,  57,  61  etseq.,  68,  150 
et  seq.,  184 
Azores,  ii.,  59 

B 

Baden,  Margraves  of,  i.  275 
Bailleul  and  Cornaille,  Philip, 
Lord  of,  petitioner,  i.,  196 
Bailleu,  Mme.  de,  ii.,  210 
Bakhuizen,  R.  C.,  van  der 
Brinck,  Piet  Huwelijk,  quoted, 

i.,  122;  .sw  Bibliography 
Bakkerzeel,  seignior  of  (G.  de 
Casembroot),  Egmont’s  secre- 
tary, i.,  282  ; arrest  of,  284 
Baldinus,  Franciscus,  i.,  194 
Bandes  d’ordonnances,  regular 
governmental  troops,  i.,  113 
Bapaume,  i.,  101 
Basa,  Francesco  de,  attempts 
life  of  Orange  and  Anjou,  ii., 
355,  396 

Basdorp,  ii.,  207 
Bastet,  Hist.,  d' Orange,  etc., 
quoted,  i.,  16  ; see  Bibliog- 
raphy 


466 


Index. 


Batenberg,  William,  Seignior 
de,  ii.,  37 

Battles  (defeats,  etc.)  Dalheim 
(Dalhem),  i.,  296,  301  ; Gem- 
bloux,  ii.,  247  et  seq.  ; Heili- 
ger  Lee,  i.,  299  ; Jarnac,  i., 
329  ; Mook  Heath,  ii.,  56  et 
seq.  ; Nancy,  i.,  10  ; St.  Quen- 
tin, i.,  88 

Baux,  Bertrand  des,  i.,  18 

Marie,  marries  Jean  de 

Chalons,  18 

Bavaria,  Ernest  of,  succeeds 
Truchses  as  Archbishop  of 
Cologne,  ii.,  374 

Princess  of,  Egmont’s  wife, 

i.,  302 

Bayonne,  Bishop  of,  i.,  94 
Beauvoir,  Seignior  of,  see  Lan- 
noy 

Beggars  ( Gueux ),  origin  of  term, 

i.,  200  et  seq.  ; of  the  Sea,  ii., 
2 et  seq.  ; lawlessness  of,  29  et 
passim 

Beilstein,  i.,  363,  365 
Bentivoglio,  Guido,  ii.,  357;  see 
Bibliography 

Beosse,  M.  de  la,  ii.,  159  et  seq. 
Berchem,  i.,  208 
Berg,  Count  van  den,  i.,  176; 
see  de  Berghes 

Bergen,  ii.,  58  ; see  also  Mons 
Bergen  op  Zoom,  ii.,  205 
Berghen  [de  Berghes],  Marquis 
of  (Jean  de  Glyrnes),  i.,  117  ; 
governor  of  Hainault,  156  ; at 
Spa,  174  ; mission  to  Spain, 
205  ; letter  to,  269 
Berghes,  William,  Count  de, 
brother-in-law  of  Orange,  four 
sons  of,  ii.,  124;  appointed 
stadtholder  of  Guelderland, 
372  ; treachery  of,  372  et  seq. 
Berlaymont,  Baron  of  (Charles, 
Seignior  de  Floyon),  i.,  It6, 
146,  169,  188  ; calls  confeder- 
ates, Beggars,  198  ; 220,  231, 
264,  278,  279 ; member  of 
Blood  Council,  285  ; 3x7,  ii., 
121,  140  ; four  sons  of,  202 


Berlepscli,  Volmar  von,  i.,  348, 
ii-,  377 

Bernard,  Hans,  captain  of  inde- 
pendent band,  i.,  82 
Besangon,  i.,  166 
Bersele,  Baronde(J.de  Witthem), 

11.,  167 

Berty,  John  Baptist,  i.,  108,  193  ; 

sent  to  Orange,  248,  264  el  seq. 
Betz,  Dr.  J.,  i.,  353  et  seq. 
Beutterich,  P. , ii  , 91  et  passim 
Beze,  Theodore  de,  ii.,  66  et  seq. 
Bieselingen,  Christian  Janszoon 
van,  ii.,  418 

Billy,  Seignior  de  (Caspar  & 
Robles),  i.,  281,  ii.,  179 
Biron,  Marshal  de,  ii.,  357,  408 
Blamont,  ii.,  45-55 
Blomberg,  Barbara,  mother  of 
Don  John  of  Austria,  ii.,  164 
Blood  Council,  tribunal  estab- 
lished by  Alva,  i. , 285,  et 
passim 

Bloyere,  Henry  de,  ii.,  173 
Bois,  Ph.  du,  ii.,  241,  243 
Bois-le-Duc  (Herzogenbosch),  i., 
84,  127,  253  ; ii.,  219,  416 
Boisot,  Charles  de,  brother  of 
Admiral,  ii.,  115 

Louis,  Admiral  de,  ii.,  32, 

57,  73.  82  et  seq.,  92;  death 
of,  130,  133 

Bomberger,  Antony  van,  i.,  253 
Bommel,  Isle  of,  ii.,  62  et  pas- 
sim, 93 

Bommenede,  ii.,  116 
Bonte,  Hugo,  ii.,  75  el  seq. 

Bor,  P.  C.,  Hist.,  etc.,  quoted, 

1.,  xi.,  127  et  passim  j see  Bibli- 
ography 

Bordeaux,  Treaty  of,  ii.,  326 
Bordey,  P.,  i.,  167 
Borgerhout,  ii.,  358 
Bossu,  Count  de  (Max  de  Llen- 
nin),i.,  69,  70  ; appointed  gov- 
ernor in  place  of  Orange,  267, 

11.,  5 ; taken  prisoner,  39 ; 

179.  259 

Botalli,  Leonardo,  Anjou’s  phy- 
sician, ii.,  346 


Index. 


467 


Bottiger,  K.  W.,  Taschenbuch , 
quoted,  i.,  95,  347  et  passim  ; 
see  Bihliography 
Boucholt,  Seignior  de,  i.,  92 
Bouillon,  Duke  of,  ii. , 60,  97 
Bourbon,  Cardinal,  ii.,  198 
Bourbon-Montpensier,  Charlotte 
of  (daughter  of  Duke  of  Mont- 
pensier),  ii.,  go,  96  et  seq.,  107  ; 
married  to  Prince  of  Orange, 
108  ; 131,  170,  188,  215,  220  ; 
children  of,  123,  131,  170,  188, 
348  ; letters  of,  131,  159,  224, 
226,  227,  228,  313,  315  ; ill- 
ness and  death  of,  348,  el  seq.; 
act  declaring  marriage  legal, 
444 

Frangoisof,  brother  of  Char- 
lotte, ii.,  141,  159 

Louis,  Duke  of,  see  Mont- 

pensier 

Bours,  de,  ii.,  204 
Bouvignes  on  the  Meuse,  i.,  63, 

ii.,  219 

Boxtel,  Seignior  de  (J.  de  Horn), 

ii.,  13 

Brabant,  i.,  58  et  passim , ii.,  7 
et  passim 

Braccamonte,  Spanish  general, 

ii.,  62 

Brandenburg,  Albert  of,  i.,  52, 

ii.,  54  ; electors  of,  i.,  275  ; 
house  of,  i.,  34  ; Margraves 
of,  i.,  29,  142,  275 
Brandenburg-Anspach,  George 
Frederic  of,  i.,  53 
Brandt,  Gerard,  Hist.,  etc., 
quoted,  i.,  xii.,  170  et  passim  ; 
see  Bibliography 

Brantome,  i.,  296,  330  et  seq.; 
see  Bibliography 

Brasser,  Goodevaart,  wife  of 
Burgomaster  of  Delft,  ii.,  79 
Braubach,  i.,  359 
Breda,  headquarters  of  Nether- 
land  Nassaus,  i . , 8 el  passim  ; 
peace  conference  meets  at,  ii., 
92  et  seq.  ; restored  to  prince, 
205  227  ; retaken  by  Farnese, 
329 


Brederode,  Henry,  Count  of,  i., 
63,  67  ; letter  of,  168  ; de- 
scription of,  175;  signs  com- 
promise, 182,  186  et  seq.,  194 
et  seq.,  236,  243  et  seq.,  251, 
234  : death  of,  288  ; pranks  of, 
158,  ii.,  66 

Lancelot  de,  i.,  342 

Bremen,  i.  335,  ii.,  46,  104 
Brentians,  evangelical  sect,  ii., 
129 

Brill,  town  of,  ii.,  3 el  seq.,  93, 
107,  117 

Brouwershaven,  ii.,  116 
Brown,  Thomas,  to  Lord  Bur- 
leigh, Rel.  Politiques , ii.,  5 
Bruges,  i,,  ir,  83, 127,  ii.,  218  ; 
returns  to  Philip’s  sovereignty, 

381 

Brunswick,  Duke  of,  i.,  7 
— • — - Duke  Eric  of,  i.,  39,  92, 
in,  312 

Henry  of,  i.,  39,  224 

House  of,  i.,  34 

Brunynck,  Th.,  secretary  of 
Prince  of  Orange,  ii. , 80  et  seq. , 
gr,  129,  130 

Brussels,  arrival  of  prince  at,  i., 
42  ; abdication  of  Charles  V. 
at,  72,  82  et  passim ; union 
of,  ii.,  178  et  seq.  ; Don  John’s 
entry  into,  184  ; Orange’s  en- 
try into,  220  et  seq.  ; govern- 
ment of  (1578),  248 
Bruxelles,  Philibert  de,  i.,  74 
Buren,  city  of,  ii.,  93 

Maximilian,  Count  of,  i., 

44,  67 

Count  of  (Philip  William 

of  Nassau),  birth  of,  i. , 94  ; at 
Louvain,  161  ; meets  Alva, 
279  1 goes  to  Spain  287  et 
seq.,  346  ; at  Spanish  univer- 
sity, ii.,  132,  155  et  passim; 
excluded  from  succession  of 
Countship  of  Holland,  387  ; 
reference  to,  417,  428 
Burgon,  J.  W.,  Life  of  Gresham, 
quoted,  i.,  76,  103  et  passim  ; 
see  Bibliography 


468 


Index. 


Burgundius,  Nicholaus,  i.,  194 
Burgundy,  i . , 3 ; ii . , 91  et passim 

Charles  the  Bold  of,  i.,  9 

House  of,  i. , 15 

Mary  of,  i.,  10 

Philip  of,  i.,  10,  83 

Burleigh,  Lord  (William  Cecil), 

11.,  5,  9,  172,  216 

Buys,  Paul,  i.,  333,  ii.,  11,  79, 
90,  146 

C 

Caesar,  story  of,  i. , 3 ; De  Bello 
Gallico  quoted,  5 
Calais,  regained  by  Duke  of 
Guise  (1558),  i.,  100 
Calvin,  John,  i.,  255,  ii.,  66 
Calvinists,  the,  i.,  210,  249,  255, 
258,  ii.,  129 

Cambray,  Archbishop  of,  i.,  157 

treaty  of  (1538),  i.,  20,  101, 

126,  ii.,  408 

Capet,  L.  (Capel  or  Cappel), 
Calvinist  minister,  ii.,  107 
Capitaines , Grands , Etrangers , see 
Brantome 

Carlos,  Don,  son  of  Philip  II., 

1.,  105,  115,  292,  328,  ii.,  164 
Carnet,  pensionary,  ii.,  13 
Caron,  Noel,  Lord  of  Schoonval, 

11.,  408 

Casimir,  Count  John  (Duke  Pala- 
tine), son  of  Elector  Frederic, 

1.,  340,  ii.,  45,  55,  118,  253, 
256  ; arrival  in  Netherlands, 
259  et  sec],  ; departs  from,  272, 
325  ; changes  his  plans,  374  ; 
song  of  troops,  443 

Cassel,  i.,  361,  ii.,  381 
Cateau-Cambresis,  treaty  of,  i., 

105 

Catzenellenbogen  estates,  i.,  12, 
25  ; settlement  of,  26,  46  et 
passim 

Caulier,  Captain,  ii.,  409 
Cavares,  i.,  17 
Cayas,  Gabriel  de,  ii.,  48 
Cercamp,  Abbey  of,  i.,  101 
Certain,  George  and  Lambert, 


signatures  in  Nassau  ciphers, 
ii.,  to  el  seq. 

Chalons,  Jean  de,  founder  of 
House  of  Orange-Chalons,i.,  18 
Champagny,  Seignior  de  (Fred- 
eric Perrenot),  brother  of  Gran- 
velle,  ii.,  150  et  seq.,  179,  204, 
216,  271 

Charlemagne,  i.,  18 
Charlemont,  built  by  William  of 
Orange,  i.,  71,  319.  ii.,  219 
Charles  V.  (Duke  of  Burgundy, 
King  of  Spain,  Emperor  of 
Germany),  Henry  of  Nassau, 
guardian  of,  i.,  13,  14,  19,  20 
et  passion , 42  et  seq.;  arrives 
in  Netherlands,  62  et  seq.  ; 
siege  of  Metz,  64 ; last  cam- 
paign, 66  ; abdication  of,  72 
et  seq. ; death  and  funeral 
services  of,  103  et  seq.  ; men- 
tions of,  ii.,  44  el  passim 
Charles  VIII.  of  France,  i. , 1 1 
Charles  IX.  of  France,  i.,  322, 
329,  345,  ii.,  7,  15,  17,  32  et 
seq.,  41  et  seq.,  48,  75 
Charolais,  ii.,  196 
Chassy,  Seignior  de,  i.,  287 
Chateau-Thierry,  ii.,  219,  381, 
408 

Chatelet,  town  of,  i.,  90 
Chatillon,  see  Coligny 

Odet  de  Cardinal,  brother  of 

Coligny,  i.,  342 
Chauny,  town  of,  i. , 90 
Chesnil,  i. , 51 

Chevreaux,  Baron,  Spanish  gen- 
eral, ii.,  64 
Chimay,  i.,  60 

Christiani,  Andrew  (Chretien, 
Kersten,  or  Christmanus), 
secretary  of  Count  John  of 
Nassau,  i.,  5,  ii.,  322 
Chrcnique,  Grande,  de  Hollande  et 
Zealande,  Le  Petit,  quoted,  ii., 
396 

Church  of  the  Holy  Spirit  in 
Delft,  ii.,  394 

Cleves,  Duke  of,  i.,  12,  149,  224 
town  of,  224,  269,  335 


Index. 


469 


Clough,  Richard,  i.,  103 
Cobham,  Lord,  ii. , 262 
Coblenz,  i.,  3 

Cocqueville,  de,  Huguenot  lead- 
er, i.,  295 
Coevorden,  ii.,  315 
Cognac,  i.,  345 

Cognatus,  Gilbertus,  quoted,  i., 

98 

Coligny,  Gaspar  de  (Seignior  de 
Chatillon)  Admiral  of  France, 
i.,  71,  88,  89,  313,  342,  ii.,  7, 
14,  16  et  seq.  ; mention  of,  181 

Louise  of,  daughter  of  Gas- 

par,  married  to  Prince  of 
Orange,  369  ; letter  to  Count 
John,  370  ; trying  journey  of, 
375  ; notices  Gerard,  41 1 
Cologne,  Archbishop  of,  i.,  86, 
126,  ii.,  60,  287,  373 
— — Bishop  of,  13,  46,  60 

Nassau  house  in,  i.,  24,  ii., 

24;  conference  at,  ii.,  282, 
286,  306,  316 

Commentaries , see  Rabutin 
Compiegne,  treaty  made  at,  i. , 19 
Compromise , the,  i.,  182;  text, 
372 

Conde,  Prince  of  (Henry  of  Bour- 
bon), ii.,  128,  179 
Prince  of  (Louis  of  Bour- 
bon), i.,  153,  164,  325  ; killed 
at  battle  of  Jarnac,  329 
Confession,  of  Augsburg,  the,  i., 
14 

of  Nuremberg,  i.,  29 

Constance,  Council  of,  ii.,  54 
Consulta,  secret  committee,  i., 
117,  146 

Correspondance  de  Granvelle , 
quoted,  i.,  109,  see  Bibliogra- 
phy 

de  Guillaume  de  Taciturne , 

etc.,  see  Gachard 

de  Marguerite  d 'A  utriche, 

see  Reiffenberg 

Cosse,  Marshal  de,  i.,  295,  322 
Council,  Broad,  of  Antwerp,  ii., 
72  ; executive,  297  ; of  Trent, 
i.,  169 


Coureires,  Baron,  i.,  117 
Courteville,  Joose  de  (Seignior  de 
Palinchove),  Alva’s  secretary, 
i.,  316  ; Relation , etc.,  quoted 
in  Gachard  Cor.,  iii. , 319,  ii., 
212 

Coutreau,  Jean  de  (Seignior  de 
Molembais,  de  Jauche  and 
d’Assche),  i.,  282 
Crevecoeur,  castle  of,  i.,  63 
Croy,  William  of,  i.,  13 
Culemburg,  Count  of  (Florent 
de  Pallant),  petitioners  assem- 
ble at  house  of,  i.,  195  ; famous 
supper  at  house  of , 199  ; palace 
demolished,  301 
Madame,  i.,  71 

D 

Daesburg,  territory  of,  i.  11 
Dalhem,  defeat  at,  i.,  296,  301 
Dam,  see  Appingadam 
Dammartin,  seigniory  of,  given 
to  Gerard  family,  ii.,  417 
Damvilliers  taken  by  French,  i., 
57 

Dathenus,  Pierre,  ii.,  69,  285 
Davison,  Wm,,  ii.,  216,  223;  a 
sommarye  report,  etc.,  quoted, 
221 

De  Bello  Belgico,  see  Strada 
De  Bello  Gallico , i. , 5 , see  Caesar, 
De  la  Pise,  Joseph,  7 ableau,  etc. , 
quoted,  i.,  16  ; see  Bibli- 

ography 

Delaval  (Dellavall),  ii.,  337 
Delfsyle,  i.,  270 

Delft,  ii.,  6,  33,  37  et  seq.,  48, 
68,  77,  79,  80,  85,  117,  123, 
131,  157,  320,  324,  326  ; union 
of,  114,  124,  3S7  ; Gerard  in, 
394,  404 

Delftshaven,  ii.,  79 
Denkwiirdigkeiten , by  Arnoldi, 
quoted,  i.,  21,  see  Bibliography 
Denmark,  Christian,  Ring  of, 
married  Isabella,  sister  of 
Charles  V. , i.,  in 


470 


Index. 


Denmark,  Frederic,  King  of,  i., 
173,  274  ; sponsor  for  Frederic 
Henry  of  Nassau,  ii. , 378 
De  potcstate  Guilielmi  I.  Hol- 
landia  Gubernatoris , see  Gor- 
don 

Derens  (or  d’Erens),  letter  of,  ii., 
343 

De  Thou,  Ilistoire , etc.,  quoted, 

1.,  66,  88,  90  ; see  Bibliography 
Deutz,  ii.,  24 

Deux  fonts,  Duke  of,  (Bipontius 
or  Zweibrucken),  i.,  153,  320, 
329  et  seq. 

Deventer,  i.,  127,  ii.,  219 
Diest,  ii.,  16,  148,  231,  252,  371 
Diet,  of  Augsburg  (1530),  i.,  27  ; 
of  Frankfort,  93,  147,  ii.,  104, 
109,  377  1 Ratisbon,  in; 
of  Worms  (1521),  i.,  26 
Dietz,  i.,  32,  350,  ii.,  251 
Dill,  the,  i.,  272 

Dillenburg,  castle  built,  i.,  6 ; 
privileges  granted  to,  7 et  seq.; 
church  and  school,  12  ; house- 
keeping in,  39 ; mentioned, 
178,  227  ; prince’s  family  at, 
269  et  seq.,  287,  292,  296,  310, 
333,  340,  343,  347,  362,  363, 

11.,  2,  8,  14,  24,  32,  33,  56,  66, 
68  ; members  of  household  at, 
82  ; mentions  of,  92,  105,  119, 
170,  314;  plaque  at,  \12etseq. 

Dillenburg  Chronicle , the,  i.,  28, 
39,  42 

Dinant,  captured  by  French,  i., 
68 

Dohna,  Les  Contes  a Orange, 
quoted,  i.,  17 
Dole,  ii.,  400 

Dolhain,  Seignior  de,  Adrian  de 
Berges,  patriot  admiral,  i., 
186,  342 

Dollart,  the,  i.,  297,  309 
Don  Carlos,  son  of  Philip  II.,  i., 
105  ; death  of,  292 
Dordrecht,  ii.,  11,  13,  29,  39,  68, 
92  et  seq.,  102  et  seq.  ; marri- 
age of  Orange  at,  107  et  seq., 
117,  182,  225,  387 


Dorle,  camp  at,  i.,  60 
Dornberg,  i.,  355 
Douay,  i.,  63,  117,  188,  ii.,  156 
Dovehouse,  Flubert,  ii.,  424,  448 
Dresden,  i.,  95,  123,  139  et  seq., 

365,  ih,  96 

Drumesius,  Nicholaus,  ii.,  207 
Duffel,  i.,  206 

Duiveland,  capture  of  ii.,  115 
Dumont,  Corps,  etc.,  quoted,  i., 
105  ; see  Bibliography 
Dunkerque,  ii.,  149,  368,  371 
Dupre  (Duprel),  John,  secretary 
of  Mansfeld,  ii.,  401 
Dusseldorf,  i.,  240 

E 

Eccloo,  ii.,  149,  397 
Edict,  perpetual,  ii.,  175,  179  ; 
ratified  by  Philip,  183,  190, 
194 

Edward  VI.  of  England,  i. , 50 
Egmont,  Albert  d’,  i , 342 
Anne  of,  daughter  of  Maxi- 
milian, Count  of  Buren,  mar- 
ried Prince  of  Orange,  i.,  44  ; 
letters  to,  57  etseq.  ; death  of, 
94,  122 

Eamoral  Count  of  (Prince 

of  Gaure)  1.,  69  ; takes  St. 
Quentin,  89  et  seq.;  victory  at 
Gravelines,  100  ; hostage,  106; 
dissatisfaction  at  Philip’s 
measures,  114  et  seq.,  146, 
197;  governments  of,  1 1 7 ; 
designs  fool’s  livery,  1 59  ; mis- 
sion to  Spain,  17 1 etseq.;  at 
Spa,  174  ; Culemburg  banquet, 
201  etseq.  ; meets  confederates 
at  Duffel,  206  ; consulted  by 
regent,  219  ; distrusts  regent, 
231  ; interviews  with  Orange, 
234  et  seq.,  264,  265  ; refuses 
to  join  alliance,  251;  distrusted 
by  regent,  254  ; meets  Alva  at 
Tirlemont,  278  et  seq.  ; arrest 
of,  281  et  seq.  ; trial  and  exe- 
cution of,  301  et  seq.  ; charac- 
ter of,  306 


Index. 


47i 


Egmont,  Philip,  son  of  Lamoral, 

11.. 150;  receives  Matthias, 231, 
241,  247 

Sabina,  Countess  of,  wife 

of  Lamoral,  i. , 72  ; appeals  to 
Alva,  302  ; poverty  of,  306 

Walpurge  of,  first  wife  of 

Count  William  of  Nassau,  i., 
37 

Eheim,  Dr.  (Ehem),  tutor  of 
Maurice,  ii. , 99,  186 
Eindhoven,  gained  by  Parma, 
ii-,  371 

Eletto , the  officer  elected  by 
mutinous  soldiers,  ii,  72,  136 
Eliver,  Eve,  i. , no 
Elizabeth,  Queen  of  England,  ac- 
cession of,  i.,  103  ; aid  of,  so- 
licited, 332,  345,  ii.,  19,  32, 
J28,  184,  187,  195,  215,  237, 
262  ; banishes  Beggars,  3,  5 ; 
treaty  with  Philip,  36  ; anger 
of,  257 ; letters  to  Orange, 
279,  334,  364  ; exchanges  rings 
with  Anjou,  332  ; espouses  his 
cause,  334  ; fickleness  of  382 
Embbe,  L.  von,  ii.,  59 
Emden,  i.,  335,  ii.,  34,  46,  69, 
104 

Emmerich,  ii.,  24 
Ems,  the,  i..  308  et passim 
Emskercke,  Barbara  d’,  mother 
of  Gerard,  ii.,  399  et  passim 
Ende,  Colonel  van,  ii.,  150,  204 
Engel,  Philip,  secretary  of  Count 
John,  ii.,  370 
Enghien,  Duke  of,  i.,  122 
Enlchuizen,  ii.,  6,  29  et  passim , 
39.  93 

Epessoon,  Joriaan  (George  Apo- 
nius),  preacher,  i.,  335 
Epinoy,  Princess  d’,  married 
Baron  Montigny,  i.,  18 1 
Escovedo,  Juan,  Spaniard,  ii., 
197  ; death  of,  263 
Esse,  Jan  van  den,  i.,  205  ; son 
of,  ibid. 

Etten,  d’,  messenger  of  Orange, 

1.,  225 


F 

Farnese,  Alexander  (Prince  of 
Parma),  i.,  179;  arrives  in 

Netherlands,  ii.,  246  ; at 
battle  of  Gembloux,  247  ; ap- 
pointed successor  to  Don  John, 
263  ; character  and  education, 
265  et  seq.  ; attempts  to  win 
southern  provinces,  279  ; 
treatment  of  Maestricht,  283  ; 
recovers  Breda,  302  ; pub- 
lishes ban,  318  ; efforts  to 
rouse  the  cities,  347  ; ready  to 
take  advantage  of  French 
fury  370  ; negotiations  with 
Anjou,  371,  402,  403  ; designs 
against  Ghent,  410 ; con- 
gratulates Philip  on  death  of 
Orange,  416 

Ottavio,  2d  husband  of 

Margaret  of  Austria  (Parma), 

1.,  1 [2 

Ferdinand  of  Austria,  Emperor 
of  Germany,  brother  of  Charles 
V.,  i-,  77,  94 
Feria,  Count  of,  i.,  91 
Feugheran,  G.,  Calvinist  min- 
ister, ii.,  107 

Flacians,  evangelical  sect,  ii., 
129 

Flanders,  i.,  11,  77,  117,  187, 

11.,  82,  146,  156  et  passim 

Philip  II. , Count  of, i.,  75,  77 

Flushing,  i.,  115,  288  et  passim , 

ii.,  5,  9,  22  et  passim  ; seign- 
iory of,  330 
Fogaja,  ii.,  65 

Fontainebleau,  embassy  to,  i., 
45  et  seq. 

Forest,  de,  Sergeant,  ii.,  409 
Franche-Comte,  ii.,  177 
Francis  I.  of  France,  i.,  15,  45 
Francis  II.  of  France,  i.,  126 
Frankfort,  i.,  II,  38  et  passim , 

ii.,  10  et  passim 

Fraxinus,  French  ambassador, 
i-,  53 

Fregose  (Galeazzo,  Fregoso,  or 
Frugose),  ii,,  32  et  seq.,  36,  42 


472 


Index. 


French  fury,  ii.,  359 
Freudenberg,  i.,  351 
Friedevvalcl  in  Hesse,  i.,  53 
Friesland,  i.,  77  et  passim ; ex- 
pedition of  Count  Louis  in, 
267  et  seq.,  ii.,  6,  12,  22  et 
passim ; accepts  union  of 
Utrecht,  278 

Frondsberg,  Spanish  captain,  ii., 
205  et  seq..  210 

Froymont,  Castellan  of  Namur, 

ii.,  202 

G 

Gachard,  Louis  Prosper,  Ana- 
lectes  Belgiques  quoted,  i.  73  ; 
Correspondance,  etc.,  quoted, 
55  et  passim ; Notice,  etc., 
quoted,  285  ; see  Bibliography 
Gaill,  Dr.  Andrew,  ii.,  igo 
Gasty,  M.,  a Burgundian,  ii.,  rg7 
Gaure,  Prince  of,  see  Egmont 
Gembloux,  battle  of,  ii.,  247  et 
seq. 

Geneva  i.,  166,  350,  ii.,  67,  1 86 
Genlis,  Seignior  de  (Jean  de  Hau- 
gest)i.,  319,  325, "ii.,  14,  18 
Gerard,  Balthazar,  birth  and 
childhood  of,  ii. , 399  et  seq.  ; 
resolution  to  kill  Orange,  400  ; 
preparations  for  assassination, 
401  ; appeals  to  Parma,  402  et 
seq.;  reaches  Delft,  404  ; letter 
to  Orange,  404  ; story  of,  406 
etseq. ; buys  pistols,  409  ; shoots 
Orange,  412  ; attempts  to  es- 
cape, 413  ; torture  and  death 
of,  414  et  seq. ; family  re- 
warded, 417 

Tean,  father  of  Balthazar, 

ii  . 399 

Genit,  Senator,  ii. , 26  et  seq. 
Gertruidenberg,  ii.,  39,  75  ; 

prince’s  house  at,  103  ; con- 
ference at,  189  et  seq.  ; 2x2  et 
passim 

Geta,  the,  i. , 319,  321 
Get,  Captain,  French  officer, 
plans  to  poison  Orange,  ii. , 397 


Ghent,  birthplace  of  Margaret  of 
Parma,  i.,  in,  113  et  passim, 
in  hands  of  the  Spanish,  ii., 
140  ; pacification  of,  142  etseq.; 
191  et  passim,  217,  222  ; cita- 
del of,  demolished,  206  ; trou- 
bles at,  233  et  passim  ; enters 
union,  284 

Ghery,  Jean,  friar,  ii.,  404 
Giessen,  i.,  360 
Givet,  i.,  68,  69,  88 
Glasgow,  Bishop  of,  ii.,  198 
Glayon,  Seignior  de,  member  of 
council  of  state,  i.,  146 
Glippers,  royalist  Netherlanders, 

11.,  77,  80 

Glymes,  Jean  de,  see  de  Berghes 
Golden  Fleece,  Order  of,  i.,  10, 
28 

Gomez,  Ruy,  i.,  101 
Gonzaga,  Ottavio,  friend  of  Don 
John,  ii.,  165  et  seq.,  197 
Gorcum,  ii.,  13  et  passim 
Gordon,  Mr.,  De  potestate, 
quoted,  ii.,  95 

Gouda,  i.,  236  ; ii.,  13  et  passim 
Granada,  i.,  341,  ii.,  50,  164 
Granvelle,  Cardinal  (Bishop  of 
Arras),  see  Perrenot 
Jerome,  brother  of  Cardinal, 

1.,  43,  78 

Grave,  town  of,  i.,  269,  ii.,  65 
Gravelines,  i.,  100,  252,  278,  ii., 
396 

Gregory,  Pope,  changes  calen- 
dar, ii.,  354 

Gresham,  Sir  T.,  i.,  76,  103,  226 
Greville,  Sir  Fulke,  ii.,  200 
Greyffencloe,  George  Albert  von, 
fictitious  name,  i.,  312 
Grobbendonck,  i.,  222  ; see Schetz 
Groen  van  Prinsterer,  A rc hives, 
etc.,  quoted,  i.,  41,  53,  57  et 
passim  ; see  Bibliography 
Groningen,  i.,  77,  lx7,  I27 
passim , ii.,  61,  148  et  passim  ; 
delay  in  entering  union,  278 
Guelderland  (also  Guelder),  i., 
63,  77,  IT7,  ii- , 6,  13,  29  et 
passim;  election  of  John  to 


Index . 


473 


governorship  of,  253  et  seq.  ; 
John  resigns  governorship  of, 
314  et  seq.,  372 

Guests  at  wedding  of  Orange,  i., 

367 

Guezen  Lieder , ii. , 437 
Guienne,  ii,  307 

Guillaume  d’  Orange,  see  Jonck- 
bloet 

Guillaumele  Taciturne , .sw  Juste 
Guion,  Francois,  name  assumed 
by  Gerard,  ii.,  405 
Guise,  Cardinal  (Louis  de  Lor- 
raine), ii. , 19S 

Duke  of,  i.,  100,  ii.,  166,  188 

tree  of,  ii.,  22 

Guizot,  Hist,  de  France,  quoted, 
i.,  52  ; see  Bibliography 

H 

Hadamar,  i.,  136 
Haemstede,  Adolph  de,  Spanish 
vice-admiral,  ii.,  73 
Haer,  van  der,  quoted  by  Bakhui- 
zen,  i.,  164 

Hague,  The,  ii. , 47,  84  et  passim  ; 

oath  of  abjuration  at,  326 
Hainault,  Count  Philip  of,  i., 
38  ; children  of  Philip,  38,  40, 

Count  Reinhard  of,  i.,  38, 

77,  117 

states  of,  ii.,  138,  146,  156, 

160 

Halberstadt,  provostship  of,  i., 
177 

Haller,  Secretary,  i.,  93 
Halstat,  Claus,  ii.,  305 
Hamburg,  foundation  of  com- 
mercial importance  of,  i.,  210, 
335,  ii-,  153 

Hammes,  Nicholas  de,  Protes- 
tant malcontent,  i.,  186 
Han,  i.,  90 

Handboek  der  Geschiednis  van 
het  Vaderland,  quoted,  ii.,  11  ; 
see  Groen  van  Prinsterer 
Hanszoon,  Hans,  plots  against 
Orange,  ii.,  396 


Harlem,  ii.,  6,  27  ; siege  of,  29 
et  seq. 

Lake  of,  ii.,  31,  32,  157,  209 

Hasselaar,  Kenauw Simon,  ii.,  31 
Hauff,  steward  of  Orange,  i. , 352 
Haultain,  seignior  de  (Alexander 
Zoete),  patriot  admiral,  ii.,  205 
Plavre,  Marquis  of  (Charles  Phi- 
lippe de  Croy),  ii.,  150  et  seq., 
173,  238,  241,  247,  250,  252 
et  seq. 

Heidelberg,  i.,  354,  ii. , 45,  60, 
92  et  passim 

Heiden,  Gasper  van  der,  Re- 
formed minister,  ii.,  107 
Heiliger  Lee,  i. , 298,  299, 306,  ii. , 
64 

Heist,  attempts  assassination  of 
Orange,  ii.,  27 

Henaris,  university  of  Alcala  de, 
in  New  Castile,  ii.,  132 
Henne,  Alexander,  editor  of 
Pontus  Payen,  i.,  198 
Henry  II.  (Valois),  of  France,  i., 

45.  5°i  51,  66,  68,  85,  105  ; 
confides  in  Orange  in  forest  of 
Vincennes,  108,  113  ; death 
of,  109 

Henry  III.,  see  Anjou 
Henry  VII.  (Tudor),  of  England, 
i. , 1 1 

Herlle,  William,  letter  to  Bur- 
leigh, ii.,  337  et  seq. 

Herman,  rioter,  i.,  258 
Llermigny,  ii.,  20 
Hesdin,  i.,  64,  66,  102 
Hesse,  Elizabeth  of,  marries 
John  of  Nassau,  i.,  12 

House  of,  i.,  7,  23  et  seq., 

lawsuit  with  Nassau,  ii.,  98 

Louis  of,  i.,  360 

Landgrave  of  (Philip  the 

Magnanimous,  i.,  31,  32,  45, 

46,  62,  122,  124,  132  ; accepts 
marriage,  143  ; death  of,  245, 
274 

William  of,  brother-in- 

law  of  John  V.  of  Nassau,  i., 
24  et  seq. 

Landgrave  of  (William  the 


474 


Index. 


Wise),  i , 53,  154,  166,  224, 
275,  288,  292,  294,  314,  365, 
ii. , 36,  42,  55,  60,  105  et  scq., 
129,  232,  244,  257,  259,  270, 
303,  364,  3S0  et  seq. 

Hesse-Cassel,  i.,  24 

II esse- Marburg,  Anna,  wife  of 
Henry,  i.,  23 

Elizabeth,  daughter  of 

Henry  of,  i.,  23 

Henry  of,  i.,  23 

Hessels,  Councillor,  ii.,  234  ; 
death  of,  271 

Heze,  Seignior  de  (William  of 
Horn),  ii.,  139,  150,  168,  173, 
216,  247 

Hierges,  Seignior  de  (Gilles  de 
Berlaymont),  eldest  son  of 
Count  of  Berlaymont,  ii.,  64, 
1 14,  190,  193 

Hildesheim,  provostship  of,  i., 
177 

Ilocron,  Anthony  von,  chamber- 
lain  of  Rene  of  Orange,  i.,  20 

Hohenlohe,  Albert,  Count  of, 
brother-in-law  of  Prince  of 
Orange,  ii.,  92,  102  et  seq., 
no 

Philip,  Count  of,  ii.,  131  ; 

appointed  to  help  Orange,  133, 
158,  320,  323 

Holl,  George  von,  captain  of 
mercenaries,  i.,  81,  82  et 

passim 

Holland,  County  of,  Netherland 
Province,  i.,  77,  187,  191  el 
passim , ii.,  5 et  seq.,  11  et 
seq. , et  passim  ; accepts  union 
of  Utrecht,  278  ; Countship 
of,  ii.,  352,  383  et  seq.;  circu- 
lar letter  of  states  of,  386 

Hooft,  C.  P.,  protests  against 
making  Orange  Count  of  Hol- 
land, ii.,  391 

Hooft,  P.  C.,  quoted,  i.,  xii., 
77,  88,  90  et passim  ; see  Bibli- 
ography 

Hoogstraaten,  Count  of  (Anthony 
Lalain),  i.,  63,  189,  203,  237, 
243,  248,  249,  251,  256,  260, 


286,  288,  296,  301,  313,  319  ; 
death  of,  323 

Hopper,  Joachim,  Memoires, 
quoted,  i.,  211,  ii.,  121,  122 
Horn,  Count  of,  (Philip  Mont- 
morency) i.,  95,  1 1 6,  146,  190, 
201,  203,  219  el  seq.,  234,  243 
et  seq. , 268  et  seq.  ; arrest  of, 

281  ; trial  and  execution  of, 
^oictseq.,  mention  of,  ii.,  181 

Hort,  Tieman  van,  i.,  338 
Plostal,  seigniory  of,  given  to 
Gerard  family,  ii. , 417 
Houfflin,  I.,  ii.,  321 
Iloynck,  van  Papendrecht,  Cor- 
nelius Paul,  Analecta  Belgica, 
quoted,  ii.,  122 

Huguenots  et  les  Gueitx , see  Let- 
tenhove 

Huguerye*  Michel  de  la,  Md- 
moires,  quoted,  ii.,  8 et  passim; 
at  Mons,  17  et  seq.;  at  Dillen- 
burg,  24,  33,  68  ; see  Bibli- 
ography 

Hungary,  Queen  of  (Mary  of 
Austria),  i.,  41  ; regent  of 
Netherlands,  56  ; lays  down 
office  (1555),  73  et  seq.,  no 

I 

Idiaquez,  Juan  de,  ii.,  396 
Imbize,  Jean  d’,  ii.,  233  et  seq., 
286 

Innsbruck,  i.,  56 
Interim  of  1548,  i.,  30,  31 

J 

Jassy  house,  origin  of  name,  i., 

282 

Jaureguy,  John,  story  of,  ii.,  337 
et  seq.;  mention  of,  395 
Jesus  with  the  Balsam  Flower, 
Guild,  ii.,  237 

Joanne,  Adolphe,  Gdographie  de 
Vaucluse , quoted,  i.,  17. 
Jodoigne,  i.,  319 
Johannisberg  wine,  i.,  2 


Index . 


475 


Jonckbloet,  W.  J.  A.,  Guillaume 
d' Orange,  i.,  18 
Jonge,  J.  C.  de,  ii.,  178 
Jouarre,  Abbey  of,  ii.,  96 
Joyful  Entry,  i.,  260 
Juliana  of  Stolberg  married  Wm. 

the  Elder,  i.,  38  ; see  Nassau 
Juliers,  i.,  296,  316 
Junius,  Francis,  Reformed  minis- 
ter, i.,  i8r,  ii.,  118 
Juste,  Theodore,  Hist,  etc., 
quoted,  i.,  215  ; Guillaume, 
etc.,  quoted,  286  ; see  Bibliog- 
raphy 

Justification,  i.,  289  et  seq. 

Iv 

Kamberg,  i.,  355 
Kampen,  ii.,  28  et  seq,,  219 
Keeneburg,  Herr,  ii.,  107 
Kerpen,  village  near  Cologne,  i., 
354 

Kipdorp  gate,  ii.,  359 
Kluit,  accounts  for  Hoofd’s  op- 
position to  Orange,  ii.,  392 
Klunder,  ii.,  55 
Koch,  Gerhard,  i.,  350,  352 
Konigstein,  Count  Christopher 
of,  i.,  177 

Koppelstock,  Peter,  a feriyman, 

ii-.  3 

Kronijk  van  het  historische  gezel- 
schap  te  Utrecht,  i.,  70 

L 

Labbe,  Dr.,  French  agent  at 
Vienna,  ii.,  229 
La  Fougere,  ii.,  362 
Labn,  the  river,  i.,  23  et  seq. 
Lalain,  Anthony,  see  Iloogs- 
traaten 

Charles,  Count  of  (Baron 

d’Escornaix,  de  Navrin,  Sr. 
d’  Ecaussines,  Marpent,  Mon- 
tigny,  etc.),  i.,  69,  101 

Emanuel  de  (Sr.  de  Mon- 

tigny),  ii.,  197 

George,  see  Rennenberg 

Philip,  Count  of  ; Governor 


of  Hainault,  ii.,  173,  179,  197, 
201,  239,  247 

Lammen,  fort  near  Leyden,  ii., 
84  et  seq. 

Langenbach,  Gerhard  of,  i.,  39 
Langensalza,  i.,  348 
Languet,  Hubert,  letter  of,  i., 
in  ; ii.,  229,.  240,  251,  290; 
said  to  have  corrected  the 
Apology , 318  ; account  of,  447 
Lannoy,  Ferdinand,  Captain,  i., 
81,  92 

Philip  de  (Seignior  de  Beau- 
voir) i.,  254,  256 
Lantmetre,  ii.,  363 
Lastaige,  place  near  Amsterdam, 

1.,  238 

Lauenburg,  Duke  Franz  of, 

11.,  123 

Laurenberg,  i.,  3,  5,  6 
Lautenberg,  Elizabeth,  Land- 
gravine of,  married  Count  John 
of  Nassau,  i.,  272 
League,  holy,  ii.,  188 

of  Schmalkalden,  i.,  30  et 

seq. 

Leagues,  defensive,  Society  of 
Lions,  Society  with  the  Horns, 

1.,  8 

Lebarten,  Counts,  i.,  3 
Lecke,  the,  ii.,  119 
Leefdael,  Monsieur,  i.,  186 
Leeuwarden,  diocese  of,  i.,  127 
Leicester,  Earl  of,  i.,  332,  ii., 
190,  207,  216,  336 
Leipsic,  wedding  at,  i.,  138,  354, 
358 

Leoninus,  Dr.  Elbertus,  ii.,  91 
et  seq. ; 146,  156,  180,  et  seq., 
190,  et  seq.,  216,  231 
Lepanto,  battle  of,  ii.,  165,  185 
I.ettenhove  Kervyn  de.  Docu- 
ments, etc.,  quoted,  344 
Leyden,  i.,  335,  ii.,  6 ; siege  of, 
51,  61,  74  et  seq.,  77  et  seq. ; 
relief  of,  84  et  seq.  ; University 
of,  established,  86  et  seq.,  92, 
3 17,  303 

Leyderdorp,  ii.,  85 
Liebart,  Barthelemy,  ii. , 267 


476 


Index. 


Liege,  i.,  206,  320,  ii. , 202 

Bishop  of,  ii.,  60,  75,  148, 

185 

Lier,  Joachim  van,  ii.,  252 
Lierre,  ii.,  183,  231 
Liesfelt,  M.  de,  ii.,  167  et  seq. 
Lievremont,  seigniory  of,  given 
to  Gerard  family,  ii.,  417 
Lille,  i.,  ior  et  seq.,  188,  ii.,  156 
Limburg,  i.,  77,  316 
Linden,  Jean  van  der,  Abbe  of 
St.  Gertrude  in  Louvain,  ii., 
179,  216,  329 

Lingen,  granted  to  Orange,  ii.. 
268,  349 

Lippe,  the,  i.,  312 
Loci  Theologici , i.,  276  ; see 

M elan  chth  on 
Lodron,  Count,  i.,  288 
Longuevic,  Jacqueline  de, 
mother  of  Charlotte  of  Bour- 
bon, ii.,  96 

Longueville,  Duke  de,  Governor 
of  Picardy,  ii. , 22 
Lorich,  J.,  retainer  of  Nassaus, 

1.,  160 

Lorraine,  Anne,  daughter  of 
Anthony,  i.,  61  ; married  Rene 
of  Orange,  i.,  21 

■ Cardinal,  i.,  99,  102 

Christina,  Duchess  of,  i., 

hi,  123 

Renee,  daughter  of  above, 

ibid. 

Louvain,  University  of,  i.,  161, 
287,  ii.,  158;  16,  133,  144, 
148,  180,  252,  316 
Lovestein,  ii.,  13 
Lumbres  (Seignior  de  Guislain 
de  Fiennes),  i.,  343 
Lumey  (Seignior  de),  see  de  la 
Mark 

Luther,  Martin,  i.,  14 
Lutherans,  the,  i.,  210  et passim, 

11.,  1 29  et  passim 
Luxemburg,  i.,  50,  77,  100,  117, 

278,  ii.,  166,  169,  179  et 

passim 

r M 

Maaslandsluis,  ii.,  3,  39 


Machiavelli,  i.,  285 
Madrid,  i.,  172,  327,  ii.,  48 
Maes,  Councillor  of  Antwerp,  i., 
/6 

Maestricht,  ii.,  23,  6r  et  seq.; 
fall  of,  149,  282  ; siege  of,  279 
et  seq. 

Malderen,  Jacques  de,  equerry 
of  Orange,  ii. , 413 
Mansard  Seignior  de  (G.  de 
Maulde),  ii.,  177 
Mansfeld,  Agnes,  ii.,  373 

Charles,  Count  of,  son  of 

Pierre,  i.,  182 

Pierre  Ernest,  Count  of,  i., 

117,  201,  220,  264,  283,  ii., 
121,  137,  140,  401 
Marburg,  i.,  361 
Marche  - en  - Famene,  treaty 
signed,  ii.,  174  et  seq. 
Marienburg,  captured  by  French, 

i.,  68,  71,  ii.,  219 
Mark,  Margaret  de  la,  wife  of 
John,  i.,  8 

Robert  de  la  (Seignior  de 

Lumey),  i.,  158,  316,  ii.,  2 et 
seq.,  10,  12,  32,  38,40,  89,  118 
Marne,  the,  i.,  20 
Marnix,  Philip  (Seignior  de  St. 
Aldegonde),  i.,  182,  ii.,  11,  14, 
21,  30,  39.  47,  52  et  seq.,  59, 
75  et  seq.,  92  97  et  seq.,  101 
etseq.,  107  et  seq.,  118,  122, 
146,  167,  169,  190,  203,  215, 
226,  234,  244,  256,  324,  332 
Martin,  Hist,  de  Fratice,  quoted, 

i.,  53  ; see  Bibliography 
Martini,  bailiff  of  Antwerp,  ii., 
410 

Mary  of  England,  i.,  67,  82,  87, 
102  ; death  of,  103 
Mary  with  the  Flower  Garland, 
Guild,  ii.,  243 

Mason,  Sir  John,  English  am- 
bassador at  Brussels,  i.,  76 
Matthias,  Archduke,  see  Austria 
Maulsburgh,  Otho  of,  i.,  312 
Maurier,  Seigneur  du  (Aubery), 
Memoir es  quoted,  i.,  115,  350, 
ii-,  96>  375 


Index. 


477 


Mayence,  Archbishop  of,  i,  86, 

ii. ,  60 

Mayorists,  evangelical  sect,  ii., 
129 

Maximilian,  Archduke  of  Aus- 
tria, son  of  Ferdinand  I.,  i., 
73 

emperor  of  Germany,  327, 

ii.,  11,  92  ; death  of,  176 

of  Austria  married  Mary  of 

Burgundy,  i.,  10 
Mechlin,  i.,  77,  115,  127  et  pas- 
sim, ii.,  16,  20,  21  ei passim 
Mecklenburg,  Duke  Albert  of. 
i-.  53 

Medici,  Alexander  de’,  first  hus- 
band of  Margaret  of  Parma,  i., 
112 

Catherine  de,  i.,  275,  324, 

329,  ii.,  41,  230,  323  ; letter 
about  French  Fury,  365 
Medina-Coeli,  Duke  of,  ii.,  9 el 
scq .,  25,  49 

Meetkerk,  Dr.  Ad.,  sent  to 
Prince,  ii.,  176,  190  et  seq, 
242 

Meghen,  Count  of  (Charles  de 
Brimeu),  i.,  69,  167,  198,  245, 
297,  300 

Meir,  Place  de,  i.,  255  etseq.; 

11.,  72,  205 
Meissen,  i.,  366 
Meixnern,  Dr.  John,  i.,  294 
Melanchthon,  Philip,  i. , 292,  365 ; 

Loci,  etc.,  276 
Melun,  ii.,  247 

Mendoza,  Menzia  of,  married 
Henry  of  Nassau,  i.,  15  ; see 
Nassaus,  wives  of 

Spanish  general,  ii.,  62 

Meneburg,  i.,  140 
Mepsdre,  John  de,  i.,  269 
Meteren,  van,  Emanuel,  quoted, 

1.,  xiii.,  77,  88,  90  et  passim, 

11.,  396;  see  Bibliography 
Metz,  i.,  57,  62  et  passim 
Meuse,  the,  i.,  63,  295,  316,  321, 

ii.,  3,  13  et  passim 
Meyer,  Charles,  ii.,  6 
Mezeray,  quoted,  ii.,  365 


Mezieres,  siege  of,  i.,  33 
Michael,  Jacob,  Reformed  minis- 
ter, ii.,  107 

Middelburg,  diocese  of,  i.,  127; 

ii.,  6,  51  ; siege  of,  55  et  seq.  ; 
capitulation  of,  58,  75  et  pas- 
sim ; reception  of  Anjou  at, 
334  ; states-general  at,  374 
Mierop,  Cornelius  van,  ii.,  81 
Miggrode,  Jan,  Reformed  minis- 
ter, ii.,  107 
Milan,  i.,  50 

Miltitz,  Sophie  von,  i.,  95,  140 
Minorites,  church  of  the,  i.,  241, 

258 

Molon,  John,  i.,  352 
Mondoucet,  M.  de,  French  am- 
bassador, ii.,  21,  207 
Mondragon,  C.,  Spanish  general, 

ii.,  26,  56,  58  et  seq.,  62,  75, 
92,  115,  158,  184 
Mons,  i.,  60,  220,  289  ; capture 
of,  ii.,  7 et  seq.  ; siege  of,  14  ; 
capitulation  of,  20  et  seq. , 33  ; 
Margaret  of  Valois  at,  20 1 
Montauban,  i.,  345 
Montbeliard,  i.,  332 
Montcontour,  battle  of,  i.,  331, 
333 

Montesdocca,  Spanish  captain, 

11.,  184 

Montfaucon,  Baron  de,  i.,  342 
Montigny,  Baron  de  (Florent  de 
Montmorency)  i.,  117  ; repre- 
sents Phillip  II.  at  Saxon 
wedding,  138  ; mission  to 
Spain,  15 1 ; wedding  of,  178  ; 
second  mission  to  Spain,  205 
Montmedy,  i. , 57 
Montmorency,  Anne,  Constable, 

1.,  88,  101,  164,  ii.,  198 
Montpensier,  Duke  of,  Louis 

(Bourbon),  ii.,  60,  96,  98  cl 
seq.,  107  ; offers  to  take  his 
grand-daughter,  351 
Mook  Heath,  battle  of,  ii.,  56  et 
seq. 

Morgan,  Thomas,  to  Lord  Bur- 
leigh, Ret.  Politiques,  ii.,  9 
Colonel,  ii.,  412 


478 


Index. 


Morillon,  letters  of,  to  Granvelle, 

1.,  169,  305 

Moselle,  the,  i.,  3,  99,  326 
Motley,  John  Lothrop,  Dutch 
Rep.,  quoted,  i.,  75,  76  et 
passim  ; see  Bibliography 
Moiiy,  M.  de,  i.,  292 
Muhlberg,  defeat  at,  i.,  31,  45 
Muiden,  ii. , 6,  157 

N 

Naarden,  ii.,  6 ; capitulation  of, 
26  et  seq. 

Namur,  i.,  68,  77,  117,  127,  ii., 
189  ; Don  John  in,  202  et  seq., 
233 

Nancy,  battle  of,  i.,  10 
Nassau,  family,  i.,  1 et  seq.,  ii., 
1 18  ; early  Counts  of,  i.,  6,  7, 
8,  9 ; palace  in  Brussels,  11 

Count  Adolph  of,  i.,  272, 

297  ; killed  at  Heiliger  Lee, 
299 

Catherine  of  (marries 

Count  Schwarzburg),  i.,  129; 

11.,  312,  412,  413 

Engelbert  of,  i.,  8,  11 

Engelbert  II.  of,  i.,  9 et  seq. 

- Henry  of,  i.,  13,  14,  33,  37 

Henry  of,  youngest  brother 

of  Orange,  i.,  161,  176,  227, 
272,  333,  ii.,  61  ; death  of,  ii,. 
65  ; description  of,  67  et  seq.  ; 
referred  to,  ii.,  97 

House  of,  ii.,  118 

John  IV.  of,  i.,  9 

John  V,  of,  i.,  9 ; married 

Elizabeth  of  Hesse,  12,  23 

John,  VI.,  second  son  of 

William  the  Elder,  brother 
to  Pr.  of  Orange,  i.,  140,  177, 
223,  227,  240  ; receives  prince’s 
family  at  Dillenburg,  273  ; 
contributions,  293  ; care  of 
Anne,  350,  361  et  seq.  ; dis- 
couraged, ii.,  33  ; tries  to 
obtain  aid,  35,  60,  65,  70,  73, 
90  ; fears  effect  of  prince’s 
marriage,  103  et  seq. ; kind- 


ness to  prince’s  children,  123  ; 
efforts  to  reconcile  sects,  129  ; 
in  Netherlands,  215,  220,  225, 
253  ; part  in  union  of  Utrecht, 
273,  et  seq.  ; his  marriage,  314 
et  seq.  ; letters  to  William  of 
Hesse,  ii.,  94,  106,  244,  269; 
letters  to  Pr.  of  Orange,  ii., 
112,  118,  123,  186,  288,  312, 
377.  378  ; letters  miscellane- 
ous, ii.,  91,  104,  275,  289,  294, 

297,  303,  3io,  31X,  370 

— — - children  of  Count  John  of, 
ii.,  124,  299, _ 337 

Anna,  ii.,  187 

Juliana  of,  ii.,  303,  313 

Philip  of,  ii.,  251,  370 

William  Louis,  ii.,  73, 

252,  315,  378 

Juliana,  mother  of  the 

Prince  of  Orange,  i.,  38  et 
seq.;  anxiety  about  sons,  177  ; 
letter  to  Louis,  227  ; at  Dil- 
lenburg, 272  ; letter  to  Louis, 

11.,  38  ; interest  in  public 
affairs,  161  ; her  grandchildren, 
187  ; her  age,  254  ; her  death, 
3i3 

Juliana  of,  sister  of  Orange, 

1.,  i2i  ; married  Count  Albert 
of  Schwarzburg,  ii.,  113,  162 

Louis,  third  son  of  William 

the  Elder,  i.,  90;  emissary  to 
Augustus  of  Saxony,  128,  136  ; 
marriage  plans,  148  ; letter  to 
prince,  148  ; anxiety  about 
Henry,  162  ; at  Spa,  174  ; in 
Germany,  178  ; suspected  of 
pasting  placards,  182  ; signs 
compromise,  182 ; at  Hoog- 
straaten’s  house,  189  ; his  part 
in  the  petition,  194  et  seq.; 
signs  Accord  of  Aug.  25,  1566, 
222  ; letters  from  Breda,  225, 
227  ; indignant  at  regent, 
234,  241  ; at  Dillenburg,  272  ; 
cited  by  Blood  Council,  280 ; 
contributes  10,000  florins  to 
patriot  cause,  293  ; in  Fries- 
land, 295  et  seq.;  victory  of 


Index. 


479 


IFeiliger  Lee,  295  et  seq.;  ban- 
ished, 301  ; efforts  to  hold 
army  together,  306  ; defeat  at 
Jemmingen,  308  et  seq.;  in 
France,  329  et  seq..  344  ; de- 
lighted at  capture  of  Brill,  ii . , 
7 ; takes  Mons,  8 ; siege,  14 
et  seq.;  his  retreat,  22  et  seq.; 
at  Dillenburg,  25  ; urges 
Elizabeth  to  marry  Alenjon, 
36  ; negotiations  with  the 
French,  32,  40  et  seq.,  55  ; 
plans,  59  ; sets  out  from  Ger- 
many, 61  ; battle  of  Mook,  62 
et  seq.;  death,  65  ; character, 
66 

Nassau,  Magdalena  of,  i.,  228 
— — - Maria  of,  wife  of  Count  de 
Berghes,  ii.,  372 
- — - Wilhelmina  of,  present 
Queen  of  Holland,  ii.,  393 
— — - William,  Count  of  (called 
the  Elder),  his  titles,  i.,  2 r ; 
at  Diet  of  Worms,  26  ; be- 
comes a Protestant,  28  et  seq.; 
his  character,  33  ; his  death, 
34-  1 19 

William  of  (Prince  of 

Orange)  see  Orange 

children  of  Prince  of 

Orange 

Anne  of,  ii.,  112,  161, 

215,  428 

Catherine  Belgia,  birth 

of,  ii.,  267,  428 
— — Charlotte  Brabantina, 
ii.,  350,  428 

Charlotte  Flandrina,  ii., 

349,  428 

Elizabeth,  ii.,  188,  428 

Emilia,  i.,  350,  ii.,  112, 

428 

Emilie  Antwerpiana,  ii., 

350,  428 

Frederic  Henry,  ii.,  377, 

378,  382,  428 

Justin,  i.,  no,  118,  ii., 

360 

Louise  Juliana,  ii.,  314, 

428 


Marie  of,  birth  of,  i., 

95  ; placed  at  court,  176  ; 
leaves  court  for  Dillenburg, 
270  ; mentioned,  ii.,  112  ; 
letter  to  Orange,  160  ; devo- 
tion to  grandmother,  187  ;• 
returns  to  Netherlands,  215  ; 
letters  to  Count  John,  ii., 
249,  252,  253,  254,  345,347  i 
devotion  to  her  step-sisters, 
35L  370 _ 

Maurice,  birth,  i.,  348  ; 

mentioned,  ii.,  73,  112,  123, 
124,  186,  215,  337,  339,  369, 
418,  428 

Philip  William,  Count  of 

Buren,  see  Buren 
Nassaus,  wives  of,  Adelheid  of 
Vianden,  i.,  7 

Claudia  of  Orange-Chalons 

(married  Henry  II.),  i. , 15 

Elizabeth  of  Hesse  (married 

John),  i.,  12 

Francesca  (married  Henry 

II.),  i.,  13 

Johanna  of  Polanen  and 

Leek,  i.,  8 

Juliana  of  Stolberg-PIai- 

nault  (married  William),  i.,  38 

Margaret  de  la  Mark,  i.,  8 

Maria  of  Loon  and  Heines- 

burg,  i.,  9 

Menzia  of  Mendoza  (mar- 
ried Flenry),  i. , T 5 

Walpurge  of  Egmont  (wife 

of  Wm.  of  Nassau),  i.,  37 

Zimburge  of  Baden,  married 

Engelbert  II.,  i.,  10  et  seq. 
Nassau-Beilstein,  Flenry  of,  i., 
33 

Nassau-Breda,  line  of,  reverts  to 
German  branch  at  Rene’s 
death,  i.,  21 

Nassau-Dillenburg  family,  i. , 9 ; 
inheritance,  i.,  24-27  ; signa- 
ture of,  to  Religious  Peace,  i., 
32,  33 

Nassau-FIesse,  religious  differ- 
ences between,  i . , 33 
Nassau-Idstein,  i.,  27 


480 


Index. 


Nassau-Saarbriick,  Count  Al- 
bert of,  i. , 339 
Nassau-Weilnau,  i.,  27 
Nasse  A uen , i. , 4 
Nasua,  r puted  ancestor  of  Nas- 
saus,  i.,  5 

Navarre,  college  of,  ii. , 8 
King  of  (Henry  of  Bour- 
bon), ii.,  17,  100,  128,  159,  201, 
262  ; sponsor  for  Frederic 
Henry  of  Nassau,  378 

Queen  of  (Margaret  of 

Valois),  see  Valois 
Netherlands,  the,  i.,  50,  77,  et 
passim ; composition  of  the 
government  of,  i.,  116  et  seq.  ; 
united,  ii.,  154,  287  et  passim 
Nevers,  Duke  of,  i.,  71,  ii.,  198 
Nieuwport,  ii. , 149 
Nijhoff,  M.,  ii.,  399 
Nimo,  Spaniard,  ii.,  197 
Nivelles,  ii.,  16,  252 
Noircarmes,  Ph.  de,  i.,  220,  239, 
269,  278,  282  ; member  of 
Blood  Council,  285,  ii.,  21  et 
seq.,  54,  240 

Noppenus,  Councillor,  i.,  85 
Norris,  Henry,  i.,  345 
Notice  sur  le  Conseil  de  Troubles , 
see  Gachard 

Notulcs  du  conseil  d'etat , see 
Berty 

Noue,  Seignior  de  la,  ii.,  19 
Noyon,  town  of,  i.,  go 
Nuenar,  Herman,  Count  of,  i., 
86,  155,  240,  243,  251,  273, 
340,  ii.,  28 

Emilia  de,  widow  of  Henry 

Brederode,  married  Elector 
Palatine,  ii.,  314 
Nuremberg  Confession,  i.,  29 

Peace  of,  i.,  31 

Reformation,  introduced 

into  Siegen  and  Dillenburg, 
i.,  28 

Nuynhem,  Florent,  steward  of 
Prince  of  Orange,  ii.,  80 
Nymegen,  ii.,  244 


O 

Oberstein,  Count,  ii.,  150  ; 

drowned  in  the  Scheldt,  153 
Oldenburg,  i.,  313 
Oliver,  Antony,  a geographer, 
ii-,  7,  14 

Ommegang,  ii.,  284 
Orable,  Saracen  princess  i. , 18 
Orange,  principality  of,  i.,  17, 
19,  39,  67,  ii.,  450  ; Prussia’s 
claim  to,  i.,  22  ; House  and 
arms  of,  47  ; article  in  Peace 
of  Monsieur,  ii.,  129 

Princess  Tiburge  of,  ii,  18 

Rene,  Prince  of,  son  of 

Henry  of  Nassau,  i.,  15  et  seq.; 
married  Anne  of  Lorraine,  i., 
21  ; killed  at  St.  Dizier,  i.,  20  ; 
will  of,  i.,  21  ; poem  about, 
ii-,  434 

Orange,  Prince  of  (William, 
Count  of  Nassau,  Catzenellen- 
bogen,  etc.,  called leTaciturne 
or  the  Silent),  his  ancestors, 
i.,  et  seq.  ; birth  (1533),  39  ; 
inherits  Rene’s  estates,  40  ; 
education,  42,  78  ; favorite  of 
Charles  V. , 43  ; marries  Anne 
of  Egmont,  44  ; visit  to  Fon- 
tainebleau, 45  et  seq.  ; his 
dancing,  51  ; first  appoint- 
ments (1551),  55  ; early  cam- 
paigns, 56  ; his  difficulties,  61  ; 
wishes  to  press  Catzenellen- 
bogen  suit,  62  ; made  captain- 
in-chief,  67  ; commands  at 
Renti,  68  ; general-in-chief, 
69  ; builds  Philippeville  and 
Charlemont,  71  ; present  at 
abdication,  73  et  seq.  ; made 
councillor  of  state,  81  ; made 
knight  of  the  Golden  Fleece, 
83 ; mission  to  Bois-le-Duc, 
84  ; mission  to  Cologne,  86  ; 
journey  to  Frankfort,  87  ; at 
St.  Quentin,  90  ; his  malaria, 
91  ; tries  to  raise  money, 
93  ; mission  to  F rankfort,  94  ; 
his  wife  dies  (1558),  94  ; his 


Index. 


481 


Orange,  Prince  of — Continued. 
children,  95  ; ordered  into  the 
field,  99  ; peace  commissioner, 
101  ; at  funeral  of  Charles  V., 
104  ; as  hostage,  102,  106  et 
seq.  ; story  of  his  name,  the 
Silent,  109  ; his  marriage 
plans,  hi,  123  ; begins  career 
as  statesman,  112  ; his  govern- 
ment, 1 17;  renounced  claim 
to  Nassau  estates,  119  ; chooses 
Anne  of  Saxony  as  second 
wife,  123 ; obstacles  to  the 
marriage,  1 24  ei  seq. ; his  wed- 
ding, 138  et  seq. ; his  behaviour, 
132  ; publishes  July  Edict  in 
Orange,  144  ; his  discontent  at 
Granvelle’s  influence,  146  et 
seq. ; his  joint  protest  with 
Egrnont  and  Horn  (March, 
1563),  1 51  J his  schemes  for 
government,  162  ; his  extrava- 
gant housekeeping,  162  ; asks 
advice  from  William  of  Hesse, 
166 ; his  domestic  troubles, 
168,  173  ; loses  infant,  168  ; 
efforts  to  collect  money,  173  ; 
places  daughter  under  regent’s 
protection,  176  ; prefers  resig- 
nation to  enforcing  inquisition, 
184  ; at  Breda,  186  ; opinion 
on  inquisition,  192  ; sides  with 
government  and  not  petition- 
ers, 194  ; present  at  confed- 
erates’ supper,  201  ; advice  at 
council  meeting,  204 ; meets 
confederates  at  Duffel,  206  ; 
goes  to  Antwerp  to  establish 
order,  21 1;  recalled  to  Brus- 
sels, 214  ; persuades  regent  to 
remain,  220  ; returns  to  Ant- 
werp, 222  ; his  summary  meas- 
ures, 223  ; his  letters  to  Ger- 
many, 224 ; his  success  in 
pacifying  Antwerp,  229 ; his 
first  treasonable  thoughts,  231  ; 
efforts  to  win  Egmont,  232  ; 
successful  efforts  in  Holland, 
237  ; refuses  present,  236  ; 
efforts  to  reconcile  religious 


differences,  239 ; establishes 
peace  in  Amsterdam,  241  ; re- 
fuses to  administer  new  oath 
to  his  soldiers,  242  ; at  Breda, 
243  ; refuses  new  oath,  and  re- 
signs his  charges,  247  ; confers 
with  nobles,  251  ; action  after 
battle  of  Ostrawell  (1567),  254 
et  seq.  ; last  interview  with  Eg- 
mont, 264  et  seq.  ; leaves  his 
governments  and  departs  from 
Antwerp,  267  ; a refugee,  272  ; 
at  Dillenburg,  273  et  seq.  ; his 
son  Maurice  born,  281  ; sum- 
moned by  Blood  Council,  287  ; 
publishes  Justification,  288  ; 
studies  Protestant  theology, 
276,  292  ; levies  troops,  293  ; 
plans  of  campaign,  295  ; dis- 
appointment, 296  ; banished, 
301  ; at  Strasburg,  310 ; alli- 
ance with  Coligny,  313  et  seq.; 
crosses  the  Meuse,  317  ; enters 
France,  321  ; rumours  about, 
324  ; visit  to  Brantome,  330  ; 
returns  to  Germany,  331  ; 
wanderings,  333  ; efforts  to 
raise  money,  335  el  seq.  ; his 
rigid  economy,  340  ; executed 
in  effigy,  346  ; troubles  with 
Anne  of  Saxony,  347  et  seq.  ; 
his  patience,  361  ; blamed  by 
her  relations,  365  ; watches 
Netherland  affairs,  ii. , 2 ; dis- 
pleased at  capture  of  Brill,  5 ; 
his  standard  raised,  6 ; his  cor- 
respondence under  feigned 
names,  10  ; need  of  funds,  n ; 
convenes  estates  at  Dort  ( 1572), 
recognised  as  stadtholder,  1 2 ; 
crosses  the  Rhine,  14 ; detained 
at  Roermond,  1 5 ; surprise  at  St. 
Bartholomew,  20 ; at  H ermigny , 
21  ; returns  to  Holland,  27  ; at 
Dordrecht,  29  ; efforts  to  relieve 
Harlem,  30  el  seq.  ; overtures 
for  peace,  33  ; joins  Calvinist 
commune,  39  et  seq. ; faith 
in  French  alliance,  41  ; lone- 
liness, 47  ; epistle  to  the  King 


4§2 


Index. 


Orange,  Prince  of — Continued. 
of  Spain,  49  ; unwilling  to 
make  peace,  52  ; at  Zierikzee, 
(1574)  receives  Mondragon’s 
capitulation,  58  ; awaits  his 
brothers  at  Bommel,  62,  68  et 
seq.  ; uncertainty  about  broth- 
ers, 73  ; his  terms  for  peace, 
75  ; efforts  to  relieve  Leyden, 
78  et  seq.  ; his  illness,  80 ; 
receives  news  of  siege  raised, 
86  ; establishes  University  of 
Leyden,  86  ; his  powers  of  gov- 
ernment ill  defined,  88  ; new 
arrangement  made,  89  ; his 
allowance,  90  ; unwilling  to 
accept  peace  offered  at  Breda 
conference,  93  ; his  desire  for 
increased  powers,  94  ; marriage 
negotiations  with  Charlotte  of 
Bourbon  (1575),  97  et  seq.  ; his 
wedding,  107  ; indifference  to 
public  opinion,  109  ; insists  on 
toleration,  113  ; meets  estates 
at  Rotterdam,  ri6  ; proposes 
foreign  aid,  116  et  seq. ; his 
reported  plan  of  emigration, 
120  ; his  use  of  the  Interim 
and  correspondence,  122  ; his 
children,  123  ; new  powers 
conferred  by  Union  of  Delft, 
125  ; negotiates  with  Eliza- 
beth, 128  ; his  efforts  to 
win  friends  after  the  Spanish 
mutiny,  138  ; intercourse  with 
France,  14.1  ; appeals  to  the 
people,  142  ; urges  union,  143 
ct  seq  ; his  part  in  the  Pacifica- 
tion of  Ghent,  154  ; in  French 
negotiations,  159  et  seq.;  his 
aged  look  (1576),  166;  delay 
in  going  to  Brussels,  168  et 
seq.  ; opposes  Perpetual  Edict, 
174  et  seq.  ; receives  Leoninus, 
181  et  seq.  ; negotiations  with 
England  and  France,  187  ; 
conference  with  Don  John’s 
envoys  at  Gertruidenberg,  190 
el  seq.  ; his  disbelief  in  Philip, 
196  ; his  action  after  seizure  of 


Namur,  204  ; regains  Breda, 
206  ; in  Holland,  207  ; wishes 
his  family,  215  ; invited  to 
Brussels,  216  et  seq. ; enters 
Brussels  (1577),  221  ; prevents 
reconciliation  with  Don  John, 
223  ; accepts  Matthias,  230  ; 
made  Ruward  of  Brabant,  231  ; 
returns  to  Antwerp,  232  ; at 
Ghent,  238  ; entry  into  Brus- 
sels with  Matthias  (1578),  241  ; 
made  lieutenant-general,  242  ; 
his  prospects,  244 ; attitude 
towards  the  sects  in  Antwerp, 
251  ; negotiations  with  Anjou, 
258  ; his  daughter  baptised, 
267  ; authority  in  the  ascend- 
ant, 270  ; his  relation  with 
Union  of  Utrecht,  273  et  seq.  ; 
blamed  for  the  fall  of  Maes- 
tricht,  284  et  seq.  ; efforts  to 
calm  Ghent  troubles,  285  ; de- 
clines a secret  peace  with 
Philip,  287  ; proposes  execu- 
tive council,  297 ; appeal  to 
the  states-general,  300 ; goes 
to  Holland,  302  ; his  justifica- 
tion of  French  alliance,  305  ; 
declines  Countship  of  Holland, 
309  ; his  mother’s  death,  313  ; 
sends  George  de  Wittgenstein 
to  Count  John’s  wedding,  315  ; 
the  Ban,  a price  set  upon  his 
head,  316  ; his  Apology , reply 
to  Ban,  318  ; denial  of  forged 
letter,  322  ; sends  Apology  over 
Europe,  324,  326;  accomplishes 
deposition  of  Philip  (1581); 
loses  Breda,  329  ; buys  estates  of 
Flushing  and  Veer,  330  ; urges 
estates  to  action,  330  el  seq. ; 
his  arguments  prevail,  333 ; 
meets  Anjou  at  Flushing  ; in- 
stalls him  as  Duke  of  Brabant, 
335  ; shot  by  John  Jaureguy, 
337 ; his  presence  of  mind, 
339  ; his  care  for  Jaureguy ’s 
accomplices,  343  ; his  illness 
and  recovery,  345  et  seq.;  loses 
Charlotte  of  Bourbon,  349 ; 


Index. 


483 


Orange,  Prince  of — Continued. 
his  children,  351;  accepts 
Countship  of  Holland,  352  ; 
enforces  Anjou’s  authority,  354; 
belief  in  Anjou,  358  ; pacifies 
people  after  French  Fury,  361  ; 
explanations  to  France  and 
England,  365  ; his  exposition 
of  courses  open  to  Netherlands, 
366  et  seq.  ; desires  reconcilia- 
tion with  Anjou,  367  ; marriage 
with  Louise  de  Coligny,  368  ; 
his  efforts  to  preserve  the  union , 
372  ; leaves  Antwerp,  374 ; 
continued  efforts  to  reinstate 
Anjou,  376  ; his  youngest  son, 
382  ; his  relations  with  Hol- 
land, 383  et  seq.;  his  residence 
at  Delft,  394  ; attempts  on  his 
life,  395  el  seq.;  plan  of  Gerard 
to  assassinate,  399  et  seq.  ; his 
last  days,  410  et  seq.  ; shot  on 
July  10,  1584,  412  ; his  dying 
words,  413  ; his  funeral,  418  ; 
his  appearance,  419  ; his  char- 
acter, 420  et  seq.  ; Wilhelmus- 
lied,  440  ; his  marriage  de- 
clared legal,  444  ; his  cipher, 
446  ; his  portraits,  453 

Letters  to  Duke  of  Anjou 

(Alenjon),  ii.,  159,  322  ; Anne 
of  Egmont  (first  wife),  i.,  57 , 
58,  59,  60,  63,  64,  70,  71,  73, 
81,  90,  91,  94  ; Anne  of  Sax- 
ony (second  wife),  i.,  355,  361  ; 
Antwerp  magistrates,  ii. , 366  ; 
Marquis  de  Berghes  (Jean  de 
Glymes),  i.,  269,  382  ; Francois 
of  Bourbon,  ii.,  141  ; Cather- 
ine de  Medici,  ii.,  366,  382, 
401  ; Charles  IX.,  i.,  322  ; 
Pierre  Dathenus,  ii.,  286  ; 
Count  Egmont,  i.,  251,  268  ; 
Queen  Elizabeth,  ii.,  365  ; 
Ghent  magistrates,  ii.,  290  ; 
Landgrave  of  Hesse  (Philip), 

i.,  154,  210  ; Landgrave  of 
Hesse  (William),  i.,  240,  243, 
245,  263,  264,  274,  275,  276, 
294,  360;  Sr.  de  Heze,  ii., 


140;  Count  Horn,  i.,  268; 
Jean  de  Imbize,  ii.,  377;  Don 
John,  ii.,  194 ; Bishop  of  Liege, 

1.,  320  ; Philip  Marnix,  St. 
Aldegonde,  ii.,  52,  167  ; John 
of  Nassau,  i.,  338,  358,  363, 

11.,  2,  9,  16,  20,  28,  33,  51,  56, 
69.  7L  73,  82,  85,  91,  92,  93, 
iox,  105, 109,112, 115,118,122, 

129,  140,  154,  158,  177,  186, 
255,  280,  315,  378  ; Duke  of 
Montpensier,  ii.,  351  ; Juliana 
(his  mother),  ii.,  313  ; Louis  of 
Nassau,  i.,  120,  134,  156,  160, 
162,  173,  174,  175,  176,  178, 
194,  206,  284,  311,  ii.,  12,  15, 
3-4,  36,  37,  39,  47,  68  ; William 
the  Elder,  i.,  96  ; Margaret, 
Duchess  of  Parma,  i.,  133,  183, 
192,  212,  213,  222,  229,  247, 
270  ; Anthony  Perrenot,  Car- 
dinal Granvelle,  i.,  97,  107, 

130,  144  ; Philip  II.,  i.,  92, 

124,  131,  148,  376  ; Pope  Pius 
IV.,  i.,  369  ; W.  Ripperda,  ii., 
32  ; Elector  of  Saxony,  i.,  132, 
239,  274,  284,  ii.,  hi  ; Elec- 
tress  of  Saxony,  i.,  132  ; Gun- 
ther Schwarzburg,  i.,  133  ; 

official  letters,  i.,  101,  102, 

106  ; states-general,  ii.,  142, 
149,  204  ; states  of  Guelder- 
land,  ii.,  372;  states  of  Hol- 
land, ii..  384,  389 

Orange-Chalons,  Claudia,  sister 
to  Philibert  of,  i. , 15 
Orange-Nassau,  property,  i.,  273; 
genealogy  of,  ii.,  433 

Philibert,  Prince  of,  i.,  1=:, 

19,  47 

Orchies,  i.,  117,  188,  ii.,  15& 
Ordono,  Pedro,  attempts  to  mur- 
der Orange,  ii.,  396 
Orlers,  Jan  van,  Genealogy , etc., 
quoted,  i. , 3 et  seq.  ; see  Bibli- 
ography 
Orsay,  ii.,  27 

Ostrawell,  battle  of,  i. , 253  et  seq. 
Otweiller  in  Welterich,  ii.,  161 
Oudenarde,  ii.,  16,  20 


484 


Index. 


Oudewater,  besieged  and  cap- 
tured, ii.,  1 14,  157 
Overyssel,  i.,  77,  ii.,  6,  29 

P 

Paapen  uit,  ii.,  284 
Pacheco,  engineer,  i.,  283 
Palatine,  Wolfgang,  Count,  i., 
153  ; see  Duke  Deux  Ponts 

Amelie  [Emilie],  Electress, 

ii.,  96,  155,  314  ; see  also 
Nuenar 

Duke  Christopher,  son  of 

Elector,  ii.,  61,  65  ; death  of, 
67,  70 

Frederic  III.,  Elector,  i., 

275,  296,  321,  ii.,  45,  96,  98 
et  seq. , ill,  253,  310,  313,  314 
J ohn  Casimir,  son  of  Elec- 
tor, see  Casimir 

Kunigunde,  daughter  of 

Elector,  ii.,  310,  313  ; marries 
Count  John  of  Nassau,  314 
Pantomime  at  Paris,  ii.,  281 
Papiers  d' &tat,  quoted,  i.,  169 
Parma,  Prince  of,  see  Farnese 
— — • Margaret,  Duchess  of, 
daughter  of  Charles  V.,  regent 
of  Netherlands,  i.,  Ill,  112, 
ilbetseq.,  196,  200,  205  et  seq.. 
221,  249,  254,  274  ; superseded 
by  Alva,  277  ; leaves  Nether- 
lands, 285  ; referred  to,  ii., 
189,  266,  316  ; sent  back  to 
Netherlands,  371 
Payen,  Pontus,  MOnoires , quot- 
ed, i.,  109;  see  Bibliography 
Pembroke,  Earl  of,  i.,  88 
Peronne,  i.,  99 

Perrenot,  Anthony,  de  Granvelle 
(Bishop  of  Arras),  better  known 
as  Cardinal  Granvelle,  i. , 31, 
32,  64,  76,  97,  99,  101,  107, 
in,  utel seq.;  128,  131,  145  ; 
leaves  Brussels,  160  ; comments 
on  Netherland  affairs,  ii.,  47, 
122,  316,  348,  415,  416 
Petit,  Le,  account  of  Ordono’s 


execution,  ii.,  396 
Petition,  story  of,  i.,  194  et  seq.  ; 

result  of,  199  ; new,  207 
Pfeffinger,  Doctor,  i.,  141 
Pfister,  Geschichte , etc.,  quoted 
i.,  41  ; see  Bibliography 
Philip,  the  Fair  of  Burgundy,  i., 
10  ; Good  of  Burgundy,  ibid. 
Philip  II.,  King  of  Spain,  mar- 
ries Mary  of  England,  i.,  67  ; 
receives  his  inheritance,  75  et 
seq. ; his  inaction  after  St. 
Quentin,  89  et  seq.  ; letters  to 
Orange,  80,  85,  97  ; treaty 
with  France,  105  ; marries 
Elizabeth  of  Valois,  107  ; in- 
dignation at  the  states  and 
Orange,  114  ; returns  to  Spain, 
1 1 5 ; administration  of  Nether- 
lands from  Spain,  his  opinions, 
etc.,  13 1 et  seq.  ; 153  et  seq.; 
enforces  inquisition  in  Nether- 
lands, 169  et  seq.,  wrath  at 
iconoclasm,  234  et  seq.  ; orders 
new  oath,  242  ; marriage  with 
Elizabeth  of  Austria,  327  et 
seq.;  willingness  to  make  peace 
on  his  terms,  ii.,  76,  91,  163  et 
passim;  neglect  of  Don  John, 
218  et  passim;  orders  Ban 
against  Orange,  316  ; authority 
abjured  by  Netherlands,  368 
Philippeville,  built  by  William 
of  Orange,  i.,  71,  81  et  seq., 
88,  293 

Picardy,  i.,  66,  69,  88,  105 
Piedmont,  i.,  102,  no,  ii.,307 
Pise,  Joseph  de  la,  Tableau  des 
Princes,  etc.,  d'  Orange, 
quoted,  i.,  16  ; ^Bibliography 
Plessis  les  Tours,  treaty  of,  ii., 
323,  326 

Plessis-Mornay,  Seignior  du 
(Philip  de  Mornay),  ii.,  358 
Poitiers,  Diana  of,  i.,  66 

■ siege  of,  i. , 331 

Poland,  Duke  of  Anjou  elected 
to  throne  of,  ii.,  41  et  seq.,  123 
Polderwaert,  fortress,  ii.,  77  et 
seq. 


Index. 


4§5 


Ponika,  Hans  von,  Councillor, 

1.,  140 

Pope  Paul  IV.,  i.,  127 

Pius  IV.,  i.,  166 

Urban  VII.,  ii . , 287 

Poppel,  Plerr,  i.,  150 

Porte,  de  la,  reformed  minister, 

11.,  19 

Portugal,  Don  Emanuel  of, 
marries  Emilie  of  Nassau,  i., 
350 

Isabella  of,  marries  Philip 

the  Good,  i.,  83 

— — ■ Donna  Maria  of,  marries 
Alexander  Farnese,  i.,  179; 

11.,  266 

Prado,  Spaniard,  ii.,  197 
Prescott,  Philip  II.,  quoted,  i., 
89  ; see  Bibliography 
Prinsenhof,  residence  of  Orange 
in  Delft,  ii.,  395,  456 
Pruneaux,  Seignior  des  (Roche 
de  Sorbies),  ii.,  256,  272,  337, 
376 

Prunier,  Siegfried,  ii.,  307 
Q 

Quarebbe,  ii.,  13 
Quesnoy,  Le,  i.,  60,  321 
Quixada,  Louis,  ii.,  164 

R 

Rabutin,  Commentaries , quoted, 

1.,  65  ; see  Bibliography 
Raleigh,  Walter,  ii.,  336 
Ranke,  von,  Zeitaller , etc., 

quoted,  i.,  52  ; see  Bibliog- 
raphy 

Rassenghien,  Baron  de  (Rassing- 
hien  or  Rassenghem),  Maxi- 
milian Vylain,  ii.,  121,  168 
Ratisbon,  Diet  of,  ii.,  in  ; birth- 
place of  Don  John  of  Austria, 
164 

Raumer,  v.,  Geschichte , quoted, 

i.,  78  ; see  Bibliography 
Reformation  of  the  Netherlands, 

i.,  386 


Regent  of  Netherlands,  Mar- 
garet, Duchess  of  Parma,  see 
names 

Reichstag  at  Ulm,  see  Diet 
Reiffenberg,  Baron  de,  Corr.  de 
Marg.  d'Autricke,  quoted,  i., 
98  ; Hist.,  etc.,  quoted,  i.,  83  ; 
see  Bibliography 
Reiters,  German  mercenaries,  ii., 
270 

Relation  V Expedition  au  Prince 
d' Orange  dans  les  Pays-Bas , 
see  Courteville 

Relations  Politiques,  quoted,  ii., 
5,  see  Kervyn  de  Lettenhove 
Rene,  one  of  Orange’s  guard,  ii. , 
409 

Rennenberg,  Count  of  (George 
Lalain,  Baron  de  Ville),  ii., 
179,  289,  307  et  seq.,  315 
Renon  de  France,  Hist.,  etc., 
quoted,  i.,  126  et  passim,  ii., 
335  et  passim ; see  Bibli- 
ography 
Renti,  i. , 68 

Renversal,  letters  of,  ii.,  352, 
385.  387 

Requesens  y Cuniga,  Don  Luis 
de,  ii.,  45,  49,  58,  72,  75,  77, 
1 1 5,  118  ; death  and  charac- 
ter of,  1 19  et  seq. 

Reyden,  i.,  308 
Rheims,  i.,  118,  325 
Rhine,  the,  i.,  2,  3,  62  et  passim, 

ii.,  13  et  passim 
Rhone,  the,  i.,  17 
Riedsel,  Volbrecht,  i.,  280 
Rijnemaants,  engagement  near, 

11.,  259 

Rio,  del,  member  of  Blood 
Council,  i.,  285 

Ripperda,  W.,  governor  of  Har- 
lem, ii.,  30,  32 

Robertson,  Charles  V.,  quoted, 

1. , 56  ; see  Bibliography 
Robles,  Gaspar  a,  see  Billy 
Rochefoucauld,  Count  de  la,  i., 

331 

Roche  l’Abeille,  battle  of,  i.,  331 
P-ochelle,  La,  i.,  332,  345,  ii.,  66 


486 


Index. 


Rochlitz,  i.,  365 

Roda,  Jerome  de,  ii. , 121,  137, 
139,  150,  173 

Roermond,  i.,  127,  ii.,  15,  20,  21, 
23,  28,  219 

Roeulx  Count  de  (Jean  de  Croy), 

ii-,  234 

Rogers,  Daniel,  ii.,  118,  207 
Roltzhamer,  Marshal,  i.,  157 
Romero,  Julian,  i.,  283,  ii.,  9 ; 
surprises  Orange  at  Hermigny, 
20  ; at  Naarden,  26  et  scq.  ; 
37  ; advances  to  Orange,  51  et 
scq..  57  et  seq .,  92,  137,  150, 
184 

Romersdorf,  monastery  of,  i., 
316 

Rosenberg,  troops  of,  i.,  67 
Rosey,  i.,  21 

Rossano,  Archbishop  of,  ii.,  287 
Rossem,  Martin  von,  Marshal  of 
Guelderland,  i.,  69 
Rotherham,  chateau  of,  ii. , 42 
Rotterdam,  i.,  344,  ii.,  5 et  seq., 
75  et  seq.,  79,  81,  116,  118 
Roubaix,  Marquis,  ii.,  397  etseq. 
Rubens,  John,  i.,  362,  390,  ii., 
x°5 

Ruber,  Seignior,  ii.,  230 
Rudolph  II.,  successor  to  Em- 
peror Maximilian  ii.,  177,  229, 
see  Austria 

Ryhove,  ii.,  233  et  seq.,  371,  377 

Ryssel,  i.,  117 

Rytberg  heiress,  i.,  148,  155 

S 

Sachsenburg,  i.,  355 
St.  Agatha,  Convent  of,  ii.,  375, 
394 

St.  Aldegonde,  Seignior  de,  see 
Marnix 

St.  Andre,  Marshal,  i.,  88,  101 
St.  Bartholomew,  massacre  of, 
ii-,  17,  54 

St.  Bernard,  Abbey  of,  i.,  254, 
294 

St.  Dizier,  i.,  15,  20,  40,  44,  47 
St.  Florian,  near  Mons,  ii.,  20 
St.  Germain,  peace  of,  i.,  345 


St.  Gertrude,  Abbe  of,  see  Lin- 
den 

St.  Goard,  Seignior  de  (Jean  de 
Vivonne),  ii.,  48 
Ste.  Gudule,  Cathedral  of,  i.,  167 
St.  John,  Prior  of,  i.,279,  282 
St.  Michel,  Abbey  of. ii.,  220 
St.  Omer,  i.,  127 
St.  Pol,  Count  de,  i.,  122 
St.  Quentin,  victory  of,  i.,  88  et 
seq..  Ill,  252,  278  ; mention 
of,  ii.,  66 

St.  Trond,  i.,  206,  213,  319 
St.  Valery,  i.,  295 
St.  Vit,  i.,  11 

Simancas,  Archives  of,  i. , 266 
Salcedo,  Juan  de,  ii.,  355,  396 
Salinas,  Captain,  i.,  283 
Sambre,  the,  ii.,  202 
Sarcerius,  Erasmus,  i.,  30 
Sasbout,  Arnold,  ii.,  92,  121,  207 
Sassenheim,  ii.,  32 
Savoy,  Emmanuel  Thilibert,  i.,66 

Duke  of,  68,  69,  85  et  seq., 

99,  100,  103-106,  no 

College  of,  i.,  279 

Saxony,  Anne  of,  daughter  of 
Elector  Maurice,  i. , 122  el  scq.  ; 
description  and  character  of, 
129  et  seq. ; determines  to 
marry  Orange,  136;  birth  of 
first  child,  148  ; eccentricity 
of,  167-173  ; suggested  as 
Regent  of  Antwerp,  237  ; op- 
poses Orange’s  plans,  267  et 
seq.  ; discontent  at  Dillenburg, 
273  ; wishes  to  return  to  Breda, 

280  et  seq.  ; birth  of  Maurice, 

281  ; goes  to  Cologne,  348  ; 
birth  of  Emilia,  350  ; negotia- 
tions with  Alva,  353  ; her  at- 
tendants, 355  ; disagreeable 
letters,  358  ; refuses  to  meet 
prince,  360 ; final  rupture 
with  prince,  362  ; dies  mad, 
366 

Augustus,  Elector  of,  bro- 
ther of  Maurice,  i.,  123,  132, 
244,  280,  281,  288,  296,  348, 
364,  ii.,  46,  in,  123 


Index. 


487 


Saxony,  Electress  of,  i.,  132, 
275 

- — — Frederic  of,  claimant  to 
imperial  throne,  i.,  14,  45 

Hans  Frederic,  Duke  of,  i., 

26,  33,  53,  123 

House  of,  i.,  34,  37,  ii.,  g8, 

105 

John  of,  i.,  27 

Maurice,  Elector  of,  i.,  45, 

52  et  seg.,  56,  122 
Schauenberg  (Schaumburg), 
Ernest,  Count  of,  ii.,  31 1 

Joost,  Count  of,  i.,  311, 

ii-,  13 

William,  Count  of,  i.,  176, 

227 

Scheldt,  the,  i.,  254,  260 

ii.,  3,  9 et  passim 

Schetz,  Gaspar  (Seignior  de 
Grobbendonck),  i.,  148  ; his 
supper,  158  et  seg.,  ii.,  180 
seg.,  218,  287 
Schiedam,  ii.,  79,  117 
Schiller,  Frederic  von,  quoted, 

1.,  77 

Schmalkalden,  League  of,  i.,  30, 
31,  46 

Schollier,  Seignior,  messenger  of 
Anjou,  ii.,  363 

Schomberg(Schonberg  orSchon- 
berg),  i.,  Marshal  Gaspar  de, 
322,  325,  ii.,  42,  82,  hi 
Schoonhove,  Burgomaster,  ii., 
360 

Schoonhoven,  ii.,  6,  13,  157 
Schouwen,  island  of,  capture  of, 

11. , 1 1 5 et  seg. , 1 20,  136  et  seg.; 
retaken  by  patriots,  158 

Schwarz,  Dr.  Jac,  ii., 105, 303,310 
Schwarzburg  (Rudolstadt),  Al- 
bert, Count  of,  i.,  273,  339, 

ii.,  119,  162,  241 

Gunther,  Count  of  (marries 

Catherine  of  Nassau),  i.,  121, 
125,  129,  153,  224,  272,  339, 
341,  ii.,  92,  94,  113,  225,  241, 
255^287,  307,  312,  313 
— — ■ Countess  of,  see  Catherine 
of  Nassau 


Schwendi,  Lazarus  de,  ii.,  230, 
303  et  seg. 

Seidel,  Wolf,  notary,  i.,  140 
Seld,  Vice-Chancellor,  i.,  93 
Seltzer,  mineral  springs,  i.,  2 
Sesse,  Duke  of,  i. , 91 
Severus,  Emperor,  story  of,  i.,  4 
Siburg,  i.,  356 
Sichem,  ii.,  16,  222 
Siegen,  i.,  12,  24,  28,  36,  39, 
347,  355,  »•,  112,  186 
Simultaneum,  or  community  of 
churches,  i.,  27 
Solms,  Philip  de,  i.,  361 
Sommarye  report  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  his  entrie  into  Brus- 
selle,  see  Davison 
Sondershausen,  i.,  339 
Songs  of  the  Netherlands,  ii., 
434 

Sonnius,  Bishop,  ii. , 437 
Sonoy,  Diedrich,  General,  ii.,  38, 
89,  1 14 

Spa,  meeting  of  nobles  at,  i.,  1 74  ; 
Margaret  of  Valois  at,  ii.,  201, 
207 

Spanish  Fury,  the,  ii.,  150  et  seg. 
Speyer,  Bishop  of,  ii.,  60 
States-General,  receive  abdica- 
tion of  Charles  V.,  i.,  74  etseq.; 
receive  Philip’s  farewell,  1 1 3 
etseq.;  convention  of,  desired, 
162  et  passim;  assemble  at 
call  of  states  of  Brabant,  ii., 
142  ; negotiations  with  Don 
John,  163  et  seq.,  204  etseq.; 
receive  him,  184  ; invite 
Orange  to  Brussels,  216  ; de- 
pose Don  John,  235  ; leave 
Brussels,  248 ; slow  move- 
ments of,  300  ; invite  Anjou 
to  Netherlands,  323  ; abjure 
Philip  II.,  326;  negotiations 
with  Anjou  after  French  Fury, 
367  ; assume  government  after 
death  of  Orange,  393 
Steen wyk,  town  of,  ii.,  323 
Stenton,  Ernest,  fictitious  name, 

i.,  312 

Stenzel,  accountant,  ii.,  93 


488 


Index. 


Sternerbund , confederation,  i., 
7 

Stochem,  i.,  316 

Straalen,  Anthony  von,  Burgo- 
master of  Antwerp,  i.,  222, 
256  ; arrest  of,  284 
Strada,  Famianus,  De  Bello 
Belgico,  quoted,  i.,  112  et pas- 
sim ; account  of  Paris  panto- 
mine,  ii. , 281  ; comment  on 
the  abjuration,  327  ; comment 
on  Breda,  330  ; see  Bibli- 
ography 

Strasburg,  i.,  57,  310,  326,  329 
Sweveghem,  Seignior  de  (Fr.  de 
Halewyn),  ii.,  174,  176,  184 
Sydney,  Sir  Philip,  ii.,  188,  195, 
215,  229 

Sylvius,  William,  ii.,  206 
Symerch,  Duke  of,  i.,  45  el  seq. 

T 

Taciturne , le,  origin  of  name, 

1.,  109 

Tacitus,  quoted,  i.,  299 
Taffin,  John,  minister  of  Re- 
formed church,  i.,  31 1,  ii., 
107,  170 

Tassis  (Taxis),  Tean  Baptiste  de, 
ii-,  197,  397 

Teligny,  Charles,  Marquis  de, 

11.,  369 

Madame  de,  see  Coligny 

Tempel,  Oliver  van  den,  ii.,  168 
Ter  Goes,  ii.,  26 
Termonde,  i.,  234,  290,  ii.,  16, 
20,  252,  368 

Terranova,  Duke  of,  ii.,  287 
Thermes,  Marshal  de,  i.,  100 
Theron,  Jehan,  ii.,  167 
Therouanne,  i.,  66 
Thionville,  i.,  64,  99  et  seq. 
Tholen,  ii.,  115,  158,  205 
Tholouse,  Seignior  of,  (John 
Marnix, brother  of  Aldegonde), 

1.,  186  ; expedition  of,  253  et 
seq.  ; death  of,  255 

Thorn,  i.,  57 

Thron,  monastery  of,  i.,  27 


Thuringia,  Margrave  of,  i.,  39, 

ii.,  119 
Tiel,  ii.,  69 

Tirlemont,  i.,  278,  ii.,  16,  144, 
148,  252 

Titelmann,  Peter,  inquisitor,  i., 
. 170 

Toledo,  Don  Frederic  of,  son  of 
Alva,  i.,  282,  319  ; ii.,  9,  14, 
21  et  seq..  26,  29,  31,  32,  37  et 
seq.,  48,  50  et  seq. 

Tongres,  i.,  319 

Tournaisis,  i.,  117  ; deputy 

from,  ii.,  268 

Tournay,  i.,  117,  126,  127,  221, 

11.,  156,  268,  402 
Touteville,  Madame  de,  sister- 

in-law  of  King  of  Navarre,  i., 
in,  122 

Traos,  Antony  des,  ii.,  258  ; let- 
ters to  landgrave,  291 
Treaties  (pacifications,  peaces, 
etc.),  Bordeaux,  ii.,  326  ; Cam- 
bray,  i.,  20  ; Cateau-Cam- 
bresis,  i.,  105  ; La  Charite,  ii., 
451;  Delft,  ii.,  114;  St. 
Dizier,  i.,  20  ; St.  Germain, 

1.,  345  Pacification  of  Ghent, 

11.,  154;  Interim  of  1548,  i., 
30;  Marche-en-Famene,  ii., 
174  ; Monsieur,  ii.,  128  ; 
Nuremberg,  i.,  31  ; Passau, 

i.  32,  Cl  ; Religion,  i.,  32,  ii., 
274;  Ryswick,  ii.,  452;  Schmal- 
kalden,  i.,  30;  Union  of 
Utrecht,  ii. , 273 

Trelon,  i.,  60 

Trent,  Council  of,  i.,  169,  326, 

ii. ,  107 

Treslong,  Seignior  de  (Terlon), 
William  de  Blois,  ii.,  3,  7,  204 
et  seq. 

Treszen,  i.,  276 

Treves  (Trier),  Archbishop  of, 

1.,  86,  ii.,  60,  287  ; Gerard  in, 

11. , 401  et  seq. 

Truchses,  Gerard,  Archbishop  of 
Cologne,  ii. , 373 
T’Serraets,  Jerome,  i.,  94,  359, 

ii.,  7,  22,  26 


Index. 


489 


Tylius,  Thomas,  minister  of  Re- 
formed church,  ii.,  107 

U 

Ubiquitists,  evangelical  sect,  ii., 
129 

Ulm,  Reichstag  at,  i.,  32 
Urbino,  Pietro,  engineer,  i.,  2S3 
Utrecht,  i.,  77,  117,  126,  127, 
237  et  seq.,  267  ; Bishop  of,  i., 
176,  ii.,  5 et  seq.,  12,  75  et  seq., 
140  et  passim  ; satisfaction  of, 
208  ; union  of,  ii.,  273  et  seq.  ; 
approves  Holland’s  choice, 
386,  392 

Adrian  of,  i.,  13 

Uylenburgh,  Robert,  dines  with 
prince,  ii.,  412  ; letter  to 
magistrates  of  Leeuwarden, 
412 

V 

Vaderlandsche  Historic,  see 
Wagenaar 

Valdez,  de,  Spanish  general,  ii. , 
51,  64,  74,  77  ; raises  siege  of 
Leyden,  84  et  seq.,  184 
Valenciennes,  i.,  64,  117,  156  et 
passim , ii.,  140,  156,  198,  268 
Valiozo,  ii. , 197 

Valkenburg,  fortress  near  Ley- 
den, ii.,  75 

Valle,  Hubert  a,  i.,  310 
Valois,  Elizabeth  of,  marries 
Philip  II.,  i.,  105,  107  ; death 
of,  328 

Francois  of,  see  Anjou 

- — - — Henry  of,  see  Anjou 

Margaret  of,  marriage  of, 

with  Philip  of  Savoy,  i.,  103, 
106 

Margaret  of  (Queen  of  Na- 
varre), ii.,  17,  166,  198,  201, 
207 

Vargas,  Juan  de,  i.,  285  ; his 
barbarous  Latin,  286,  288 
Varich  (or  Varick),  Pierre  de, 
Governor  of  Orange,  i.,  177 


M.  de,  brother  of  Pierre, 

i.,  232,  233,  450 
Veer,  Margravate  of,  ii.,  330 
Venero,  implicated  in  Jaureguy’s 
attempt,  ii.,  342 

Venetian  ambassador  at  Brussels, 

1.,  76 

Venloo,  town  of,  ii.,  13,  14 
Verband  der  Edelen , quoted,  i. , 
167 

Verdugo,  Fr.  de,  Spanish  cap- 
tain, ii.,  184 

Vianden,  territory  of,  i. , 1 x 
Vianen,  ii.,  140 

Vieilleville,  Marshal  de  (Franfois 
de  Scepeaux),  i.,  45  et  seq. 
Vienna,  i.,  328,  353  et  seq.,  ii., 
229 

Viglii  Epistolce  ad  Joach.  Hop- 
pcrum,  quoted,  i. , 334;  Ana- 
lecta Belgica,  see  Bibliography 
Viglius  van  Zuichem  ab  Aytta, 
President,  i.,  102,  116,  146, 
167,  169,  179  et  seq.,  220,  231, 

11.,  50,  121,  140,  190 
Villach,  i.,  56 

Villafans,  birthplace  of  Gerard, 
ii--  399 

Villars,  Count,  i.,  301 
Villaux,  Jean,  ii.,  400 
Ville,  Baron  de,  see  Rennenberg 
Villiers,  Pierre  l’Oyseleur  de, 
minister  of  Reformed  church, 

ii.,  318,  404 

Vincennes,  forest  of,  i.,  108,  109  ; 
confidence  of  Henry  II.  to 
Wm.  of  Orange  in,  113 
Viry,  Sire  de,  ii.,  131 
Vitelli,  Chiappin,  Spanish  cap- 
tain, i.,  308,  319 
Vosberg,  Gaspar,  ii.,  226 

W 

Waal,  the,  ii.,  62  et  seq. 
Wagenaar,  Vaderlandische  His- 
toric, quoted,  i.,  X14,  etpassim  ; 
see  Bibliography 
Wagenar,  Leonard,  i.,  28 


490 


Index. 


Walcheren,  Isle  of,  i.  2^^  et  seq . , 

ii- , 1 1 5 

Walloon  provinces,  ii.,  280,  328 
Walsingham,  Francis,  Lord,  ii. , 
184,  197,  223,  262 
Wamel,  ii. , 69 

Waroux,  Seignior  de  (Bernard  de 
Merode),  i.,  186 
Wartgelt , retaining  fee  to  troops, 

i.,  67 

Waveron,  i.,  319 
Wedde,  Castle  of,  i.,  297 
Wedding  of  Prince  of  Orange, 
guests  at,  i.,  367 
Weesp,  ii.,  6,  157 
Wehrheim,  i.,  22 
Weilnau,  Old,  i.,  22 
Weltericli,  ii.,  161 
Werf,  Adrian  van  der,  Burgo- 
master of  Leyden,  ii.,  83 
Werve,  Peter  Aaronson,  Van  der, 
i-.  335 

Wesembeck,  J.  van,  i.,  344 
Westerwald,  i.,  349 
Wiesbaden,  mineral  springs,  i.,  2 
Wilhelmi,  Bartholdus,  ii.,  39 
IVilhelmuslied,  ii.,  1,  14,  440 
Willebroek,  i.,  265  et  seq.,  ii., 
221,  241 

Willerval,  Seignior  of  (Adrian 
d'Oygnies),  peace  commis- 
sioner, ii.,  190 

William  the  Elder,  called  Wil- 
liam the  Rich,  see  Nassau 
Wilson,  Dr.,  letters  to  Lord 
Burleigh,  ii.,  172  ; to  Earl  of 
Leicester,  190  ; to  Walsing- 
ham, 197,  199 ; to  Elizabeth, 
200,  212  et  seq. 

Wiltberg,  Heinrich  von,  stew- 
ard of  Count  of  Buren,  i.,  140, 
279,  ii.,  133 

Wittgenstein,  George  de,  ii.,  315 
Woerden,  ii.,  6,  75 
Wolf,  Hartman,  i.,  335 
Wolffven,  Balthasar  von,  i.,  312 


Woltersdorff,  Ulrich,  councillor, 

1.,  140 

Worms,  Diet  of,  1521,  i.,  26 
Wlirtemberg,  i.,  28,  37 
Duke  of,  i.,  275 

Y 

Ypres,  Bishop  of,  i.,  127,  302, 

381 

Yssel,  the,  ii.,  77,  79,  156 
Yuste,  death  of  Emperor  Charles 
in  monastery  of,  i.,  103 
Yvoy,  taken  by  France,  i. , 57 

Z 

Zealand,  i.,  77,  117,  191,  277, 

11.,  3,  5 et  seq.,  12,  22,  36,  39, 
49,  5L  5&»  70,  7d,  86,  91,  93, 
95,  109.  113,  116,  120,  122, 
124  et  seq.,  138,  145  et  seq., 
155  et  seq.,  173,  176  ; estates 
of,  ii.,  182,  185,  190  et  seq., 
216  et  seq.,  232,  239  ; accepts 
union  of  Utrecht,  278,  302,  386 

Zeitalter  der  Reformation,  i.,  52, 
see  von  Ranke 

Zell,  Nicholas,  preacher,  i.,  276 
Zierikzee,  ii.,  55  et  seq.,  116; 
besieged,  118,  129,  130  ; sur- 
render of,  133  et  seq.  ; Span- 
ish mutiny  at,  136  et  seq. ; 
retaken  by  patriots,  ii.,  158 
Zimmerman,  implicated  in  Jaure- 
guy’s  attempt,  ii.,  343 
Zoeterwoude,  village  of,  ii.,  84 
Zomer,  advocate  of  Ghent,  ii., 
321 

Zuider  Zee,  ii.,  38  et  seq. 
Zuleger,  ii.,  45,  99 
Zutplien,  i.,  77,  117,  ii.,  26,  28 
Zwieten,  Herr,  ii.,  107 
Zwingli,  Swiss  reformer,  i.,  245 
Zwolle,  ii.,  28 


923.1492 


v.2 


36938 


